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After coming to Jerusalem in 1815, the Perushim led by Menahem Mendel of Shklov, directed their principal efforts to rebuilding and resettling the Judah Hasid ruins (the Hurvah), thereby showing their intention to reestablish themselves in the city. In accord with the doctrine of “awakening below”, rebuilding one of Jerusalem’s ruins would represent the first step in the rebuilding of the entire city. This chapter recounts in detail the lengthy legal, political, and financial dealings that culminated with the beginning of the actual project in 1836 (under the reign of the enlightened Muhammad Ali); the new study hall in the Hurvah courtyard (named “Menahem Ziyyon”) was dedicated in January 1837. The project continued to be opposed by Israel of Shklov, the leader of the Safed Perushim who objected to the independence of the Jerusalem Perushim (now led by Zalman Zoref [Salamon]); matters were complicated by competition for funding by Zevi Hirsch Lehren and his family and continued intra-Jewish rivalries. But the success of the project was seen by the Jerusalem Perushim as evidence that the redemption was underway in earnest, a sense confirmed by the tragic earthquake that destroyed most of the Safed community in 1837.

The early sixth century BCE was a time of almost unparalleled crisis for the Jewish people, as successive Babylonian invasions left Judah devastated and Jerusalem in ruins. The book of Ezekiel forms a commentary on these events, and explains in lurid detail how the fall of Jerusalem and subsequent exile are the result of moral failure. The present work demonstrates that many of the book's most distinctive ethical ideas can best be explained as a response to the experience of exile. Ezekiel has always been a controversial figure: his book has provoked strong reactions from its readers, and this is nowhere clearer than in questions of morality. Some commentators have been straightforwardly critical of Ezekiel's ethics, while others have taken a more positive view. This study takes a broad view of the book's moral concerns and priorities by looking at a range of different texts and issues.

This discussion of Zerahiah begins by outlining the contents of Zerahiah’s reading of Job, with special attention given to deciphering its esoteric doctrines. It then examines the three interfaces around which this study has been structured. It is shown that Zerahiah presents a reading of Job that is very much in the spirit of Ibn Tibbon’s exegetical enterprise in that he uses Maimonides’ Guide as a resource to produce a comprehensive commentary on the biblical text. Yet, there is also evidence to suggest that some of Zerahiah’s key insights regarding Job are taken directly from Ibn Tibbon himself. It is possible that Zerahiah may be closer to Ibn Tibbon in philosophical orientation than scholars up to now have appreciated. However, in a number of ways Zerahiah goes beyond Ibn Tibbon. He composes an exposition on the entire Book of Job, and this allows him to develop elements of Maimonides’ reading of Job to a much greater extent than Ibn Tibbon did. The most significant example of this tendency is his fascinating discussion of allegory. In addition, Zerahiah’s commentary displays a greater independence from Maimonides than does that of Ibn Tibbon. Most important in this regard is its elitist emphasis.

Balaam's story in Numbers is here viewed as a burlesque, in fact a political satire, about the foreign prophet (or magician), Balaam, whom God chooses as his mouthpiece. The author's thesis is that the priestly editors kept the story in the Book of Numbers because it served their purpose in being aimed against policies of which they disapproved in post‐exilic Judah, and supported their interests in conveying the essential priestly message to Judah and Samaria: that they are destined to be one great people, that Israel should be united. Its other objective may have been to poke fun at the King of Persia (King Balak in the Balaam story) – and his henchman, the Governor of Samaria (Balaam himself); the concluding part of the chapter portrays the patient she‐ass of the Balaam story as the people of Israel themselves. The story is first outlined and then analysed in detail. Various interpretations are offered, but the major issue addressed is the story of Balaam as ‘the story within the story’ (or synecdoche) in the context of the literary genre of the Book of Numbers; the words of Balaam are studied very carefully to support this idea.

There exists today a wide spectrum of views concerning the process of the writing and redaction of the various parts of the Hebrew Bible, as well as the evaluation of the biblical text in reconstructing the history of Israel during the Iron Age. An archaeologist must make a choice between divergent views and epistemological approaches when trying to combine archaeological data with biblical sources. There are five major possibilities, one of which is to claim that the biblical sources retain important kernels of ancient history in spite of the comparatively late time of writing and editing. Archaeology can be utilized to examine biblical data in the light of archaeology and judge critically the validity of each biblical episode. This chapter examines why we should accept the historicity of the biblical account regarding ninth-century northern Israel and discredit the historicity of the United Monarchy or Judah. It also discusses Jerusalem as a city during the tenth to ninth centuries and its role in defining state formation in Judah.

This chapter explores the potential use of visual sources, together with the methods employed for studying them, such as iconography or iconology, for the history of ‘ancient Israel’. It describes the theoretical and conceptual framework, particularly the notion of ‘eyewitnessing’, and considers the method, particularly iconography. The chapter also presents case examples chosen from monuments which are so well known to historians of ancient Israel that they are well suited to illustrate both the pitfalls of more conventional interpretations and the potential of alternative approaches. Before turning to the sources – namely visual evidence that may be related to the history of ancient Israel and Judah – the chapter discusses the state of the art among fellow historians in neighbouring disciplines, including those belonging to the so-called ‘humanities’ (or arts and letters). It also considers visual art and history, the metaphor of legal investigation, the balancing of testimony, and the particular status of an eyewitness.

Together with material archaeology and the literary tradition of the Hebrew Bible, epigraphy is one of the main sources for the history of ancient Israel in the ninth century BCE. Although limited in number, West Semitic inscriptions throw some light on the history of this period. This chapter examines ninth-century West Semitic inscriptions and the historical information they contain regarding the history of ninth-century Israel. It starts with the Hebrew inscriptions, followed by inscriptions in the neighbouring southern Levant countries as well as Aramaic inscriptions from Upper Mesopotamia. The chapter deals first with inscriptions in ‘Canaanite’ dialects before analysing inscriptions written in Aramaic dialects. The Mesha and Tel Dan steles are the main West Semitic inscriptions that help us understand the history of Israel and Judah during the ninth century BCE.

This essay discusses how biblical texts that may reflect events of the ninth pre-Christian century may be used to reconstruct select ‘real’ events of that century. Using several examples, it reflects on method, namely, the problems that these texts present to the modern historian of ancient Israel. The modern historian of ancient history should approach the texts dealing with the ninth century in the same way he or she would approach earlier or later periods. This essay considers two types of texts: those that explicitly mark themselves as primarily didactic, and those that are marked as symbolic. The texts from the first group are from the Psalms, while Jonah, Job, and Ruth comprise the second group. There may be other sources beyond Kings that need to be considered for reconstructing the history of the ninth century, including Chronicles and the Pentateuch. Different Mesopotamian sources mention kings of Israel and Judah, usually in the context of the offering of tribute.

Marc Brettler examined the complex issue of genre, noting that the texts most relevant to an historian of Israel and Judah in the ninth century BCE are to be found within 1 Kings 15 to 2 Kings 13. For heuristic purposes, this chapter takes Samuel-Kings as the larger context of which 1 Kings 15–2 Kings 13 is a part. Rather than explore further the theoretical issue (to which in any case Brettler has provided several references), it draws out some implications of points he has made in his paper. In his preliminary remarks on method, Brettler discusses some psalms, including 78, as examples of didactic narrative; and the books of Jonah, Job, and Ruth as instances of symbolic narrative. It is surprising that more attention has not been paid to the apparent patterning of the lists of kings of Judah and Israel which, though not presented as lists, can be (re-)assembled from the books of Kings.

The historical approach to the Bible with explicit reference to the social sciences (including sociology, cultural anthropology, archaeology, economics, social psychology, and political science) became popular among biblical scholars and archaeologists during the 1970s, often induced by social turmoil in several countries. Any endeavour to reconstruct a societal development according to a sociological or anthropological model without using as much historical data as possible, be it from textual, iconographic, or archaeological sources, is very risky. Sociological models will never reach the degree of unambiguity that is a distinguishing feature of scientific models. Therefore, a model that is not permanently tested against data can be misleading. This chapter discusses the social history of ancient Israel, arguing for a careful balance between sociological theory and anthropological knowledge on the one hand, and exegetical and historical investigation on the other. It also examines social-historical perspectives on the early monarchy in Israel and Judah up to the ninth century, along with social-historical perspectives on problems associated with religion and politics during the period.

The Chronicler attributes to Jehoshaphat of Judah (874–850 BCE) the appointment of royal judges in all the fortified cities of his kingdom, and the establishment of a central court in Jerusalem (2 Chron. 19.5–11). This chapter examines the issue of anachronism from the standpoint of the history of biblical law, and asks whether the Chronicler paints a picture coherent with law as it is likely to have functioned in the ninth century. The problem, however, does not commence in the ninth century. Almost universally, 2 Chron. 19.4–11 is taken to be a ‘judicial reform’, which assumes the existence of a preceding judicial system. Unlike some parts of the ancient Near East, ancient Israel was weakly institutionalized. Regular law courts and applying written rules (and thus assuming the presence of literate personnel) backed by state enforcement was a matter for the future.

A major problem in the discussion of the kingdom of Israel in the late tenth–ninth centuries is the evaluation of the Books of Kings as a source for historical reconstruction. In addition to Kings, there are some late tenth–ninth century Egyptian, Assyrian, Aramaic, and Moabite royal inscriptions that refer to various events in the history of the kingdom. However, the number and scope of these inscriptions are limited, and on their basis plus the archaeological data alone we would be unable to draw even a schematic history. The reconstruction of the early history of the Northern Kingdom must begin by tackling a major problem: that of the historicity of the United Monarchy. From the reigns of Jeroboam and Rehoboam on, the years of each king in the kingdoms of Israel and Judah are accurately enumerated. In addition to the above, this chapter also looks at the early dynasties of the Northern Kingdom, including that of the Omrides, and Jehu's rebellion.

This chapter presents a brief outline of the history of ancient Israel, starting with Humphrey Prideaux's The Old and New Testament connected, in the History of the Jews, and neighbouring nations; from the declensions of the Kingdoms of Israel and Judah to the time of Christ. The book's purpose, as the word ‘Connection’ indicates, was to set Old Testament history in the context of the history of the ancient Near East. Other similar works include Johann Gottfried Herder's Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit of 1784–1791, an interesting feature of which was a ‘secular’ account of the reason for the downfall of Judah in the sixth century; Wilhelm Martin Leberecht de Wette's Beiträge; Heinrich Ewald's History of Israel, which argued that the Pentateuch and Joshua had reached their final form by way of at least six redactional processes; and Julius Wellhausen's Israelitische und Jüdische Geschichte of 1894 and Israelitisch-jüdische Religion of 1905; Albrecht Alt's Der Gott der Väter; and the writings of Martin Noth.

Most archaeologists of ancient Israel still operate with a pro-biblical ideology, while the role that archaeology has played in Zionist nation building is extensively documented. Terms such as ‘ninth century’ and ‘Iron Age’ represent an improvement on ‘United Monarchy’ and ‘Divided Monarchy’, but these latter terms remain implanted mentally as part of a larger portrait that may be called ‘biblical Israel’. This chapter argues that the question of ‘biblical Israel’ must be regarded as distinct from the kingdoms of Israel and Judah as a major historical problem rather than a given datum. ‘Biblical Israel’ can never be the subject of a modern critical history, but is rather a crucial part of that history, a ‘memory’, no doubt historically conditioned, that became crucial in creating Judaism. This realization will enable us not only to write a decent critical history of Iron Age central Palestine but also to bring that history and the biblical narrative into the kind of critical engagement that will lead to a better understanding of the Bible itself.

Fergus Millar has been a pioneer among Graeco-Roman historians in appreciating the huge importance of Near Eastern societies and cultures within the ancient world. A continuous interest within this field has been the evolution of Judah/Judaea, cradle of two of the great world religions. The difficulties inherent in the sources for studying its history have provoked intense debates, which show no sign of abating. When did the Judaean state come definitively into being? What were the forces that shaped the political landscape within which its unique traditions began to crystallise? A significant element in the development of Israelite historiography was Judah's encounter with the Assyrian Empire. This chapter argues that a crucial stage in the emergence of the state of Judah was also closely linked to contact with Assyria. It focuses on a famous episode in Judah's history, which may, when set into the wider historical and archaeological context of Near Eastern history, yield some possible answers.