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The conclusion summarizes the interventions made by the preceding chapters on topics of memorialization and placemaking. It asks what “other stories” remain to be told about this conflict and its protracted legacies, and what kinds of sociocultural work are necessary to change public understandings of the past as well as the present. It briefly mentions a series of additional case studies that shed light on alternative dimensions of the war, including Native migrations to Quebec-area communities, and the recent unearthing and identification of the Monhantic Fort in Mashantucket Pequot tribal homelands. Altogether, it underscores the need to understand processes of commemoration within particular historical and geographical contexts, and the importance of revisiting seemingly “final” understandings of the Native Northeast.

The introductory chapter positions tourism as a neocolonial enterprise in which globalization and U.S. imperialism are implicated along with the history of slavery and colonialism. It argues that tourism is one of the most powerful conduits of neocolonialism not only because of economic and political reasons, but also because tourism drastically shapes the socio-cultural landscape of the region. The chapter demonstrates the intersections among tourism and diaspora studies and issues of consumption, mobility, culture, sexuality, and sexual labor. Many critics of tourism are referenced in order to trace the legacy of slavery and colonialism found in the tourist industry, which emerges in economic, socio-political, cultural, and sexual terms. The sexual-cultural politics of tourism are introduced as well the sites of resistance and the methodology and feminist postcolonial framework of “resisting paradise.”

Virginia Woolf holds an unassailable place in twentieth-century literary modernism. What has been insufficiently acknowledged, not least by Woolf herself, is the profound influence of legacies from her nineteenth-century extended family which helped to shape her as a writing woman. Highly significant are the lines of descent from Anny Thackeray Ritchie. I consider Woolf’s inheritance from Ritchie in part, given our location, by exploring their shared connections with Yorkshire. I suggest that Woolf’s response to Ritchie, and to her past in general, is characterised by ambivalence and paradox. Woolf resolves her conflicting cycles of affiliation and rejection by figuring Ritchie as a ‘transparent medium’, in liminal space, obscured but always present.

This chapter provides a regional and comparative analysis of Black Power in the Caribbean context. It first assesses what “blackness” meant within Caribbean conceptions of Black Power and the extent to which it could incorporate the region's many ethnic groups. It then assesses the ideological content of Caribbean Black Power through an analysis of its political, economic and cultural dimensions. Lastly, it addresses the relationship with the North American movement as a means of highlighting both the local specificities of the Caribbean movement and its transnational dynamics. The chapter concludes by reflecting on the mixed legacies of Caribbean Black Power, suggesting that its contribution to theorizing the dynamics of both race and class in the region needs to be revalorized.

In chapter 6, I show how the specific history an immigrant group has with the receiving country is an important aspect of the context of reception which does not receive sufficient attention in segmented assimilation theory’s discussion of the black second generation. I show how national contexts—specifically how national identity and legacies of the past, from slavery, to colonialism, to color segregation—influence identificational assimilation among the second generation. The chapter analyzes respondents’ responses to two questions: What does being British or American mean to you, and do you feel British or American? It explains why, in the American case, most of the second generation articulate shared national myths and sentiments, but in the British case the second generation had narratives that, though widely shared, were not the national myths. Engaging the multiculturalism literature, the chapter discusses how legacies of the past and national identity are two rarely-considered factors affecting immigrants’ integration over time. Given the increased linkages between immigration and national security in discourse and policy, these findings add to our knowledge of the factors impacting the degree of national identification among immigrants.

In 1891, James Taylor received public acclaim for his role in Ceylon’s tea and cinchona enterprises. A mere six months after this public accolade, he was dead and his reputation sullied beforehand. We examine the public scandal surrounding Taylor’s dismissal from his position as superintendent at Loolecoondera, followed by his mysterious death and the public outrage it generated. We conclude with an assessment of Taylor’s legacy in both Sri Lanka and Scotland with a particular emphasis on tourism.

Chapter 1, Colonial Reason, Sensibility, and the Ethnographic Style analyzes the colonial history of efforts to regulate and criminalize cutting in northern Ghana in order to examine the durable traces they left on the present and to expand and retool postcolonial feminist analysis. I want to account for the forms of power-knowledge, affect, and ordering of the world and desires to change it that stretch from colonialism to the present. I show that imperial interventions entailed anti-colonial opposition from within by regional officers posted in what is today northern Ghana whose politics were shaped by a white man’s burden to protect the natives from other white men and women. By examining the larger British governance of northern Ghana, we are able to see how violence and dispossession were enmeshed with the feminist will to knowledge, anthropological taxonomies, and benevolent appreciation of cultural difference and its codification for purposes of securing colonial rule.

Frith and Hodgson’s opening chapter provides a broad overview of the memorialization of slavery in the Francophone world contrary to the lack of memorialization of other forms of labour exploitation. While introducing the chapters that follow, it foregrounds the overarching aims of the volume, which include the desire to transcend nation-centred memories and to question the limitations of the particular terminologies, iconicities and chronologies that frame memories of slavery. It thus provides an introduction to the multiplicity of memories of slavery in the Francophone world, while also moving beyond slavery towards other forms of colonial labour exploitation. It begins by addressing the problem of definitions of slavery and labour exploitation, before moving on to consider state-led commemorative discourses in a comparative framework. Finally, it stresses the need to move towards a more transnational approach to scholarship in slavery studies, while recognizing and exploring specific sites, histories and identities that have been shaped by the history of French-led slavery and its contemporary legacies.

This chapter describes Hindu nationalist examples of national and transnational strategies of social inclusion and exclusion that mobilize gender and sexuality, including strategies that valorize some queer categories and de-valorize others, while also targeting the Hindu nation’s Others (such as Muslims) through complex social operations that draw upon, in part, colonial queerphobic legacies. This chapter contributes to the study of queer sexualities in postcolonial nationalisms through focusing on Hindu nationalism, discussing four social operations that organize the present: xenophobic queerphobia; queerphobic xenophobia, queerphilic idealization, and selective queer national-normativization. Through this work, Bacchetta seeks to complicate the current binary in which queer acceptance is already imagined as always a good thing and is systematically associated with the left, while queer repression is assigned to the right, toward creating and converging in struggles that enrich and support practices of freedom for all.