Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This book examines the recovery of the British Liberal Democrat Party, emphasizing the role of the grassroots party members in shaping this recovery. A number of factors have contributed to the ...
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This book examines the recovery of the British Liberal Democrat Party, emphasizing the role of the grassroots party members in shaping this recovery. A number of factors have contributed to the party’s resurgence, including the performances of its main rivals, the Conservative and Labour parties, and the decline in partisan attachments throughout the entire electorate. However, evidence shows that the grassroots party has played the decisive role in bringing this about. The key players are the men and women who joined the party as members, and then actively worked on its behalf by campaigning or standing in local and national elections when the political climate was cold. A major focus of the book is to examine these people. The future electoral prospects for the party are also discussed, including the question of whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral politics.Less
This book examines the recovery of the British Liberal Democrat Party, emphasizing the role of the grassroots party members in shaping this recovery. A number of factors have contributed to the party’s resurgence, including the performances of its main rivals, the Conservative and Labour parties, and the decline in partisan attachments throughout the entire electorate. However, evidence shows that the grassroots party has played the decisive role in bringing this about. The key players are the men and women who joined the party as members, and then actively worked on its behalf by campaigning or standing in local and national elections when the political climate was cold. A major focus of the book is to examine these people. The future electoral prospects for the party are also discussed, including the question of whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral politics.
Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter begins by looking at long-term support in elections and in the polls for the Liberal Democrats, to see how it has evolved over the last half-century or so. This provides a context within ...
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This chapter begins by looking at long-term support in elections and in the polls for the Liberal Democrats, to see how it has evolved over the last half-century or so. This provides a context within which to judge the party’s future electoral prospects. The analysis of trends in Liberal Democrat voting intentions over a thirty-year period shows that the competitive situation between the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats is significantly greater than the competitive situation between Labour and the Liberal Democrats. It also shows that the party has to wait for its main rivals to make political mistakes and lose support before it can profit by winning over voters. This is described as the political equivalent of ‘waiting for Godot’, meaning that the Liberal Democrats are not the masters of their own electoral fate.Less
This chapter begins by looking at long-term support in elections and in the polls for the Liberal Democrats, to see how it has evolved over the last half-century or so. This provides a context within which to judge the party’s future electoral prospects. The analysis of trends in Liberal Democrat voting intentions over a thirty-year period shows that the competitive situation between the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats is significantly greater than the competitive situation between Labour and the Liberal Democrats. It also shows that the party has to wait for its main rivals to make political mistakes and lose support before it can profit by winning over voters. This is described as the political equivalent of ‘waiting for Godot’, meaning that the Liberal Democrats are not the masters of their own electoral fate.
Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the political prospects of the Liberal Democrat Party. The big question is whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral ...
More
This chapter examines the political prospects of the Liberal Democrat Party. The big question is whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral politics. It begins with an analysis of the necessary conditions for the Liberal Democrats to replace one of the other parties as the second party of British politics. This leads into an examination of the likelihood that these conditions will be met in the foreseeable future. The evidence suggests that the party has a real opportunity to break the existing two-party hegemony at a general election in 2009 or 2010.Less
This chapter examines the political prospects of the Liberal Democrat Party. The big question is whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral politics. It begins with an analysis of the necessary conditions for the Liberal Democrats to replace one of the other parties as the second party of British politics. This leads into an examination of the likelihood that these conditions will be met in the foreseeable future. The evidence suggests that the party has a real opportunity to break the existing two-party hegemony at a general election in 2009 or 2010.
Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This introductory chapter begins with a brief history of the British Liberal Democrat Party, followed by an examination of the evolution of its policy goals over time. The Liberal Democrat Party was ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a brief history of the British Liberal Democrat Party, followed by an examination of the evolution of its policy goals over time. The Liberal Democrat Party was founded in 1988 from a merger of two hitherto independent but allied parties: the Liberal Party and the Social Democratic Party. The former had existed in different forms for more than 300 years, whereas the latter emerged from a split in the Labour Party in 1981. An overview of the chapters included in this volume is presented.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a brief history of the British Liberal Democrat Party, followed by an examination of the evolution of its policy goals over time. The Liberal Democrat Party was founded in 1988 from a merger of two hitherto independent but allied parties: the Liberal Party and the Social Democratic Party. The former had existed in different forms for more than 300 years, whereas the latter emerged from a split in the Labour Party in 1981. An overview of the chapters included in this volume is presented.
Susan E. Scarrow
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279181
- eISBN:
- 9780191600166
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279183.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Traces the post‐1945 organizational developments in the German Social Democratic Party and Christian Democratic Party and in the British Labour and Conservative Parties. Highlights changes in the ...
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Traces the post‐1945 organizational developments in the German Social Democratic Party and Christian Democratic Party and in the British Labour and Conservative Parties. Highlights changes in the parties’ leaderships and in their electoral fortunes, and provides an overview of some of the period's most important party decisions that affect membership structures and rules.Less
Traces the post‐1945 organizational developments in the German Social Democratic Party and Christian Democratic Party and in the British Labour and Conservative Parties. Highlights changes in the parties’ leaderships and in their electoral fortunes, and provides an overview of some of the period's most important party decisions that affect membership structures and rules.
Daniel Béland and André Lecours
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199546848
- eISBN:
- 9780191720468
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546848.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
Chapter 3 looks at Scotland in the United Kingdom to explore the relationship between nationalism and social policy. It explains how the relationship between British nation-building and social policy ...
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Chapter 3 looks at Scotland in the United Kingdom to explore the relationship between nationalism and social policy. It explains how the relationship between British nation-building and social policy emerged during the post-war era and outlines the particular importance of this process in Scotland, which depended more upon social benefits than did the South of England. It then explores the mobilization process favouring devolution for Scotland in the context of social policy retrenchment, and shows how these two issues meshed during Thatcherism. Finally, it analyses the impact of devolution on social policy development in Scotland and in the United Kingdom at large. Although it is too early to draw definite conclusions about the nature and extent of this impact, it is clear that the institutional and political transformations involved in devolution have affected policy processes and outcomes.Less
Chapter 3 looks at Scotland in the United Kingdom to explore the relationship between nationalism and social policy. It explains how the relationship between British nation-building and social policy emerged during the post-war era and outlines the particular importance of this process in Scotland, which depended more upon social benefits than did the South of England. It then explores the mobilization process favouring devolution for Scotland in the context of social policy retrenchment, and shows how these two issues meshed during Thatcherism. Finally, it analyses the impact of devolution on social policy development in Scotland and in the United Kingdom at large. Although it is too early to draw definite conclusions about the nature and extent of this impact, it is clear that the institutional and political transformations involved in devolution have affected policy processes and outcomes.
David Howell
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198203049
- eISBN:
- 9780191719530
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203049.003.0023
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The relationship between the Labour Party and the Communist Party remained unresolved through most of the 1920s. Only in 1928, after several debates resulting in ambiguous decisions, did the Labour ...
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The relationship between the Labour Party and the Communist Party remained unresolved through most of the 1920s. Only in 1928, after several debates resulting in ambiguous decisions, did the Labour Party finally exclude all members of the Communist Party from its institutions. Keen ideological divisions could be emphasized by partisans. Clement Attlee did not share in the welcome for the Bolshevik Revolution. Questions of constitutional propriety and political feasibility were crucial both to the protracted debate and to its eventual outcome. In particular, these concerns focused on the relationship between the Labour Party and its trade union affiliates. The controversy was also shaped by the broader industrial and political contexts. The industrial struggles of 1921 and 1926, the conflicting reappraisals fostered by industrial defeats, electoral optimism and anxieties, the brief fact of the 1924 Labour Government — all were significant. Moreover, the shifting industrial and political strategies of the Communist Party, responding to both domestic and international pressures, left their mark especially on debates within the trade unions.Less
The relationship between the Labour Party and the Communist Party remained unresolved through most of the 1920s. Only in 1928, after several debates resulting in ambiguous decisions, did the Labour Party finally exclude all members of the Communist Party from its institutions. Keen ideological divisions could be emphasized by partisans. Clement Attlee did not share in the welcome for the Bolshevik Revolution. Questions of constitutional propriety and political feasibility were crucial both to the protracted debate and to its eventual outcome. In particular, these concerns focused on the relationship between the Labour Party and its trade union affiliates. The controversy was also shaped by the broader industrial and political contexts. The industrial struggles of 1921 and 1926, the conflicting reappraisals fostered by industrial defeats, electoral optimism and anxieties, the brief fact of the 1924 Labour Government — all were significant. Moreover, the shifting industrial and political strategies of the Communist Party, responding to both domestic and international pressures, left their mark especially on debates within the trade unions.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter discusses the evolution of elite attitudes in all parties. On the Unionist side, some of the earlier props of Unionism fell away (interests of local economic elites; the Empire; ...
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This chapter discusses the evolution of elite attitudes in all parties. On the Unionist side, some of the earlier props of Unionism fell away (interests of local economic elites; the Empire; anti-Catholicism outside NI), while brute facts such as Labour’s dependence on its seats in Scotland and Wales became more important. Labour became a unionist party rather than a devolutionist party in the Beveridge era, when setting and maintaining national standards appeared paramount. Its swing to devolution occurred in the 1960s and 1970s, most dramatically in the summer of 1974. On the anti-Unionist side: the very different trajectories of the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru, and the factions of Irish nationalism, the growth of pro-devolution factions in other parties, and that of English regionalism in some (but not all) regions. 1961 is taken as the starting-point because it was the year of the West Lothian by-election in which the SNP first emerged as a credible force outside wartime. The last ideologue of unionism (Enoch Powell) and the last principled Unionist politician outside Ulster (John Major).Less
This chapter discusses the evolution of elite attitudes in all parties. On the Unionist side, some of the earlier props of Unionism fell away (interests of local economic elites; the Empire; anti-Catholicism outside NI), while brute facts such as Labour’s dependence on its seats in Scotland and Wales became more important. Labour became a unionist party rather than a devolutionist party in the Beveridge era, when setting and maintaining national standards appeared paramount. Its swing to devolution occurred in the 1960s and 1970s, most dramatically in the summer of 1974. On the anti-Unionist side: the very different trajectories of the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru, and the factions of Irish nationalism, the growth of pro-devolution factions in other parties, and that of English regionalism in some (but not all) regions. 1961 is taken as the starting-point because it was the year of the West Lothian by-election in which the SNP first emerged as a credible force outside wartime. The last ideologue of unionism (Enoch Powell) and the last principled Unionist politician outside Ulster (John Major).
Trevor Griffiths
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199247387
- eISBN:
- 9780191714429
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199247387.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The social changes that occurred in Britain in the half-century from 1880 appeared to be registered most graphically through elections. A political system formerly structured around the vertical ties ...
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The social changes that occurred in Britain in the half-century from 1880 appeared to be registered most graphically through elections. A political system formerly structured around the vertical ties of religion and locality came to be replaced by one in which party allegiance was primarily determined by class. This shift is usually discussed in terms of the eclipse of a broadly progressive, pan-class Liberalism by a Labour Party committed to articulating the interests of the organised working class. This chapter explores electoral politics in the coal and cotton industries in Lancashire, testing the more influential arguments against the evidence garnered from Bolton and Wigan. Labour’s growth up to the outbreak of war in 1914 is considered, along with the impact of war and its aftermath, culminating in the restoration of conventional party politics in 1922. The extent to which Labour’s advance in the 1920s can be attributed to the adoption of neighbourhood-based welfarist politics is also examined.Less
The social changes that occurred in Britain in the half-century from 1880 appeared to be registered most graphically through elections. A political system formerly structured around the vertical ties of religion and locality came to be replaced by one in which party allegiance was primarily determined by class. This shift is usually discussed in terms of the eclipse of a broadly progressive, pan-class Liberalism by a Labour Party committed to articulating the interests of the organised working class. This chapter explores electoral politics in the coal and cotton industries in Lancashire, testing the more influential arguments against the evidence garnered from Bolton and Wigan. Labour’s growth up to the outbreak of war in 1914 is considered, along with the impact of war and its aftermath, culminating in the restoration of conventional party politics in 1922. The extent to which Labour’s advance in the 1920s can be attributed to the adoption of neighbourhood-based welfarist politics is also examined.
Stefan Berger
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205005
- eISBN:
- 9780191676451
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205005.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter outlines the national, regional, and local organizational of the British Labour Party and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). It describes working class parties' leadership ...
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This chapter outlines the national, regional, and local organizational of the British Labour Party and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). It describes working class parties' leadership structures, the functions of their party conferences, the nature of party press, and the organization of party finance. It also discusses the bureaucratic, centralistic, and hierarchic nature of both party organizations and analyses their relations with the trade unions.Less
This chapter outlines the national, regional, and local organizational of the British Labour Party and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). It describes working class parties' leadership structures, the functions of their party conferences, the nature of party press, and the organization of party finance. It also discusses the bureaucratic, centralistic, and hierarchic nature of both party organizations and analyses their relations with the trade unions.
David Howell
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198203049
- eISBN:
- 9780191719530
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203049.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The Labour Party became a major political force in Britain during the 1920s. It unexpectedly entered office as a minority government in 1924; five years later as the largest party in the Commons it ...
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The Labour Party became a major political force in Britain during the 1920s. It unexpectedly entered office as a minority government in 1924; five years later as the largest party in the Commons it took office again. For many the party's enhanced status was associated closely with its leader, Ramsay MacDonald. The years of optimism were destroyed by rising unemployment; in August 1931, the second Labour Government faced pressures for public expenditure cuts in the midst of a financial crisis. The Government collapsed, and MacDonald led a new administration composed of erstwhile opponents and a few old colleagues. Labour went into opposition; an early election reduced it to a parliamentary rump. This study offers a uniquely detailed analysis of Labour in the 1920s based on a wide variety of unpublished sources. The emphasis is on the variety of cultural identities available within the party, and demonstrates how disputes over identity made a crucial contribution to the 1931 crisis.Less
The Labour Party became a major political force in Britain during the 1920s. It unexpectedly entered office as a minority government in 1924; five years later as the largest party in the Commons it took office again. For many the party's enhanced status was associated closely with its leader, Ramsay MacDonald. The years of optimism were destroyed by rising unemployment; in August 1931, the second Labour Government faced pressures for public expenditure cuts in the midst of a financial crisis. The Government collapsed, and MacDonald led a new administration composed of erstwhile opponents and a few old colleagues. Labour went into opposition; an early election reduced it to a parliamentary rump. This study offers a uniquely detailed analysis of Labour in the 1920s based on a wide variety of unpublished sources. The emphasis is on the variety of cultural identities available within the party, and demonstrates how disputes over identity made a crucial contribution to the 1931 crisis.
David Howell
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198203049
- eISBN:
- 9780191719530
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203049.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The roots of the Labour Party lay not in its parliamentary organization, but in its extra-parliamentary institutions and affiliated bodies. Some basic party structures went back to the formation of ...
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The roots of the Labour Party lay not in its parliamentary organization, but in its extra-parliamentary institutions and affiliated bodies. Some basic party structures went back to the formation of the Labour Representation Committee in 1900. The foundation conference formulated the principle of affiliated bodies, their deliberations through a system of delegates in an annual conference, and a national executive whose structure would incorporate the range of affiliations. This party world was revised significantly by the constitution of 1918. Its procedures were subsequently affected by the electoral advances of the twenties, and the unexpected arrival in office. There developed patterns of authority, deference, and criticism; party institutions embodied a set of expectations within which a repertoire of tactical maneuvres became established.Less
The roots of the Labour Party lay not in its parliamentary organization, but in its extra-parliamentary institutions and affiliated bodies. Some basic party structures went back to the formation of the Labour Representation Committee in 1900. The foundation conference formulated the principle of affiliated bodies, their deliberations through a system of delegates in an annual conference, and a national executive whose structure would incorporate the range of affiliations. This party world was revised significantly by the constitution of 1918. Its procedures were subsequently affected by the electoral advances of the twenties, and the unexpected arrival in office. There developed patterns of authority, deference, and criticism; party institutions embodied a set of expectations within which a repertoire of tactical maneuvres became established.
David Howell
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198203049
- eISBN:
- 9780191719530
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203049.003.0022
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
When women challenged their assigned place in the Labour Party, and, at least by implication, their official identity as ‘Labour Woman’, their dissent was fuelled by specific and deeply felt ...
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When women challenged their assigned place in the Labour Party, and, at least by implication, their official identity as ‘Labour Woman’, their dissent was fuelled by specific and deeply felt disagreements over policy. The provision of information on birth control by publicly funded clinics proved to be highly controversial for British Labour in the 1920s. On this issue more than any other, conflict developed between the institutions specific to Labour women and the overall party. Wartime experiences had given many working-class women a sense of their own autonomy; a change which raised the possibility of family limitation as a desirable option. As familiar routines re-emerged after the war, depression in staple and well-unionized trades provided a powerful incentive for family limitation. Such sentiments were fired by a belief that the lives of working-class women did not have to be confined and damaged by successive and frequently difficult pregnancies, each adding to the pressure on already meagre household budgets. For the politically active, their involvement in the Labour Party's Women's Sections was a declaration against passivity and acquiescence.Less
When women challenged their assigned place in the Labour Party, and, at least by implication, their official identity as ‘Labour Woman’, their dissent was fuelled by specific and deeply felt disagreements over policy. The provision of information on birth control by publicly funded clinics proved to be highly controversial for British Labour in the 1920s. On this issue more than any other, conflict developed between the institutions specific to Labour women and the overall party. Wartime experiences had given many working-class women a sense of their own autonomy; a change which raised the possibility of family limitation as a desirable option. As familiar routines re-emerged after the war, depression in staple and well-unionized trades provided a powerful incentive for family limitation. Such sentiments were fired by a belief that the lives of working-class women did not have to be confined and damaged by successive and frequently difficult pregnancies, each adding to the pressure on already meagre household budgets. For the politically active, their involvement in the Labour Party's Women's Sections was a declaration against passivity and acquiescence.
David Howell
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198203049
- eISBN:
- 9780191719530
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203049.003.0019
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The 1929 General Election was in formal terms a success for the Independent Labour Party (ILP). Of the fifty-six candidates sponsored by the party, thirty-seven were successful, more than doubling ...
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The 1929 General Election was in formal terms a success for the Independent Labour Party (ILP). Of the fifty-six candidates sponsored by the party, thirty-seven were successful, more than doubling the previous number of sponsored Members. Many other MPs claimed to hold ILP cards and overall the potential membership of the ILP Parliamentary Group exceeded 200. The new Cabinet included neither John Wheatley nor Fred Jowett. Although both had sat in the 1924 Cabinet, they had been identified with the ILP's shift to the left. In contrast, Thomas Johnston and Emmanuel Shinwell, both active in the ILP and both critical of James Maxton, were appointed to posts outside the Cabinet. Although the Labour Party had not achieved a parliamentary majority, its advance since 1924 was impressive. For the first time, it was the largest party in the House of Commons. The Tory Opposition seemed demoralized; world recession had not yet hit the British economy.Less
The 1929 General Election was in formal terms a success for the Independent Labour Party (ILP). Of the fifty-six candidates sponsored by the party, thirty-seven were successful, more than doubling the previous number of sponsored Members. Many other MPs claimed to hold ILP cards and overall the potential membership of the ILP Parliamentary Group exceeded 200. The new Cabinet included neither John Wheatley nor Fred Jowett. Although both had sat in the 1924 Cabinet, they had been identified with the ILP's shift to the left. In contrast, Thomas Johnston and Emmanuel Shinwell, both active in the ILP and both critical of James Maxton, were appointed to posts outside the Cabinet. Although the Labour Party had not achieved a parliamentary majority, its advance since 1924 was impressive. For the first time, it was the largest party in the House of Commons. The Tory Opposition seemed demoralized; world recession had not yet hit the British economy.
Stephen Brooke
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202851
- eISBN:
- 9780191675560
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202851.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This history of the Labour Party during the Second World War offers a fresh look at British politics during the war years. The author examines the effect of war upon the party's ideology and policy, ...
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This history of the Labour Party during the Second World War offers a fresh look at British politics during the war years. The author examines the effect of war upon the party's ideology and policy, the experience in government of Labour leaders such as Clement Attlee and Hugh Dalton, and the tensions produced within the party by the circumstances of war. The study calls into question the long-standing belief in an atmosphere of consensus among the political parties. The author's analysis uncovers the sharp ideological differences that persisted throughout the war years and after. It also demonstrates the impact of the war on the development of Labour's socialism. The Labour victory in the 1945 election remains one of the most significant turning points in modern British history, setting Britain on a new course towards the welfare state and the managed economy.Less
This history of the Labour Party during the Second World War offers a fresh look at British politics during the war years. The author examines the effect of war upon the party's ideology and policy, the experience in government of Labour leaders such as Clement Attlee and Hugh Dalton, and the tensions produced within the party by the circumstances of war. The study calls into question the long-standing belief in an atmosphere of consensus among the political parties. The author's analysis uncovers the sharp ideological differences that persisted throughout the war years and after. It also demonstrates the impact of the war on the development of Labour's socialism. The Labour victory in the 1945 election remains one of the most significant turning points in modern British history, setting Britain on a new course towards the welfare state and the managed economy.
Martin Ceadel
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199571161
- eISBN:
- 9780191721762
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199571161.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
Sir Norman Angell, pioneer both of international relations as a distinct discipline and of the theory of globalization, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, and one of the 20th century's leading ...
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Sir Norman Angell, pioneer both of international relations as a distinct discipline and of the theory of globalization, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, and one of the 20th century's leading internationalist campaigners on both sides of the Atlantic, lived the great illusion in three senses. First, his ‘life job’, as he came to call it, was founded upon and defined by The Great Illusion, a best-seller whose original version appeared in 1909: it perceptively showed how economic interdependence would prevent great powers profiting from war; yet it made other, less felicitous, claims from whose implications he spent decades trying to extricate himself. Second, his magnum opus and all his best work derived, to an extent unusual for a public intellectual, not from abstract thinking but from an eventful and varied life as a jobbing journalist in four countries, a cowboy, land-speculator, and gold-prospector in California, production manager of the continental edition of the Daily Mail, author, lecturer, pig farmer, Labour MP, entrepreneur, and campaigner for collective security. Third, he fostered many an enduring illusion about himself by at various times giving wrongly his age, name, nationality, marital status, key career dates, and core beliefs. By dint of careful detective work, this first biography of Angell reveals the truth about a remarkable life that has hitherto been much misrepresented and misinterpreted.Less
Sir Norman Angell, pioneer both of international relations as a distinct discipline and of the theory of globalization, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, and one of the 20th century's leading internationalist campaigners on both sides of the Atlantic, lived the great illusion in three senses. First, his ‘life job’, as he came to call it, was founded upon and defined by The Great Illusion, a best-seller whose original version appeared in 1909: it perceptively showed how economic interdependence would prevent great powers profiting from war; yet it made other, less felicitous, claims from whose implications he spent decades trying to extricate himself. Second, his magnum opus and all his best work derived, to an extent unusual for a public intellectual, not from abstract thinking but from an eventful and varied life as a jobbing journalist in four countries, a cowboy, land-speculator, and gold-prospector in California, production manager of the continental edition of the Daily Mail, author, lecturer, pig farmer, Labour MP, entrepreneur, and campaigner for collective security. Third, he fostered many an enduring illusion about himself by at various times giving wrongly his age, name, nationality, marital status, key career dates, and core beliefs. By dint of careful detective work, this first biography of Angell reveals the truth about a remarkable life that has hitherto been much misrepresented and misinterpreted.
David Howell
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198203049
- eISBN:
- 9780191719530
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203049.003.0018
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In April 1926, James Maxton became chairman of the Independent Labour Party (ILP). More than anyone, he would symbolize the party's radicalization. He also evoked affection from many outside and ...
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In April 1926, James Maxton became chairman of the Independent Labour Party (ILP). More than anyone, he would symbolize the party's radicalization. He also evoked affection from many outside and inside the ILP who nevertheless queried his political judgements. Maxton became chairman just as the first fruits of Clifford Allen's drive for a new party were appearing. Six commissions had been appointed to devise new policies, the most important of which acquired its formal authorization at the Gloucester Conference of 1925. Its remit was to develop a programme for the abolition of poverty within the broader context of an advance towards socialism. The commission's membership was impressive, led by J. A. Hobson as chairman and H. N. Brailsford as secretary. This commission epitomized the blend of progressive liberalism and ILP ethical socialism that characterized Allen's hopes for the Left. This chapter looks at the ILP's socialist agenda, economic policy, and politics with regards to its relationship with the Labour Party.Less
In April 1926, James Maxton became chairman of the Independent Labour Party (ILP). More than anyone, he would symbolize the party's radicalization. He also evoked affection from many outside and inside the ILP who nevertheless queried his political judgements. Maxton became chairman just as the first fruits of Clifford Allen's drive for a new party were appearing. Six commissions had been appointed to devise new policies, the most important of which acquired its formal authorization at the Gloucester Conference of 1925. Its remit was to develop a programme for the abolition of poverty within the broader context of an advance towards socialism. The commission's membership was impressive, led by J. A. Hobson as chairman and H. N. Brailsford as secretary. This commission epitomized the blend of progressive liberalism and ILP ethical socialism that characterized Allen's hopes for the Left. This chapter looks at the ILP's socialist agenda, economic policy, and politics with regards to its relationship with the Labour Party.
David Howell
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198203049
- eISBN:
- 9780191719530
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203049.003.0020
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The Labour Party meeting held in the spring of 1924 featured two new party recruits, Oswald and Cynthia Mosley. The inclusion of a woman was indicative of the degree to which the Labour Party was ...
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The Labour Party meeting held in the spring of 1924 featured two new party recruits, Oswald and Cynthia Mosley. The inclusion of a woman was indicative of the degree to which the Labour Party was integrated into the dominant culture, an integration which limited any iconoclasm and involved an effective acquiescence in inequalities. In the election of November 1922, Labour gained three seats in Sheffield, a city where Liberalism was in confused retreat. These parliamentary successes were the prelude to a Labour majority on the city council four years later. In a heavily industrial city, these advances seemed indicative of the party's potential strength amongst specific working-class occupations. Yet none of Sheffield's Labour victors in 1922 came from the trade union movement. For some recruits, the Labour Party of Ramsay MacDonald and Philip Snowden seemed attractive. In the 1920s, this pattern of recruitment seemed to highlight a shift in progressive politics that fitted into a broader vision of Labour's Forward March. This presentation simplified the complex routes by which Liberals crossed into the Labour Party.Less
The Labour Party meeting held in the spring of 1924 featured two new party recruits, Oswald and Cynthia Mosley. The inclusion of a woman was indicative of the degree to which the Labour Party was integrated into the dominant culture, an integration which limited any iconoclasm and involved an effective acquiescence in inequalities. In the election of November 1922, Labour gained three seats in Sheffield, a city where Liberalism was in confused retreat. These parliamentary successes were the prelude to a Labour majority on the city council four years later. In a heavily industrial city, these advances seemed indicative of the party's potential strength amongst specific working-class occupations. Yet none of Sheffield's Labour victors in 1922 came from the trade union movement. For some recruits, the Labour Party of Ramsay MacDonald and Philip Snowden seemed attractive. In the 1920s, this pattern of recruitment seemed to highlight a shift in progressive politics that fitted into a broader vision of Labour's Forward March. This presentation simplified the complex routes by which Liberals crossed into the Labour Party.
David Howell
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198203049
- eISBN:
- 9780191719530
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203049.003.0021
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In the 1920s, Margaret Bondfield had symbolized more than any other individual the status of women in Labour Party politics; she was a Member of Parliament in 1923-1924 and from 1926, a junior ...
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In the 1920s, Margaret Bondfield had symbolized more than any other individual the status of women in Labour Party politics; she was a Member of Parliament in 1923-1924 and from 1926, a junior Minister in 1924, and the first woman Cabinet Minister in 1929. This was coupled with prominence in the trade union world, playing a key role in the Trades Union Congress (TUC). Her role in both industrial and political activities involved a discourse that played down and often denied the distinctiveness of women 's interests within the labour movement. Pre-1914, Bondfield had been a women's trade union organizer, an adult suffragist, and a prominent member of the Independent Labour Party. Later she marginalized and frequently criticized feminist concerns, her socialism became much more formal, and her union was absorbed into the National Union of General and Municipal Workers. Within both party and the TUC she became a stalwart of the Right, a keen supporter of Ramsay MacDonald and a strong anti-Communist.Less
In the 1920s, Margaret Bondfield had symbolized more than any other individual the status of women in Labour Party politics; she was a Member of Parliament in 1923-1924 and from 1926, a junior Minister in 1924, and the first woman Cabinet Minister in 1929. This was coupled with prominence in the trade union world, playing a key role in the Trades Union Congress (TUC). Her role in both industrial and political activities involved a discourse that played down and often denied the distinctiveness of women 's interests within the labour movement. Pre-1914, Bondfield had been a women's trade union organizer, an adult suffragist, and a prominent member of the Independent Labour Party. Later she marginalized and frequently criticized feminist concerns, her socialism became much more formal, and her union was absorbed into the National Union of General and Municipal Workers. Within both party and the TUC she became a stalwart of the Right, a keen supporter of Ramsay MacDonald and a strong anti-Communist.
Uwe Jun
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter shows the professionalization of the political class in Great Britain, a country that until the early 1970s was dominated by the amateur politician. Both major parties in Britain, the ...
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This chapter shows the professionalization of the political class in Great Britain, a country that until the early 1970s was dominated by the amateur politician. Both major parties in Britain, the Conservatives and the Labour Party, created the crucial preconditions for the emergence and establishment of the political class, and it was in their interest to accelerate the process of professional i zation. Basic conditions have been carried through the steady increase of MPs’ salaries since the 1970s, an expansion of political occupations, and different mechanisms for career maintenance. Moreover, previous institutional reforms have not changed the composition of the p o litical class as much as they have strengthened the process of professionalization of the existing political class. Newly developed political networks within different policy areas foster the development of the career politician, who early in his or her career e n ters politics and wants to stay there; the networks facilitate both entry into politics and maint e nance within the political class.Less
This chapter shows the professionalization of the political class in Great Britain, a country that until the early 1970s was dominated by the amateur politician. Both major parties in Britain, the Conservatives and the Labour Party, created the crucial preconditions for the emergence and establishment of the political class, and it was in their interest to accelerate the process of professional i zation. Basic conditions have been carried through the steady increase of MPs’ salaries since the 1970s, an expansion of political occupations, and different mechanisms for career maintenance. Moreover, previous institutional reforms have not changed the composition of the p o litical class as much as they have strengthened the process of professionalization of the existing political class. Newly developed political networks within different policy areas foster the development of the career politician, who early in his or her career e n ters politics and wants to stay there; the networks facilitate both entry into politics and maint e nance within the political class.
