Richard Pomfret
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691182216
- eISBN:
- 9780691185408
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691182216.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business
This book analyzes the Central Asian economies of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, from their buffeting by the commodity boom of the early 2000s to its ...
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This book analyzes the Central Asian economies of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, from their buffeting by the commodity boom of the early 2000s to its collapse in 2014. The book examines the countries' relations with external powers and the possibilities for development offered by infrastructure projects as well as rail links between China and Europe. The transition of these nations from centrally planned to market-based economic systems was essentially complete by the early 2000s, when the region experienced a massive increase in world prices for energy and mineral exports. This raised incomes in the main oil and gas exporters, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan; brought more benefits to the most populous country, Uzbekistan; and left the poorest countries, the Kyrgyz Republic and Tajikistan, dependent on remittances from migrant workers in oil-rich Russia and Kazakhstan. The book considers the enhanced role of the Central Asian nations in the global economy and their varied ties to China, the European Union, Russia, and the United States. With improved infrastructure and connectivity between China and Europe (reflected in regular rail freight services since 2011 and China's announcement of its Belt and Road Initiative in 2013), relaxation of UN sanctions against Iran in 2016, and the change in Uzbekistan's presidency in late 2016, a window of opportunity appears to have opened for Central Asian countries to achieve more sustainable economic futures.Less
This book analyzes the Central Asian economies of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, from their buffeting by the commodity boom of the early 2000s to its collapse in 2014. The book examines the countries' relations with external powers and the possibilities for development offered by infrastructure projects as well as rail links between China and Europe. The transition of these nations from centrally planned to market-based economic systems was essentially complete by the early 2000s, when the region experienced a massive increase in world prices for energy and mineral exports. This raised incomes in the main oil and gas exporters, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan; brought more benefits to the most populous country, Uzbekistan; and left the poorest countries, the Kyrgyz Republic and Tajikistan, dependent on remittances from migrant workers in oil-rich Russia and Kazakhstan. The book considers the enhanced role of the Central Asian nations in the global economy and their varied ties to China, the European Union, Russia, and the United States. With improved infrastructure and connectivity between China and Europe (reflected in regular rail freight services since 2011 and China's announcement of its Belt and Road Initiative in 2013), relaxation of UN sanctions against Iran in 2016, and the change in Uzbekistan's presidency in late 2016, a window of opportunity appears to have opened for Central Asian countries to achieve more sustainable economic futures.
Marie‐Carin von Gumppenberg
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249589
- eISBN:
- 9780191600029
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924958X.003.0019
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Includes all relevant information on national elections and referendums held in Kazakhstan since 1990. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of Kazakhstan's political history, outlines the evolution ...
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Includes all relevant information on national elections and referendums held in Kazakhstan since 1990. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of Kazakhstan's political history, outlines the evolution of electoral provisions, and presents the current electoral legislation in a standardized manner (suffrage, elected institutions, nomination of candidates, electoral system, organizational context of elections). Part II includes exhaustive electoral statistics in systematic tables (numbers of registered voters, votes cast, the votes for candidates and/or parties in parliamentary and presidential elections and referendums at both the national and regional level, the electoral participation of political parties, the distribution of parliamentary seats, etc.).Less
Includes all relevant information on national elections and referendums held in Kazakhstan since 1990. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of Kazakhstan's political history, outlines the evolution of electoral provisions, and presents the current electoral legislation in a standardized manner (suffrage, elected institutions, nomination of candidates, electoral system, organizational context of elections). Part II includes exhaustive electoral statistics in systematic tables (numbers of registered voters, votes cast, the votes for candidates and/or parties in parliamentary and presidential elections and referendums at both the national and regional level, the electoral participation of political parties, the distribution of parliamentary seats, etc.).
Wanda Dressler
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263136
- eISBN:
- 9780191734922
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263136.003.0006
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
After the implosion of the Soviet Union, democratization processes in all the post-Soviet republics took their specific paths. This chapter highlights the particular characteristics of these ...
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After the implosion of the Soviet Union, democratization processes in all the post-Soviet republics took their specific paths. This chapter highlights the particular characteristics of these processes, focusing on three examples: Estonia, Moldova, and Kazakhstan. It demonstrates that the concept of trust has different meanings in the democratization processes in each of these republics, whether it refers to trust in political institutions, in inter-ethnic relations, or in interpersonal relations. All these meanings and kinds of trust have contributed to the stabilization of political systems in the post-Soviet republics and to coping successfully with the hard path of democratic transition. This chapter explores how to establish democratic systems and institutional trust in the post-Soviet republics and peacefully manage the demographic and cultural heterogeneity in building a democratic nation. Consequently, this involves the respect of minority rights that conform to the standards of the Helsinki agreements.Less
After the implosion of the Soviet Union, democratization processes in all the post-Soviet republics took their specific paths. This chapter highlights the particular characteristics of these processes, focusing on three examples: Estonia, Moldova, and Kazakhstan. It demonstrates that the concept of trust has different meanings in the democratization processes in each of these republics, whether it refers to trust in political institutions, in inter-ethnic relations, or in interpersonal relations. All these meanings and kinds of trust have contributed to the stabilization of political systems in the post-Soviet republics and to coping successfully with the hard path of democratic transition. This chapter explores how to establish democratic systems and institutional trust in the post-Soviet republics and peacefully manage the demographic and cultural heterogeneity in building a democratic nation. Consequently, this involves the respect of minority rights that conform to the standards of the Helsinki agreements.
Steven A. Barnes
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151120
- eISBN:
- 9781400838615
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151120.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Russian and Former Soviet Union History
This chapter first sets out the book's purpose, namely to explore the role played by the Gulag in the Soviet polity. It provides a close study of the camps and exiles in the Karaganda region of ...
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This chapter first sets out the book's purpose, namely to explore the role played by the Gulag in the Soviet polity. It provides a close study of the camps and exiles in the Karaganda region of Kazakhstan along with a general reconsideration of the scope, meaning, and function of the Gulag in Joseph Stalin's Soviet Union. Focusing on Karaganda offers a number of benefits to an examination of the history of the Gulag. First, a concentrated look at a single locality allows for a study of the massive phenomenon of the Gulag without giving up the chronological breadth that is important to understanding shifts in its operations through the period (approximately 1930–57) when it was at its height. Second, exploring the Gulag at the local level reveals the operation of the system at the very point of contact between Soviet authority and its detained subjects. The chapter then describes the sources upon which the book is based, followed by an overview of the subsequent chapters.Less
This chapter first sets out the book's purpose, namely to explore the role played by the Gulag in the Soviet polity. It provides a close study of the camps and exiles in the Karaganda region of Kazakhstan along with a general reconsideration of the scope, meaning, and function of the Gulag in Joseph Stalin's Soviet Union. Focusing on Karaganda offers a number of benefits to an examination of the history of the Gulag. First, a concentrated look at a single locality allows for a study of the massive phenomenon of the Gulag without giving up the chronological breadth that is important to understanding shifts in its operations through the period (approximately 1930–57) when it was at its height. Second, exploring the Gulag at the local level reveals the operation of the system at the very point of contact between Soviet authority and its detained subjects. The chapter then describes the sources upon which the book is based, followed by an overview of the subsequent chapters.
Richard Pomfret
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691182216
- eISBN:
- 9780691185408
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691182216.003.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business
This introductory chapter provides an overview of Central Asia, after its five countries—Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan—became independent with the ...
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This introductory chapter provides an overview of Central Asia, after its five countries—Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan—became independent with the dissolution of the Soviet Union on December 25, 1991. During the 1990s, the Central Asian countries focused on nation-building and transition to market-based economies, the nature of which varied from country to country. Indeed, the five governments adopted diverse economic strategies, from the most reformist, Kyrgyzstan, to the least reformist, Turkmenistan's personalized autocracy. Given the shared geography, history, and cultural background of the five countries, observers envisioned a natural experiment to test the efficacy of differing approaches to the transition from central planning and of the variety of market-based economic systems. However, completion of the essentials of transition by the turn of the century coincided with the start of a super-cycle in world prices for resources—most importantly oil—that dominated economic performance in the early twenty-first century.Less
This introductory chapter provides an overview of Central Asia, after its five countries—Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan—became independent with the dissolution of the Soviet Union on December 25, 1991. During the 1990s, the Central Asian countries focused on nation-building and transition to market-based economies, the nature of which varied from country to country. Indeed, the five governments adopted diverse economic strategies, from the most reformist, Kyrgyzstan, to the least reformist, Turkmenistan's personalized autocracy. Given the shared geography, history, and cultural background of the five countries, observers envisioned a natural experiment to test the efficacy of differing approaches to the transition from central planning and of the variety of market-based economic systems. However, completion of the essentials of transition by the turn of the century coincided with the start of a super-cycle in world prices for resources—most importantly oil—that dominated economic performance in the early twenty-first century.
Richard Pomfret
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691182216
- eISBN:
- 9780691185408
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691182216.003.0004
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business
This chapter discusses the national economy and transition strategies of Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan's national economic history divides sharply between 1991 and 1998, and the years since 1999. The first ...
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This chapter discusses the national economy and transition strategies of Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan's national economic history divides sharply between 1991 and 1998, and the years since 1999. The first period, dominated by nation-building, saw traumatic economic adjustment to the shocks of the early 1990s and a large unanticipated decline in living standards. As the country started to recover from the economic nadir in 1997 it was hit by the 1998 Russian crisis, and only in 1999 did sustained economic growth begin. However, when growth did begin—stimulated by policy decisions such as a large currency devaluation and sustained by rising oil prices—Kazakhstan enjoyed a decade during which it was one of the fastest growing economies in the world. The chapter also considers the banking crisis in 2007–2008, whose impact was exacerbated by the collapse in the price of oil in the second half of 2008.Less
This chapter discusses the national economy and transition strategies of Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan's national economic history divides sharply between 1991 and 1998, and the years since 1999. The first period, dominated by nation-building, saw traumatic economic adjustment to the shocks of the early 1990s and a large unanticipated decline in living standards. As the country started to recover from the economic nadir in 1997 it was hit by the 1998 Russian crisis, and only in 1999 did sustained economic growth begin. However, when growth did begin—stimulated by policy decisions such as a large currency devaluation and sustained by rising oil prices—Kazakhstan enjoyed a decade during which it was one of the fastest growing economies in the world. The chapter also considers the banking crisis in 2007–2008, whose impact was exacerbated by the collapse in the price of oil in the second half of 2008.
Richard M. Auty
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199275786
- eISBN:
- 9780191602160
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199275785.003.0016
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter examines the impact of natural resources on transition reform in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan using the rapid reform model. Natural resource endowment was incorporated into the model to ...
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This chapter examines the impact of natural resources on transition reform in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan using the rapid reform model. Natural resource endowment was incorporated into the model to improve its explanatory power. It is shown that both countries delayed reform, and had higher levels of rent-seeking behaviour and corruption compared with resource-deficient countries in Eastern Europe and East Asia.Less
This chapter examines the impact of natural resources on transition reform in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan using the rapid reform model. Natural resource endowment was incorporated into the model to improve its explanatory power. It is shown that both countries delayed reform, and had higher levels of rent-seeking behaviour and corruption compared with resource-deficient countries in Eastern Europe and East Asia.
Giovanni Andrea Cornia and Vladimir Popov (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199242184
- eISBN:
- 9780191697043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199242184.003.0003
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter investigates the reform paths of four Central Asian Republics (CARs): Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. It analyses their reform strategies and identifies ...
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This chapter investigates the reform paths of four Central Asian Republics (CARs): Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. It analyses their reform strategies and identifies what kind of economic systems are emerging as a result of the differing reform paths in Central Asia.Less
This chapter investigates the reform paths of four Central Asian Republics (CARs): Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. It analyses their reform strategies and identifies what kind of economic systems are emerging as a result of the differing reform paths in Central Asia.
Alexander Cooley
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199929825
- eISBN:
- 9780199950485
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199929825.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 8 examines the deteriorating levels of corruption in Central Asia and explores how outside actors have contributed to some of these practices. The chapter overviews alleged corruption ...
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Chapter 8 examines the deteriorating levels of corruption in Central Asia and explores how outside actors have contributed to some of these practices. The chapter overviews alleged corruption scandals involving large U.S. and Chinese oil deals in Kazakhstan, including the so-called “Giffen Affair,” and the fuel deals for the Manas base in Kyrgyzstan. These cases demonstrate how these attempts to buy influence are embedded within broader transnational networks involving local elites, private companies, external governments, and the offshore sector; these networks provide Central Asian rulers with private benefits, while allowing foreign governments and companies to maintain plausible deniability when allegations of corruption surface.Less
Chapter 8 examines the deteriorating levels of corruption in Central Asia and explores how outside actors have contributed to some of these practices. The chapter overviews alleged corruption scandals involving large U.S. and Chinese oil deals in Kazakhstan, including the so-called “Giffen Affair,” and the fuel deals for the Manas base in Kyrgyzstan. These cases demonstrate how these attempts to buy influence are embedded within broader transnational networks involving local elites, private companies, external governments, and the offshore sector; these networks provide Central Asian rulers with private benefits, while allowing foreign governments and companies to maintain plausible deniability when allegations of corruption surface.
Michael Stenton
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208433
- eISBN:
- 9780191678004
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208433.003.0025
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
In July 1941 Moscow acknowledged a vested British interest in Poland. If Polish soldiers were not pressed into Soviet service or placed under Soviet political discipline, Moscow would feel the lack ...
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In July 1941 Moscow acknowledged a vested British interest in Poland. If Polish soldiers were not pressed into Soviet service or placed under Soviet political discipline, Moscow would feel the lack of Polish tools. The Polish Embassy threw a social security net across the USSR to catch tens of thousands of Poles who were released from camps and prisons in Siberia and Kazakhstan. The Anders army was indiscreet, anti-Soviet, and immune to political reorientation; the soldiers had been drawn back from a lost world, and they were difficult to intimidate; their Polish nonchalance was flourished under the noses of the NKVD. Stalin's attitude to the London Poles was at best ambiguous. The Polish Embassy was never allowed contact with Jewish citizens from eastern Poland, but the Russians sent a surprising number of Polish Jews to Polish army recruitment centres.Less
In July 1941 Moscow acknowledged a vested British interest in Poland. If Polish soldiers were not pressed into Soviet service or placed under Soviet political discipline, Moscow would feel the lack of Polish tools. The Polish Embassy threw a social security net across the USSR to catch tens of thousands of Poles who were released from camps and prisons in Siberia and Kazakhstan. The Anders army was indiscreet, anti-Soviet, and immune to political reorientation; the soldiers had been drawn back from a lost world, and they were difficult to intimidate; their Polish nonchalance was flourished under the noses of the NKVD. Stalin's attitude to the London Poles was at best ambiguous. The Polish Embassy was never allowed contact with Jewish citizens from eastern Poland, but the Russians sent a surprising number of Polish Jews to Polish army recruitment centres.
Mariya Y. Omelicheva
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813160689
- eISBN:
- 9780813161006
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813160689.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
In recent years, there has been a regression of democracy and a growing resistance to Western democratization efforts within the governments of Central Asian states. To uncover the sources of the ...
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In recent years, there has been a regression of democracy and a growing resistance to Western democratization efforts within the governments of Central Asian states. To uncover the sources of the ineffectiveness of these efforts, Democracy in Central Asia focuses on the discursive aspect of democracy promotion abroad. It examines ideas, beliefs, and perspectives advanced by the US, EU, Russia, and China in the three Central Asian republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan, in addition to perspectives on democratization advocated by the governments of these states. The study illuminates competing presentations of democracy and explores how these competing ideas influence societies subjected to international democratization. Based on extensive fieldwork, survey, and focus group data, the book shows that what has been promoted by the US and EU in Central Asia is culturally unsound, inconsistent, and lacking in credibility for Central Asian societies and states. Democracy promotion policies have neglected important attitudinal changes in the Central Asian population and local understandings of regional and national needs. The book's commitment to the idea of democracy and democracy promotion as open-ended conversations to which political leaders, political theorists, activists, ordinary citizens, and academics can contribute debunks the notions of democratization as a given and as somehow removed from the struggle for power and domination. Moreover, this study shows that there are multiple ways of portraying and defending the idea of democracy and alternative routes to democratization.Less
In recent years, there has been a regression of democracy and a growing resistance to Western democratization efforts within the governments of Central Asian states. To uncover the sources of the ineffectiveness of these efforts, Democracy in Central Asia focuses on the discursive aspect of democracy promotion abroad. It examines ideas, beliefs, and perspectives advanced by the US, EU, Russia, and China in the three Central Asian republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan, in addition to perspectives on democratization advocated by the governments of these states. The study illuminates competing presentations of democracy and explores how these competing ideas influence societies subjected to international democratization. Based on extensive fieldwork, survey, and focus group data, the book shows that what has been promoted by the US and EU in Central Asia is culturally unsound, inconsistent, and lacking in credibility for Central Asian societies and states. Democracy promotion policies have neglected important attitudinal changes in the Central Asian population and local understandings of regional and national needs. The book's commitment to the idea of democracy and democracy promotion as open-ended conversations to which political leaders, political theorists, activists, ordinary citizens, and academics can contribute debunks the notions of democratization as a given and as somehow removed from the struggle for power and domination. Moreover, this study shows that there are multiple ways of portraying and defending the idea of democracy and alternative routes to democratization.
Sarah Cameron
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781501730436
- eISBN:
- 9781501730443
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501730436.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Russian and Former Soviet Union History
This book examines the Kazakh famine of 1930-33, one of the most heinous and poorly understood crimes of the Stalinist regime. As part of a radical social engineering scheme, Josef Stalin sought to ...
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This book examines the Kazakh famine of 1930-33, one of the most heinous and poorly understood crimes of the Stalinist regime. As part of a radical social engineering scheme, Josef Stalin sought to settle the Kazakh nomads and force them into collective farms. More than 1.5 million people perished as a result, a quarter of Soviet Kazakhstan’s population, and the crisis transformed a territory the size of continental Europe. Drawing upon a wide range of sources in Russian and in Kazakh, the book brings this largely unknown story to light, revealing its devastating consequences for Kazakh society. It finds that through the most violent means the Kazakh famine created Soviet Kazakhstan and forged a new Kazakh national identity. But the nature of this transformation was uneven. Neither Kazakhstan nor Kazakhs themselves became integrated into the Soviet system in precisely the ways that Moscow had originally hoped. Seen from the angle of the Soviet east, a region that has not received as much scholarly attention as the Soviet Union’s west, the Stalinist regime and the disastrous results of its policies appear in a new light.Less
This book examines the Kazakh famine of 1930-33, one of the most heinous and poorly understood crimes of the Stalinist regime. As part of a radical social engineering scheme, Josef Stalin sought to settle the Kazakh nomads and force them into collective farms. More than 1.5 million people perished as a result, a quarter of Soviet Kazakhstan’s population, and the crisis transformed a territory the size of continental Europe. Drawing upon a wide range of sources in Russian and in Kazakh, the book brings this largely unknown story to light, revealing its devastating consequences for Kazakh society. It finds that through the most violent means the Kazakh famine created Soviet Kazakhstan and forged a new Kazakh national identity. But the nature of this transformation was uneven. Neither Kazakhstan nor Kazakhs themselves became integrated into the Soviet system in precisely the ways that Moscow had originally hoped. Seen from the angle of the Soviet east, a region that has not received as much scholarly attention as the Soviet Union’s west, the Stalinist regime and the disastrous results of its policies appear in a new light.
Charles E. Ziegler
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125633
- eISBN:
- 9780813135359
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125633.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter explains the Chinese and Russian interests in policy toward Central Asia. It reviews the various elements in Russian and Chinese relations with the countries of post-Soviet Central Asia ...
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This chapter explains the Chinese and Russian interests in policy toward Central Asia. It reviews the various elements in Russian and Chinese relations with the countries of post-Soviet Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan). The chapter also explores the roles of China and Russia in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and other regional groupings, and evaluates the implications of Chinese and Russian policies and activities in Central Asia for U.S. national interests. It starts by addressing the political and security issues, and then turns to the various forms of economic cooperation and rivalry in the region, particularly in energy. Finally, the chapter deals with the important role of diaspora politics and population issues for Russia, China, and Central Asia. In general, Russian and Chinese interests in Central Asia are closely aligned on political-security issues, and both countries are thoroughly pragmatic in their foreign policies toward the region.Less
This chapter explains the Chinese and Russian interests in policy toward Central Asia. It reviews the various elements in Russian and Chinese relations with the countries of post-Soviet Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan). The chapter also explores the roles of China and Russia in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and other regional groupings, and evaluates the implications of Chinese and Russian policies and activities in Central Asia for U.S. national interests. It starts by addressing the political and security issues, and then turns to the various forms of economic cooperation and rivalry in the region, particularly in energy. Finally, the chapter deals with the important role of diaspora politics and population issues for Russia, China, and Central Asia. In general, Russian and Chinese interests in Central Asia are closely aligned on political-security issues, and both countries are thoroughly pragmatic in their foreign policies toward the region.
Mariya Y. Omelicheva
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813160689
- eISBN:
- 9780813161006
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813160689.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter discusses the lack of true democracy in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan in order to set the stage for a presentation of the study's findings. In the mid-1980s the leadership in ...
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This chapter discusses the lack of true democracy in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan in order to set the stage for a presentation of the study's findings. In the mid-1980s the leadership in the republics of Central Asia was either quiescent in the face of looming changes within the Soviet Union or loyal to the central Soviet leadership and supportive of the Soviet federation's preservation. Ultimately, however, Central Asian governments backed democratization, and the leaders of these republics openly renounced their communist beliefs and affiliations. Western international organizations then launched development, democracy promotion, and security-related projects in these states. Although there were legitimate concerns about these republics' susceptibility to political instability and economic crises, there was also hope that these countries would undergo quick political reform, marketization, and transformation into liberal democratic states. But none of the Central Asian states has met these expectations. Today, Central Asian regimes sit along a continuum of autocracy rather than democracy, their power and authority firmly concentrated in the presidential office and maintained through a combination of repression, co-option, and political constraints on societal institutions.Less
This chapter discusses the lack of true democracy in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan in order to set the stage for a presentation of the study's findings. In the mid-1980s the leadership in the republics of Central Asia was either quiescent in the face of looming changes within the Soviet Union or loyal to the central Soviet leadership and supportive of the Soviet federation's preservation. Ultimately, however, Central Asian governments backed democratization, and the leaders of these republics openly renounced their communist beliefs and affiliations. Western international organizations then launched development, democracy promotion, and security-related projects in these states. Although there were legitimate concerns about these republics' susceptibility to political instability and economic crises, there was also hope that these countries would undergo quick political reform, marketization, and transformation into liberal democratic states. But none of the Central Asian states has met these expectations. Today, Central Asian regimes sit along a continuum of autocracy rather than democracy, their power and authority firmly concentrated in the presidential office and maintained through a combination of repression, co-option, and political constraints on societal institutions.
Mariya Y. Omelicheva
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813160689
- eISBN:
- 9780813161006
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813160689.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter begins with a discussion of international perspectives on democratization, premised on the assumption that the strategies of international actors determine the outcomes of democracy ...
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This chapter begins with a discussion of international perspectives on democratization, premised on the assumption that the strategies of international actors determine the outcomes of democracy promotion abroad. It then offers a novel perspective on international democratization that relies on the concept of frames to discern the content of democracy promotion discourses. Specifically, this chapter looks at democracy promotion frames, which encompass a certain understanding of democracy, assumptions about why it is important, intended goals of democratization, and explanations of how to meet these democratic expectations. This chapter also outlines the various forms of research and analysis the author utilized for the study, including the process by which she examined texts produced by representatives of the US, EU, Russia, China, and the Central Asian governments, as well as her survey design.Less
This chapter begins with a discussion of international perspectives on democratization, premised on the assumption that the strategies of international actors determine the outcomes of democracy promotion abroad. It then offers a novel perspective on international democratization that relies on the concept of frames to discern the content of democracy promotion discourses. Specifically, this chapter looks at democracy promotion frames, which encompass a certain understanding of democracy, assumptions about why it is important, intended goals of democratization, and explanations of how to meet these democratic expectations. This chapter also outlines the various forms of research and analysis the author utilized for the study, including the process by which she examined texts produced by representatives of the US, EU, Russia, China, and the Central Asian governments, as well as her survey design.
Mariya Y. Omelicheva
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813160689
- eISBN:
- 9780813161006
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813160689.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines alternative democracy promotion frames advocated by Russia and China through their foreign policies toward the Central Asian states, including through regional organizations ...
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This chapter examines alternative democracy promotion frames advocated by Russia and China through their foreign policies toward the Central Asian states, including through regional organizations such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). By the early 2000s, Central Asia had become the prize in a geopolitical race for influence and control of its vast energy resources, with Russia and China being key competitors. They have not, however, promoted their views on governance as actively as the US and EU have. Neither Russia nor China has openly stated an ambition to impose its practices on other states. In their foreign policy statements and internal security documents, both Russia and China have affirmed their adherence to the principle of noninterference in the domestic affairs of other nations. This chapter outlines the competing ideas and strategies for political development and economic modernization proposed by Russia and China for Central Asia, as well as the attractive models they have presented for maintaining stability and generating prosperity in the region without meaningful democratization. Both powers have disbursed growing amounts of bilateral aid to the Central Asian governments for a mix of humanitarian, economic, and political aims.Less
This chapter examines alternative democracy promotion frames advocated by Russia and China through their foreign policies toward the Central Asian states, including through regional organizations such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). By the early 2000s, Central Asia had become the prize in a geopolitical race for influence and control of its vast energy resources, with Russia and China being key competitors. They have not, however, promoted their views on governance as actively as the US and EU have. Neither Russia nor China has openly stated an ambition to impose its practices on other states. In their foreign policy statements and internal security documents, both Russia and China have affirmed their adherence to the principle of noninterference in the domestic affairs of other nations. This chapter outlines the competing ideas and strategies for political development and economic modernization proposed by Russia and China for Central Asia, as well as the attractive models they have presented for maintaining stability and generating prosperity in the region without meaningful democratization. Both powers have disbursed growing amounts of bilateral aid to the Central Asian governments for a mix of humanitarian, economic, and political aims.
Mariya Y. Omelicheva
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813160689
- eISBN:
- 9780813161006
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813160689.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter explains how the leaders of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan devised and actively disseminated their own rhetorical and ideological subsets of democracy, presented under the guises ...
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This chapter explains how the leaders of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan devised and actively disseminated their own rhetorical and ideological subsets of democracy, presented under the guises of “presidential democracy” in Kazakhstan, “consultative democracy” in Kyrgyzstan, and the “Uzbek model of democracy” in Uzbekistan. It discusses the essence of these local democratic varieties, as well as strategies used by these governments to defend their alternative models of democracy and different standards for assessing it. Although these models, which have delegitimized Western conceptions of democracy and efforts at international democratization, do have distinctive features, several characteristics are shared in all three nations. Similarities include a deep ethnic heritage, a strong state personified by a strong leader, the prioritization of security and economic development over political modernization, and the principle of gradual political reform. This chapter posits that, by defining what counts as democracy and democratization and linking these notions to history and culture, the Central Asian leaders not only reinforce their own understanding of their political rule but also foster knowledge of democracy and attitudes about democratization among the people targeted by national democracy frames.Less
This chapter explains how the leaders of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan devised and actively disseminated their own rhetorical and ideological subsets of democracy, presented under the guises of “presidential democracy” in Kazakhstan, “consultative democracy” in Kyrgyzstan, and the “Uzbek model of democracy” in Uzbekistan. It discusses the essence of these local democratic varieties, as well as strategies used by these governments to defend their alternative models of democracy and different standards for assessing it. Although these models, which have delegitimized Western conceptions of democracy and efforts at international democratization, do have distinctive features, several characteristics are shared in all three nations. Similarities include a deep ethnic heritage, a strong state personified by a strong leader, the prioritization of security and economic development over political modernization, and the principle of gradual political reform. This chapter posits that, by defining what counts as democracy and democratization and linking these notions to history and culture, the Central Asian leaders not only reinforce their own understanding of their political rule but also foster knowledge of democracy and attitudes about democratization among the people targeted by national democracy frames.
Mariya Y. Omelicheva
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813160689
- eISBN:
- 9780813161006
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813160689.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter explores beliefs, understandings, and attitudes toward various aspects of democracy and democratization among the Central Asian populations, discerned through a public opinion survey and ...
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This chapter explores beliefs, understandings, and attitudes toward various aspects of democracy and democratization among the Central Asian populations, discerned through a public opinion survey and focus group interviews carried out in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan. It describes how the survey questions tapped into the respondents' understandings of democracy and their values, priorities in life, and attitudes toward various social and political institutions. The nature of the questions and the combinations of responses in the survey were informed by themes of alternative democracy promotion frames. The survey indirectly measured the respondents' political knowledge and consciousness by asking them to choose from among lists of values and priorities or to express their attitudes toward assumptions underlying various democracy promotion frames. Additionally, interpretive data collected from focus group discussions were used to elucidate quantitative results and add depth to the understanding of democracy embedded in the respondents' political knowledge.Less
This chapter explores beliefs, understandings, and attitudes toward various aspects of democracy and democratization among the Central Asian populations, discerned through a public opinion survey and focus group interviews carried out in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan. It describes how the survey questions tapped into the respondents' understandings of democracy and their values, priorities in life, and attitudes toward various social and political institutions. The nature of the questions and the combinations of responses in the survey were informed by themes of alternative democracy promotion frames. The survey indirectly measured the respondents' political knowledge and consciousness by asking them to choose from among lists of values and priorities or to express their attitudes toward assumptions underlying various democracy promotion frames. Additionally, interpretive data collected from focus group discussions were used to elucidate quantitative results and add depth to the understanding of democracy embedded in the respondents' political knowledge.
Mariya Y. Omelicheva
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813160689
- eISBN:
- 9780813161006
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813160689.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
In this chapter, alternative democracy promotion frames used by the US, EU, Russia, China, and the governments of the Central Asian states are assessed on several dimensions of effectiveness, ...
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In this chapter, alternative democracy promotion frames used by the US, EU, Russia, China, and the governments of the Central Asian states are assessed on several dimensions of effectiveness, including cultural compatibility, salience, consistency, and credibility. The effectiveness of the Central Asian governments' discursive frames is assessed against the beliefs, values, and dispositions of their own citizens, as determined by the survey instrument and focus groups. By looking at the limitations of the Western democracy promotion frames and the interest-based compatibility of ideas promoted by Russia and China, as well as by investigating the public resonance of national democracy frames, this chapter demonstrates that the alternative models for governance promoted by Russia and China enjoy greater support in Central Asia—just as the Central Asian governments' own models of democracy resonate strongly with their respective populations.Less
In this chapter, alternative democracy promotion frames used by the US, EU, Russia, China, and the governments of the Central Asian states are assessed on several dimensions of effectiveness, including cultural compatibility, salience, consistency, and credibility. The effectiveness of the Central Asian governments' discursive frames is assessed against the beliefs, values, and dispositions of their own citizens, as determined by the survey instrument and focus groups. By looking at the limitations of the Western democracy promotion frames and the interest-based compatibility of ideas promoted by Russia and China, as well as by investigating the public resonance of national democracy frames, this chapter demonstrates that the alternative models for governance promoted by Russia and China enjoy greater support in Central Asia—just as the Central Asian governments' own models of democracy resonate strongly with their respective populations.
Daniel S. Markey
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- March 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190680190
- eISBN:
- 9780190087883
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190680190.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book explains how China’s new foreign policies like the vaunted “Belt and Road” Initiative are being shaped by local and regional politics outside China and assesses the political implications ...
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This book explains how China’s new foreign policies like the vaunted “Belt and Road” Initiative are being shaped by local and regional politics outside China and assesses the political implications of these developments for Eurasia and the United States. It depicts the ways that President Xi Jinping’s China is zealously transforming its national wealth and economic power into tools of global political influence and details these developments in South Asia, Central Asia, and the Middle East. Drawing from extensive interviews, travels, and historical research, it describes how perceptions of China vary widely within states like Pakistan, Kazakhstan, and Iran. Eurasia’s powerful and privileged groups often expect to profit from their connections to China, while others fear commercial and political losses. Similarly, statesmen across Eurasia are scrambling to harness China’s energy purchases, arms sales, and infrastructure investments as a means to outdo their strategic competitors, like India and Saudi Arabia, while negotiating relations with Russia and America. The book finds that, on balance, China’s deepening involvement will play to the advantage of regional strongmen and exacerbate the political tensions within and among Eurasian states. To make the most of America’s limited influence along China’s western horizon (and elsewhere), it argues that US policymakers should pursue a selective and localized strategy to serve America’s aims in Eurasia and to better compete with China over the long run.Less
This book explains how China’s new foreign policies like the vaunted “Belt and Road” Initiative are being shaped by local and regional politics outside China and assesses the political implications of these developments for Eurasia and the United States. It depicts the ways that President Xi Jinping’s China is zealously transforming its national wealth and economic power into tools of global political influence and details these developments in South Asia, Central Asia, and the Middle East. Drawing from extensive interviews, travels, and historical research, it describes how perceptions of China vary widely within states like Pakistan, Kazakhstan, and Iran. Eurasia’s powerful and privileged groups often expect to profit from their connections to China, while others fear commercial and political losses. Similarly, statesmen across Eurasia are scrambling to harness China’s energy purchases, arms sales, and infrastructure investments as a means to outdo their strategic competitors, like India and Saudi Arabia, while negotiating relations with Russia and America. The book finds that, on balance, China’s deepening involvement will play to the advantage of regional strongmen and exacerbate the political tensions within and among Eurasian states. To make the most of America’s limited influence along China’s western horizon (and elsewhere), it argues that US policymakers should pursue a selective and localized strategy to serve America’s aims in Eurasia and to better compete with China over the long run.