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This chapter describes and reviews some inconsistent and unactionable advice from Stephen Covey's Seven Habits of Highly Effective People. It also looks at developing effective groups and meetings with Doyle and Strauss, Real Change Leaders (RCLs) by John Katzenback, Transforming Organizations by Kotter, as well as considering executive insight. In Covey's case, it is not clear how a combination of trust and mistrust, accompanied by cover-ups, will bring out the best in people. Nor is it possible to know when patience is a defense. In Doyle and Strauss, it is not clear what the cues are that would lead an advisor or leader to become convinced that a group needs help. RCLs are said to empower everyone by requiring results and accountability, yet their own words strongly suggest this is not the case. RCLs are said to be both tough and participative, yet their own statements do not illustrate this claim.

The chapter explains how the psychological legitimization of the occupation emerged by presenting the various orientations regarding the status of the occupied territories and the perceptions of the Palestinian nation that have prevailed among Israeli Jews from 1967 until the present. It focuses on their reflection in the platforms of the political parties, in the beliefs of the leaders and in public opinion. Viewing the territories as being liberated because they are part of the Jewish homeland, and as belonging exclusively to Jews, and/or that these territories are of supreme importance to secure the existence of the State of Israel, has had imprinting effects on the issue of determining borders, removal of settlements and the division of Jerusalem, as well as on the establishment of a Palestinian State. This view was marginal before the 1967 war, but with the conquest of the West Bank and Gaza Strip it has become a dominant position among the Jewish-Israeli leaders, elite and the public.

The Highlanders were often thought of as victims of their own passivity and restraint during the Highland Clearances: broken by the impact of Culloden, they withdrew into a pathetic stoicism and met their fate without resistance or even volition. They were cowed into submission, led by their ministers who preached cooperation and compliance. The Highlanders turned inward upon themselves and made no resistance to their eviction. The actual record is at variance with the myth.

Transnational and international relations are also crucial to the production of green state effects, and this chapter profiles a range of examples, from climate change diplomacy, to environmental aid programmes, green ratings and indexes, and transnational social movement solidarity. Indeed, it is possible to account for the similarities and differences between Africa’s green states through various forms of international cooperation and conflict. Whereas dominant IR theories and ecological modernisation approaches tend to see international homogeneity, this chapters emphasises the production of difference, of heterogeneity, in Africa’s green state effects. A crucial mechanism for the production of this difference is the way leaders and laggards are produced. There are exemplary cases of environmental good practice, such as Tanzania’s national sustainable development strategy, or South African environmental diplomacy, which are often contrasted with laggards and pollution enclaves, such as the Niger Delta or the South Durban basin. One way to mitigate this uneven international topography is through forms of transnational and international solidarity, and the chapter concludes with the suggestion that critical green solidarity might be an important dimension of postcolonial Pan-Africanism.

This chapter considers the member of the Faculty of Advocates as a part of the College of Justice. There is focus on the educational and social background of advocates and the process by which they joined the Faculty and made a living at the bar. In particular, career development of advocates like Kenneth Mackenzie of Delvine is considered and criteria developed in order to identify the leading practitioners at the Scots bar in the eighteenth century. The fluctuating size of the practising bar is also discussed and contextualised in terms of the rate of litigation within the Court of Session. Non-practising advocates are also identified as a significant group whose status as members of the Faculty still entitled them to act as sheriffs-depute.

This chapter briefly outlines the strategies and tactics used by far right parties and focuses on party organizational structure and its relationship to the way parties perform at the polls. Strong, charismatic leaders, centralized organizational structures and efficient mechanisms for enforcing party discipline are likely to bring better performance than is enjoyed by parties with weaker, less-charismatic leadership, less centralized internal structures and lower levels of party discipline. It also focuses on local and pan-European cooperation by far right parties. The greatest cooperation between parties is visible between the mother parties and their branches abroad. The author also examines the ties of paramilitary organizations to the parties of the far right after 2000. The conclusion is that far right parties no longer have their own paramilitary structures. The only exception is the New Right and an alleged relation to the marginal political party PNG-CD in Romania.

This chapter presents historical documents from the Montgomery bus boycott. These include an address by Georgia novelist Lillian Smith entitled “The Right Way is Not a Moderate Way”; Liberation magazine's Salute to Montgomery; “We Are Still Walking” by Martin Luther King Jr.; the Montgomery Board of Commissioners statement on the Supreme Court decision, December 17, 1956; and working papers presented at the Southern Negro Leaders Conference in Atlanta, which convened on January 10, 1957.

The Labour Party had three leaders in the 1980s. None found the experience fulfilling. James Callaghan, Michael Foot, and Neil Kinnock, as leaders do, sought to convey their purpose and to shape the party; it was their misfortune to try to lead at a moment when the very nature of leadership was questioned, and the motivations of those who led doubted. Their circumstances varied but the outcomes were similar. As each tried to manage the party and appeal to the public, there were challenges to their authority (both formal and informal), representations to convey and misrepresentations to endure, both at the time and subsequently. Though each has been considered individually, this chapter offers the first comparative assessment.

This chapter aims to demonstrate that both Labour and the Conservatives were far more strategically proactive when approaching Minority Government in the 1970s than has been assumed in popular and scholarly accounts. The analysis of the strategy-making processes in both main parties provides new insights by drawing on a combination of recently released papers of bodies including Cabinet and Shadow Cabinet meetings, the No. 10 Policy Unit, the Conservative Research Department (CRD), and correspondence between party leaders and their respective advisers. The examination of the often-overlooked impact of Minority Governments on the formation of strategy ranges from the transformation of established institutions to such innovations as Conservative leader Edward Heath’s ‘Party Strategy Group’, created primarily as a response to the Wilson Minority Government in 1974.

“Developing Learning Agile Leaders: What We Can Learn From the Top Companies for Leaders” describes the link between learning agile leaders and the organizational practices that support and drive this capability. The basis for the insights was derived from nearly 20 years of practitioner research demonstrating the tactics used by leading global organizations of the twenty-first century (Top Companies for Leaders). Furthermore, the chapter examines how the focus on critical aspects of learning agility (e.g., resilience, engaging leadership, and self-awareness) became a tipping point for creating talent programs and practices that nimbly address the changing corporate landscape. The chapter provides tangible examples of learning agility in action to assist practitioners and academicians in the pursuit of unlocking the power of leaders and their teams.

Even with the movement of the states toward standards-based reform, there was no reason to think a similar movement would, or even could, take place at the federal level. The defining characteristic of American education was its decentralization: the Republican Party habitually called for the elimination of the Department of Education, and the Democratic Party confined the federal role to providing aid to disadvantaged students. But over the course of fewer than 20 years, all of this was transformed, culminating in the most far-reaching federal education law in the nation’s history, passed under a Republican president no less. What explains this transformation? Three sets of changes need to be explained: how political actors were realigned, how policies were chosen, and how institutions changed. To begin with the political: How did the Republican Party, which had long been philosophically opposed to a federal role in education and had called for the abolition of the Department of Education as recently as 1996 come to support the biggest nationalization of education in the nation’s history? Why did Congressional Democrats, who in 1991 had strongly opposed a proposal by George H. W. Bush for national standards and testing as unfair to minority students, shift by 2001 to embrace a similar proposal offered by another Republican President, George W. Bush? In short, how did an overwhelming bipartisan political consensus form in favor of policies that had been opposed by large majorities in both parties only 10 years earlier? A second set of questions relates to policy choices. Of all the available policy tools, what explains the choice of standards-based reform as the primary federal response to this perceived crisis? The bipartisan embrace of tough accountability in No Child Left Behind seems particularly hard to account for by conventional interest group explanations, given that teachers unions are consistently rated the strongest players in educational politics and have historically been opposed to greater demands for school or teacher accountability. Why were standards and accountability the chosen policy vehicle, and why did they triumph over interest group opposition?

The Acholi Religious Leaders’ Peace Initiative was formed in the late 1990s, when courageous leaders of Protestant, Catholic, and Muslim communities set their differences aside to help their communities cope with LRA occupation. An initial goal was passage of an amnesty law, inspired in part by post-apartheid reconciliation efforts in South Africa, that would encourage rebel soldiers to return to their communities without fear of imprisonment, or worse. Two other important developments followed: forced relocation of most rural residents from their villages to overcrowded internal displacement camps, where they were confined for a decade or more; and nighttime movements of children still living in rural villages to the school grounds and churchyards of the towns, where they would be safe from nighttime raids. Religious leaders joined the “night commuters” to sleep in their courtyards, and this development at last brought wider attention to the suffering caused by the LRA conflict.

In the early 2000s the civil war in northern Uganda raged on, and ARLPI continued to pursue its goals of assistance to the war’s victims and advocacy for a resolution. Growing international awareness brought more humanitarian assistance and more pressure on the Ugandan government to end the suffering; but government attacks continued, and brutal reprisals followed. Indictment of LRA leaders by the International Criminal Court in The Hague complicated the peace process, because of fears of arrest and extradition. ARLPI and other concerned observers succeeded at last in convening peace talks in Juba in 2006, leading to the withdrawal of LRA forces from Uganda in the years following, in spite of the lack of any formally authorized agreement.

With the LRA’s withdrawal from Uganda and its release of those who had been abducted, ARLPI redirected its efforts to rehabilitation and reconciliation, as described in this chapter. Priorities included forming local communities to direct these efforts, creating mechanisms to resolve land disputes, and overcoming the mentality of dependence instilled in IDP camps. Traditional Acholi rituals helped facilitate the return to their former communities of both LRA combatants and those they had abducted. This chapter also recounts the remarkable story of a man who, after serving as a high-ranking officer and then escaping from the LRA, overcame others’ skepticism and mistrust, earned a university degree, and today works in youth empowerment.

Four questions about healing after conflict that were posed in the Introduction are taken up once more in this closing chapter. Divisions created by colonialism, it is argued, can be overcome, as can longstanding conflicts among ethnic groups and religious communities. ARLPI’s work demonstrates that locally grounded initiatives, guided by close relationships with those most affected, can achieve outcomes that many would consider unattainable. The story of ARLPI also shows that political authority and accountability are richer and more complex phenomena than those of formal government. In an era when political and religious differences impede progress and stifle constructive discourse in so many nations, the religious leaders of northern Uganda exemplify an alternative route to profound social change that is not founded on political theories but on courageous and steadfast shared commitments to seek what is best for all in a community.

This chapter describes the role that the leaders of the Protestant and Catholic churches played in promoting peacebuilding. Religious leaders made many efforts for peacebuilding. Leaders of the Protestant and Catholic Churches in Northern Ireland engaged in peace and reconciliation work by using universal elements of their spiritually to overcome their historical alignments to the mutually hostile communities. The work of the Four Leaders Group and the ‘pleas for peace’ made by the Catholic Church is examined. Then, a consideration of the projects established by the Presbyterian Church and the Church of Ireland is given. The contribution of the Four Leaders Group offered a spear-point for the promotion of peace and understanding. Peacebuilding is a long-term process and the church leaderships have only taken the first step on what could be a long journey.