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This chapter discusses the catch‐up experience of Korea, in which the present intellectual property legislation was established in 1961. Three stylized facts are noted about patenting trend: shift from petty (utility) patents to regular (invention) patents, shift from individual inventors to corporate inventors, and shift of share among patent applications from domestic applicants (when foreigners had little interest in Korean IPRs) to foreign applicants and, in the 1990s, again to domestic applicants. These shifts suggest that Korean firms had accumulated high‐tech capabilities and became sensitive to IPRs by the mid‐1980s. Korean firms, particularly in electronics, invested heavily in R&D to accumulate their own technologies and, having learnt the importance of IPR through a number of patent‐related legal disputes with American and Japanese firms, started to utilize their own IPRs to achieve competitive advantages.

This chapter identifies the mechanisms used by Korean companies for success and their implications for Latin American firms. Yuhan-Kimberly, a joint venture company established between Kimberly-Clark, a multinational firm based in the US, and Yuhan Corporation, a Korean pharmaceutical company, is studied. Since 1985, Yuhan-Kimberly has practiced innovation, ethics, corporate social responsibility, and environment management, while upholding the corporate philosophy of one of its parent companies, Yuhan Corporation. As a result, Yuhan-Kimberly has beaten Korea-based global firms such as Samsung Electronics Co. and Hyundai Motors Co. to become the most respected company of the Korean people. In addition, it ranked first in market dominance, a status that could only be earned through a combination of market share and customer loyalty. Thus, the company has set a new benchmark for sustainable management. This chapter examines the success factors of Yuhan-Kimberly using the SER-M model to redefine the concept of ‘sustainable management’ and study the mechanism of its management. Three factors are identified as components of the mechanism: the composition of factors, the sequence of factor deployment, and the timing of sequence in the factor deployment.

This chapter concludes the study of the Hongzhou school's history by integrating and interpreting the data on its growth and the patronage networks that facilitated it. It also situates the rise of the Hongzhou school in relation to the broader historical context of Tang Chan, explores its interactions with other Chan schools, and elaborates on its conception of spiritual lineage. In addition, it briefly notes the Hongzhou school's direct role in the transmission of Chan beyond China and assesses its overall impact on the evolution of the Chan movement.

Includes all relevant information on national elections held since the proclamation of the North Korean Republic in 1948. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of North Korea's political history, outlines the evolution of electoral provisions, and presents the current electoral legislation in a standardized manner (suffrage, elected institutions, nomination of candidates, electoral system, organizational context of elections). Part II includes available electoral statistics in systematic tables (numbers of registered voters, votes cast, the electoral participation of political parties, the distribution of parliamentary seats, etc.).

Includes all relevant information on national elections and referendums held in South Korea since independence in 1948. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of South Korea's political history, outlines the evolution of electoral provisions, and presents the current electoral legislation in a standardized manner (suffrage, elected institutions, nomination of candidates, electoral system, organizational context of elections). Part II includes exhaustive electoral statistics in systematic tables (numbers of registered voters, votes cast, the votes for candidates and/or parties in parliamentary and presidential elections and referendums at both the national and regional level, the electoral participation of political parties, the national and regional distribution of parliamentary seats, etc.).

This chapter discusses rational choice theory and the aims and purposes of this book. Rational choice theory has been applied in many subfields of political science, such as international relations and American politics. This theory assumes methodological individualism and purposeful action. The main focus of this book is the democratic transition in Korea, which this chapter treats as a succession of events.

The greater the gap between democratic ideals and reality, the greater the resulting tension. This chapter presents a model of tension in a new democracy and applies it to the Republic of Korea (South Korea), drawing on survey data from the 1997 New Korea Barometer. South Korea is particularly suitable for intensive analysis, since the level of mass education is high and commitment to democratic ideals is also high, yet the introduction of free elections in 1987 has produced a succession of presidents whose actions in government have fallen well short of the democratic ideal, leading to convictions on corruption charges. The political fallout of the abuse of power for personal gain was exacerbated in 1997 when the government faced the national humiliation of relying on the biggest International Monetary Fund loan in history to avoid financial collapse and the chapter concludes by considering demand‐driven pressure for reform.

The US and the Western European countries certainly had their differences over various European questions, but all debate took place against the background of a Soviet threat that disturbed the entire ‘free world’ and a NATO framework that had been established to deal with this threat. However, disagreements over out‐of‐area disputes (i.e. disputes outside the area covered by core Article 5 of the NATO treaty) between the US and many Western European countries were even more frequent and the common framework much weaker. At the beginning of the post‐war period, the US definitely saw itself as an anti‐colonial power, and its strong anti‐colonial views spurred progress towards independence not only for India and other British colonial territories, but also for those of other European colonies. The different sections of this chapter look at the changing nature of America's colonial policy, particularly in the face of prospects that communists might take control of a former European territory, and at its increasing role in other out‐of‐area questions, over the period 1945–1975. The areas discussed are East Asia (French Indo‐china, China, and the Korean and Vietnamese wars), the Middle East, and Southern Africa and Cuba. In addition a whole separate section is devoted to the Vietnam conflict, and another to the various disputes that led the Nixon administration to pronounce 1973 the ‘Year of Europe’ in an effort to bring the US and Western Europe close after a period of dispute that had involved, in particular, American support to Israel.

This chapter discusses the long-standing problem of identifying Confucians in China (and East Asia in general) through social science research methods—a problem deeply rooted in the nineteenth-century conceptualization of Confucianism and the overall classification of Chinese religions. It investigates different types of empirical data—national censuses and surveys—from Mainland China, as well as from Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea, in order to answer two questions. First is about whether “Confucianism” is a category in religious classifications in these East Asian countries and regions; the second asks about how many people are counted as “Confucians” in China.

This chapter documents changes in business groups in Korea after the crisis. When the financial crisis hit Korea, thirteen of the top thirty chaebols went technically bankrupt. This chapter argues that although the Korean government did abolish intra-group debt guarantee practices, its heavy-handed approach to forcing chaebols to swap businesses so that each chaebol would focus on a few core businesses failed completely. The government’s effort to force chaebols to reduce debt-equity ratios was hindered after chaebols merely revalued their assets and bought new equity issues by other affiliates. This chapter argues that more fundamental restructuring of Korean business groups will occur only when corporate governance systems and accounting transparency are improved. Foreign investors and creditors, as well as banks that became larger and more powerful through several mergers, will induce chaebols to restructure further. In addition, intensified international competition, not government intervention, will force chaebols to reduce unrelated diversification.

Konrad Boehmer is the composer of numerous electro-acoustic, stage and instrumental works, a distinguished teacher of composition, music history and theory, and a prodigious writer on music, politics, and society. This chapter recounts his close involvement in the early 1970s with student communist parties in Germany and the Netherlands, and the questions that this involvement raised for his own compositional activities. Whilst the activism of these parties was in many ways naïve and short-sighted, the problems which they sought to address have only become more severe, a situation that today poses almost intractable difficulties for composers wishing to pursue independent and socially meaningful aesthetic production.

This chapter describes the most important human rights story since the end of the Cold War, the growth in the U.S. of a broad movement for international human rights that draws in evangelicals, Catholics, Jews, Buddhists, Baha’is, African-Americans, and feminists. This movement has pushed successfully for legislation and active policy on international religious freedom, Sudan, sexual trafficking, debt forgiveness, AIDS, and North Korea. Despite its repeated successes, it has often been ignored by journalists, or else its programs and personnel have been misstated, so that the broadest coalition in foreign policy is sometimes reduced to the purported politics of the “Christian right.” The result is that this major evolution in American human rights concerns and in U.S. foreign policy has been missed or misunderstood.