Andrew Hindmoor
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273140
- eISBN:
- 9780191601897
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273146.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This book examines how New Labour repositioned itself at the ‘centre-ground’. It argues that policy changes alone cannot account for the change in spatial position. New Labour did not simply move to ...
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This book examines how New Labour repositioned itself at the ‘centre-ground’. It argues that policy changes alone cannot account for the change in spatial position. New Labour did not simply move to the centre, but constructed it. It persuaded the media, voters and other parties that it had moved to centre, and constructed its policies as centrist.Less
This book examines how New Labour repositioned itself at the ‘centre-ground’. It argues that policy changes alone cannot account for the change in spatial position. New Labour did not simply move to the centre, but constructed it. It persuaded the media, voters and other parties that it had moved to centre, and constructed its policies as centrist.
Vernon Bogdanor (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263334
- eISBN:
- 9780191734564
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263334.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Drawing together work presented at a conference held at the British Academy, this book provides a broad overview of one of the most significant aspects of modern government. Joined-up government is a ...
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Drawing together work presented at a conference held at the British Academy, this book provides a broad overview of one of the most significant aspects of modern government. Joined-up government is a key theme of modern government. The Labour government, first elected in 1997, decided that intractable problems such as social exclusion, drug addiction and crime could not be resolved by any single department of government. Instead, such problems had to be made the object of a concerted attack using all the arms of government — central and local government and public agencies, as well as the private and voluntary sectors. This book seeks to analyse ‘joined-up government’, to consider its history, and to evaluate its consequences for British institutions such as the Cabinet, the civil service and local authorities. Is joined-up government a new idea, or merely a new label for a very old idea? What lessons can be learnt from previous attempts at joined-up government? How does it affect our traditional constitutional conceptions relating to Cabinet government, a politically neutral and non-partisan civil service, and an independent system of local government? Will it lead to the concentration of power in 10 Downing Street or is it compatible with a political system based on checks and balances?Less
Drawing together work presented at a conference held at the British Academy, this book provides a broad overview of one of the most significant aspects of modern government. Joined-up government is a key theme of modern government. The Labour government, first elected in 1997, decided that intractable problems such as social exclusion, drug addiction and crime could not be resolved by any single department of government. Instead, such problems had to be made the object of a concerted attack using all the arms of government — central and local government and public agencies, as well as the private and voluntary sectors. This book seeks to analyse ‘joined-up government’, to consider its history, and to evaluate its consequences for British institutions such as the Cabinet, the civil service and local authorities. Is joined-up government a new idea, or merely a new label for a very old idea? What lessons can be learnt from previous attempts at joined-up government? How does it affect our traditional constitutional conceptions relating to Cabinet government, a politically neutral and non-partisan civil service, and an independent system of local government? Will it lead to the concentration of power in 10 Downing Street or is it compatible with a political system based on checks and balances?
Ian Clark
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199297009
- eISBN:
- 9780191711428
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297009.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Perhaps the least discussed aspect of the 1919 settlement is its provisions on social justice, and yet an entire section of the Versailles Treaty and an article of the League Covenant were devoted to ...
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Perhaps the least discussed aspect of the 1919 settlement is its provisions on social justice, and yet an entire section of the Versailles Treaty and an article of the League Covenant were devoted to the international regulation of labour, which resulted in establishment of the International Labour Organization. These developments reflected the activities of the trade union movement, and particularly its Congresses during the war, as well as heightened sensitivity to labour in the context of both the war and the outbreak of the Russian revolution. It is clear that inclusion of a section on labour was sponsored by all of the Big Three powers for various political and instrumental reasons. What was radically new about the structure of the ILO was that it allowed membership from state representatives, but also from business and labour, thereby recognizing world society membership in an otherwise international society forum. The decisive argument was that social justice was properly the business of international society because it was fundamental to achieving international peace.Less
Perhaps the least discussed aspect of the 1919 settlement is its provisions on social justice, and yet an entire section of the Versailles Treaty and an article of the League Covenant were devoted to the international regulation of labour, which resulted in establishment of the International Labour Organization. These developments reflected the activities of the trade union movement, and particularly its Congresses during the war, as well as heightened sensitivity to labour in the context of both the war and the outbreak of the Russian revolution. It is clear that inclusion of a section on labour was sponsored by all of the Big Three powers for various political and instrumental reasons. What was radically new about the structure of the ILO was that it allowed membership from state representatives, but also from business and labour, thereby recognizing world society membership in an otherwise international society forum. The decisive argument was that social justice was properly the business of international society because it was fundamental to achieving international peace.
Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This book examines the recovery of the British Liberal Democrat Party, emphasizing the role of the grassroots party members in shaping this recovery. A number of factors have contributed to the ...
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This book examines the recovery of the British Liberal Democrat Party, emphasizing the role of the grassroots party members in shaping this recovery. A number of factors have contributed to the party’s resurgence, including the performances of its main rivals, the Conservative and Labour parties, and the decline in partisan attachments throughout the entire electorate. However, evidence shows that the grassroots party has played the decisive role in bringing this about. The key players are the men and women who joined the party as members, and then actively worked on its behalf by campaigning or standing in local and national elections when the political climate was cold. A major focus of the book is to examine these people. The future electoral prospects for the party are also discussed, including the question of whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral politics.Less
This book examines the recovery of the British Liberal Democrat Party, emphasizing the role of the grassroots party members in shaping this recovery. A number of factors have contributed to the party’s resurgence, including the performances of its main rivals, the Conservative and Labour parties, and the decline in partisan attachments throughout the entire electorate. However, evidence shows that the grassroots party has played the decisive role in bringing this about. The key players are the men and women who joined the party as members, and then actively worked on its behalf by campaigning or standing in local and national elections when the political climate was cold. A major focus of the book is to examine these people. The future electoral prospects for the party are also discussed, including the question of whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral politics.
Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This introductory chapter begins with a brief history of the British Liberal Democrat Party, followed by an examination of the evolution of its policy goals over time. The Liberal Democrat Party was ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a brief history of the British Liberal Democrat Party, followed by an examination of the evolution of its policy goals over time. The Liberal Democrat Party was founded in 1988 from a merger of two hitherto independent but allied parties: the Liberal Party and the Social Democratic Party. The former had existed in different forms for more than 300 years, whereas the latter emerged from a split in the Labour Party in 1981. An overview of the chapters included in this volume is presented.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a brief history of the British Liberal Democrat Party, followed by an examination of the evolution of its policy goals over time. The Liberal Democrat Party was founded in 1988 from a merger of two hitherto independent but allied parties: the Liberal Party and the Social Democratic Party. The former had existed in different forms for more than 300 years, whereas the latter emerged from a split in the Labour Party in 1981. An overview of the chapters included in this volume is presented.
Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter begins by looking at long-term support in elections and in the polls for the Liberal Democrats, to see how it has evolved over the last half-century or so. This provides a context within ...
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This chapter begins by looking at long-term support in elections and in the polls for the Liberal Democrats, to see how it has evolved over the last half-century or so. This provides a context within which to judge the party’s future electoral prospects. The analysis of trends in Liberal Democrat voting intentions over a thirty-year period shows that the competitive situation between the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats is significantly greater than the competitive situation between Labour and the Liberal Democrats. It also shows that the party has to wait for its main rivals to make political mistakes and lose support before it can profit by winning over voters. This is described as the political equivalent of ‘waiting for Godot’, meaning that the Liberal Democrats are not the masters of their own electoral fate.Less
This chapter begins by looking at long-term support in elections and in the polls for the Liberal Democrats, to see how it has evolved over the last half-century or so. This provides a context within which to judge the party’s future electoral prospects. The analysis of trends in Liberal Democrat voting intentions over a thirty-year period shows that the competitive situation between the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats is significantly greater than the competitive situation between Labour and the Liberal Democrats. It also shows that the party has to wait for its main rivals to make political mistakes and lose support before it can profit by winning over voters. This is described as the political equivalent of ‘waiting for Godot’, meaning that the Liberal Democrats are not the masters of their own electoral fate.
Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the political prospects of the Liberal Democrat Party. The big question is whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral ...
More
This chapter examines the political prospects of the Liberal Democrat Party. The big question is whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral politics. It begins with an analysis of the necessary conditions for the Liberal Democrats to replace one of the other parties as the second party of British politics. This leads into an examination of the likelihood that these conditions will be met in the foreseeable future. The evidence suggests that the party has a real opportunity to break the existing two-party hegemony at a general election in 2009 or 2010.Less
This chapter examines the political prospects of the Liberal Democrat Party. The big question is whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral politics. It begins with an analysis of the necessary conditions for the Liberal Democrats to replace one of the other parties as the second party of British politics. This leads into an examination of the likelihood that these conditions will be met in the foreseeable future. The evidence suggests that the party has a real opportunity to break the existing two-party hegemony at a general election in 2009 or 2010.
Roger Undy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199544943
- eISBN:
- 9780191719936
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199544943.003.0009
- Subject:
- Business and Management, HRM / IR
The effect of mergers on the partner unions' post‐merger performance is addressed before assessing the implications of union mergers for the wider trade union movements' revitalization. It is ...
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The effect of mergers on the partner unions' post‐merger performance is addressed before assessing the implications of union mergers for the wider trade union movements' revitalization. It is concluded that transfers in general benefit the minor or transferor unions rather than the major or transferee unions. Amalgamations, in contrast, have more mixed outcomes. They offer an opportunity for transformation, but this is frequently hard to achieve post‐merger. As for British union mergers' wider revitalization effects, these are incidental and problematic.Less
The effect of mergers on the partner unions' post‐merger performance is addressed before assessing the implications of union mergers for the wider trade union movements' revitalization. It is concluded that transfers in general benefit the minor or transferor unions rather than the major or transferee unions. Amalgamations, in contrast, have more mixed outcomes. They offer an opportunity for transformation, but this is frequently hard to achieve post‐merger. As for British union mergers' wider revitalization effects, these are incidental and problematic.
Anthony F. Heath, Roger M. Jowell, and John K. Curtice
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245116
- eISBN:
- 9780191599453
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245118.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The authors analyse the long process of modernization of the Labour party that had its origins in Neil Kinnock's period as a leader of the party between 1983 and 1992 and that culminated in Labour's ...
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The authors analyse the long process of modernization of the Labour party that had its origins in Neil Kinnock's period as a leader of the party between 1983 and 1992 and that culminated in Labour's victory in the 1997 general election. Heath, Jowell, and Curtice draw the conclusion that on the non‐economic issues such as disarmament, Europe, and devolution, Tony Blair's New Labour was merely a continuation of Neil Kinnock's policy. It was Neil Kinnock not Tony Blair who had made the radical break with Labour's recent past. However, on economic issues New Labour made a clearer break with its Old Labour inheritance—on nationalization, unions, government spending, and taxation, New Labour adopted many Thatcherite precepts. The decisive move of New Labour towards the centre on the economic issues, did have major electoral benefits because it squeezed the Liberal Democrats’ share of the vote on the centre‐left, but it also captured ground on the centre‐right from the Conservatives. New Labour's move to the centre also disrupted the usual patterns of vote‐switching; more Conservatives than usual switching directly to Labour rather than to the Liberal Democrats.Less
The authors analyse the long process of modernization of the Labour party that had its origins in Neil Kinnock's period as a leader of the party between 1983 and 1992 and that culminated in Labour's victory in the 1997 general election. Heath, Jowell, and Curtice draw the conclusion that on the non‐economic issues such as disarmament, Europe, and devolution, Tony Blair's New Labour was merely a continuation of Neil Kinnock's policy. It was Neil Kinnock not Tony Blair who had made the radical break with Labour's recent past. However, on economic issues New Labour made a clearer break with its Old Labour inheritance—on nationalization, unions, government spending, and taxation, New Labour adopted many Thatcherite precepts. The decisive move of New Labour towards the centre on the economic issues, did have major electoral benefits because it squeezed the Liberal Democrats’ share of the vote on the centre‐left, but it also captured ground on the centre‐right from the Conservatives. New Labour's move to the centre also disrupted the usual patterns of vote‐switching; more Conservatives than usual switching directly to Labour rather than to the Liberal Democrats.
Anthony F. Heath, Roger M. Jowell, and John K. Curtice
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245116
- eISBN:
- 9780191599453
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245118.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The central hypothesis tested in this chapter is that Labour's traditional constituency in the working class did not respond with enthusiasm to New Labour's apparent lack of concern with their ...
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The central hypothesis tested in this chapter is that Labour's traditional constituency in the working class did not respond with enthusiasm to New Labour's apparent lack of concern with their interests and may have shown some reluctance to turn out and vote for the party. The authors emphasize the smallness of the changes that occurred in the patterns of abstention and strength of partisanship in 1997, but nevertheless, they find some strong hints from the data presented in the chapter that New Labour's move to the centre was, albeit in a rather modest way, responsible for muted enthusiasm among the party's traditional supporters. The analysis also suggests that the changes were specific to Labour and were not part of a general trend towards civic disengagement or political cynicism. The authors discuss the short‐term and the long‐term electoral consequences of these changes—the loss of Labour votes that this muted enthusiasm entailed would have been more than compensated by the extra votes won from the new recruits to Labour in the middle classes. In the longer term, however, this could lead to increased apathy and disengagement among the disadvantaged sectors of society and to a gradual rise in class non‐voting.Less
The central hypothesis tested in this chapter is that Labour's traditional constituency in the working class did not respond with enthusiasm to New Labour's apparent lack of concern with their interests and may have shown some reluctance to turn out and vote for the party. The authors emphasize the smallness of the changes that occurred in the patterns of abstention and strength of partisanship in 1997, but nevertheless, they find some strong hints from the data presented in the chapter that New Labour's move to the centre was, albeit in a rather modest way, responsible for muted enthusiasm among the party's traditional supporters. The analysis also suggests that the changes were specific to Labour and were not part of a general trend towards civic disengagement or political cynicism. The authors discuss the short‐term and the long‐term electoral consequences of these changes—the loss of Labour votes that this muted enthusiasm entailed would have been more than compensated by the extra votes won from the new recruits to Labour in the middle classes. In the longer term, however, this could lead to increased apathy and disengagement among the disadvantaged sectors of society and to a gradual rise in class non‐voting.
John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266579
- eISBN:
- 9780191601446
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266573.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The chapter is highly critical of the Wilson cabinet's failure to defend Northern Ireland's first consociational experiment, the Sunningdale Agreement, although it concedes that this agreement may ...
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The chapter is highly critical of the Wilson cabinet's failure to defend Northern Ireland's first consociational experiment, the Sunningdale Agreement, although it concedes that this agreement may have had an inevitable encounter with a coroner. It analyses the government's reaction to the 1974 strike by the Ulster Workers Council, which led to the demise of Sunningdale. The chapter also illustrates the limits of the Callaghan government's policies in Northern Ireland, including its flawed experiments in ‘Ulsterization’, ‘normalization’, and ‘criminalization’.Less
The chapter is highly critical of the Wilson cabinet's failure to defend Northern Ireland's first consociational experiment, the Sunningdale Agreement, although it concedes that this agreement may have had an inevitable encounter with a coroner. It analyses the government's reaction to the 1974 strike by the Ulster Workers Council, which led to the demise of Sunningdale. The chapter also illustrates the limits of the Callaghan government's policies in Northern Ireland, including its flawed experiments in ‘Ulsterization’, ‘normalization’, and ‘criminalization’.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter discusses the evolution of elite attitudes in all parties. On the Unionist side, some of the earlier props of Unionism fell away (interests of local economic elites; the Empire; ...
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This chapter discusses the evolution of elite attitudes in all parties. On the Unionist side, some of the earlier props of Unionism fell away (interests of local economic elites; the Empire; anti-Catholicism outside NI), while brute facts such as Labour’s dependence on its seats in Scotland and Wales became more important. Labour became a unionist party rather than a devolutionist party in the Beveridge era, when setting and maintaining national standards appeared paramount. Its swing to devolution occurred in the 1960s and 1970s, most dramatically in the summer of 1974. On the anti-Unionist side: the very different trajectories of the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru, and the factions of Irish nationalism, the growth of pro-devolution factions in other parties, and that of English regionalism in some (but not all) regions. 1961 is taken as the starting-point because it was the year of the West Lothian by-election in which the SNP first emerged as a credible force outside wartime. The last ideologue of unionism (Enoch Powell) and the last principled Unionist politician outside Ulster (John Major).Less
This chapter discusses the evolution of elite attitudes in all parties. On the Unionist side, some of the earlier props of Unionism fell away (interests of local economic elites; the Empire; anti-Catholicism outside NI), while brute facts such as Labour’s dependence on its seats in Scotland and Wales became more important. Labour became a unionist party rather than a devolutionist party in the Beveridge era, when setting and maintaining national standards appeared paramount. Its swing to devolution occurred in the 1960s and 1970s, most dramatically in the summer of 1974. On the anti-Unionist side: the very different trajectories of the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru, and the factions of Irish nationalism, the growth of pro-devolution factions in other parties, and that of English regionalism in some (but not all) regions. 1961 is taken as the starting-point because it was the year of the West Lothian by-election in which the SNP first emerged as a credible force outside wartime. The last ideologue of unionism (Enoch Powell) and the last principled Unionist politician outside Ulster (John Major).
Andrew Hindmoor
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273140
- eISBN:
- 9780191601897
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273146.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter discusses the four differences in the ways to view the process of party competition. These differences involve the relationship between the policies and positions of a party, the ...
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This chapter discusses the four differences in the ways to view the process of party competition. These differences involve the relationship between the policies and positions of a party, the political significance of political arguments or spin, creativity, and the amount of choice parties have. Based on these, it is argued that New Labour’s electoral future remains uncertain.Less
This chapter discusses the four differences in the ways to view the process of party competition. These differences involve the relationship between the policies and positions of a party, the political significance of political arguments or spin, creativity, and the amount of choice parties have. Based on these, it is argued that New Labour’s electoral future remains uncertain.
Stephen Brooke
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202851
- eISBN:
- 9780191675560
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202851.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This history of the Labour Party during the Second World War offers a fresh look at British politics during the war years. The author examines the effect of war upon the party's ideology and policy, ...
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This history of the Labour Party during the Second World War offers a fresh look at British politics during the war years. The author examines the effect of war upon the party's ideology and policy, the experience in government of Labour leaders such as Clement Attlee and Hugh Dalton, and the tensions produced within the party by the circumstances of war. The study calls into question the long-standing belief in an atmosphere of consensus among the political parties. The author's analysis uncovers the sharp ideological differences that persisted throughout the war years and after. It also demonstrates the impact of the war on the development of Labour's socialism. The Labour victory in the 1945 election remains one of the most significant turning points in modern British history, setting Britain on a new course towards the welfare state and the managed economy.Less
This history of the Labour Party during the Second World War offers a fresh look at British politics during the war years. The author examines the effect of war upon the party's ideology and policy, the experience in government of Labour leaders such as Clement Attlee and Hugh Dalton, and the tensions produced within the party by the circumstances of war. The study calls into question the long-standing belief in an atmosphere of consensus among the political parties. The author's analysis uncovers the sharp ideological differences that persisted throughout the war years and after. It also demonstrates the impact of the war on the development of Labour's socialism. The Labour victory in the 1945 election remains one of the most significant turning points in modern British history, setting Britain on a new course towards the welfare state and the managed economy.
Andrew Hindmoor
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273140
- eISBN:
- 9780191601897
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273146.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This introductory chapter explores the conception of the political centre. New Labour secured election victories in 1997 and 2001 by presenting itself as the party at the centre. It is argued that ...
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This introductory chapter explores the conception of the political centre. New Labour secured election victories in 1997 and 2001 by presenting itself as the party at the centre. It is argued that the party did not move to the centre but rather, constructed it. It identifies four specific but differences that follow from seeing the political centre as constructed.Less
This introductory chapter explores the conception of the political centre. New Labour secured election victories in 1997 and 2001 by presenting itself as the party at the centre. It is argued that the party did not move to the centre but rather, constructed it. It identifies four specific but differences that follow from seeing the political centre as constructed.
Andrew Hindmoor
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273140
- eISBN:
- 9780191601897
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273146.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines New Labour’s efforts to rhetorically construct the political centre based on its policies on devolution, minimum wage, trade union recognition, and tax increase in the 2002 ...
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This chapter examines New Labour’s efforts to rhetorically construct the political centre based on its policies on devolution, minimum wage, trade union recognition, and tax increase in the 2002 budget. It is argued that policies are not left-wing because policies are not ‘really’ anything. New Labour used definitions, comparisons, ridicule, authority, and arguments about cause and effect, contradiction, and sacrifice to persuade voters that its policies were at the political centre.Less
This chapter examines New Labour’s efforts to rhetorically construct the political centre based on its policies on devolution, minimum wage, trade union recognition, and tax increase in the 2002 budget. It is argued that policies are not left-wing because policies are not ‘really’ anything. New Labour used definitions, comparisons, ridicule, authority, and arguments about cause and effect, contradiction, and sacrifice to persuade voters that its policies were at the political centre.
Andrew Hindmoor
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273140
- eISBN:
- 9780191601897
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273146.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines how New Labour sought to distinguish itself from Old Labour and the Conservatives by developing its policies as innovative. New Labour constructed its position at the political ...
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This chapter examines how New Labour sought to distinguish itself from Old Labour and the Conservatives by developing its policies as innovative. New Labour constructed its position at the political centre by arguing that its policies were radically different from those of Old Labour and the Conservatives. This spatial position that New Labour sought was one contested by others.Less
This chapter examines how New Labour sought to distinguish itself from Old Labour and the Conservatives by developing its policies as innovative. New Labour constructed its position at the political centre by arguing that its policies were radically different from those of Old Labour and the Conservatives. This spatial position that New Labour sought was one contested by others.
Andrew Hindmoor
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273140
- eISBN:
- 9780191601897
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273146.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines how New Labour sought to reframe several issues and events. It argues that framing is not an optional strategy used by parties, but an essential part of political competition. ...
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This chapter examines how New Labour sought to reframe several issues and events. It argues that framing is not an optional strategy used by parties, but an essential part of political competition. Parties do not simply defend policies, but frame the issues those policies relate to.Less
This chapter examines how New Labour sought to reframe several issues and events. It argues that framing is not an optional strategy used by parties, but an essential part of political competition. Parties do not simply defend policies, but frame the issues those policies relate to.
Anthony F. Heath, Roger M. Jowell, and John K. Curtice
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245116
- eISBN:
- 9780191599453
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245118.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The main aim of the book is to explore electoral behaviour in Britain from 1979– 97, which covers the 18years of Conservative government with Margaret Thatcher and John Major as prime ministers of ...
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The main aim of the book is to explore electoral behaviour in Britain from 1979– 97, which covers the 18years of Conservative government with Margaret Thatcher and John Major as prime ministers of the country and ends with New Labour's landslide victory in 1997. The authors of The Rise of New Labour describe the electoral experiments in the British political spectrum in this period, assess the reasons for their success and failure and discuss their implications in the framework of the underlying theories of electoral behaviour. The analyses in the book are based on the series of British Election Surveys (BESs) that have been undertaken immediately after every election since 1964 and on the 1992–97 British Election Panel Study (BEPS).Less
The main aim of the book is to explore electoral behaviour in Britain from 1979– 97, which covers the 18years of Conservative government with Margaret Thatcher and John Major as prime ministers of the country and ends with New Labour's landslide victory in 1997. The authors of The Rise of New Labour describe the electoral experiments in the British political spectrum in this period, assess the reasons for their success and failure and discuss their implications in the framework of the underlying theories of electoral behaviour. The analyses in the book are based on the series of British Election Surveys (BESs) that have been undertaken immediately after every election since 1964 and on the 1992–97 British Election Panel Study (BEPS).
Roger Undy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199544943
- eISBN:
- 9780191719936
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199544943.003.0002
- Subject:
- Business and Management, HRM / IR
Union strategies, both formal and ‘realized’, are defined before setting them in the British context by reference to economic, political, and social factors. The effect of the environment on unions' ...
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Union strategies, both formal and ‘realized’, are defined before setting them in the British context by reference to economic, political, and social factors. The effect of the environment on unions' aggregate membership and on thirty-two unions extant between 1979 and 2004 (while making allowances for numbers added by mergers) is discussed. Unions' non‐merger strategies, including their organizing strategy and servicing strategy, are assessed. Particular attention is paid to those unions driving the British merger movement. It is concluded that British unions are both eclectic and pragmatic in their choice of strategies.Less
Union strategies, both formal and ‘realized’, are defined before setting them in the British context by reference to economic, political, and social factors. The effect of the environment on unions' aggregate membership and on thirty-two unions extant between 1979 and 2004 (while making allowances for numbers added by mergers) is discussed. Unions' non‐merger strategies, including their organizing strategy and servicing strategy, are assessed. Particular attention is paid to those unions driving the British merger movement. It is concluded that British unions are both eclectic and pragmatic in their choice of strategies.
