Anne Marie Oliver and Paul F. Steinberg
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195305593
- eISBN:
- 9780199850815
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195305593.003.0015
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Some three years after Arafat's homecoming, Ahmad Yasin returned home to Gaza, the result of the most spectacular bungle in the history of Israel's foreign intelligence operations — a botched ...
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Some three years after Arafat's homecoming, Ahmad Yasin returned home to Gaza, the result of the most spectacular bungle in the history of Israel's foreign intelligence operations — a botched assassination attempt on the life of Khalid Meshal, the Hamas political chief in Jordan thought to be behind two suicide bombings in Jerusalem in which twenty-one Israelis had been killed. In the end, a secret deal, never formally acknowledged by King Husain, was struck. Jordan would release the Israeli agents, and in return, Israel would release Sheikh Yasin as well as a few dozen other Hamas detainees.Less
Some three years after Arafat's homecoming, Ahmad Yasin returned home to Gaza, the result of the most spectacular bungle in the history of Israel's foreign intelligence operations — a botched assassination attempt on the life of Khalid Meshal, the Hamas political chief in Jordan thought to be behind two suicide bombings in Jerusalem in which twenty-one Israelis had been killed. In the end, a secret deal, never formally acknowledged by King Husain, was struck. Jordan would release the Israeli agents, and in return, Israel would release Sheikh Yasin as well as a few dozen other Hamas detainees.
Brendan O'Leary, Ian S. Lustick, and Thomas Callaghy (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244904
- eISBN:
- 9780191600050
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244901.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This edited volume investigates the causes and consequences of the politics of moving borders. The theoretical concept of right‐sizing the state is developed from Ian Lustick's theory of state ...
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This edited volume investigates the causes and consequences of the politics of moving borders. The theoretical concept of right‐sizing the state is developed from Ian Lustick's theory of state expansion and contraction as a process of institutionalization of territory and borders. Brendan O’Leary contributes a taxonomy of modes of regulating ethnic conflict. The volume's reaming authors apply Lustick's theory and O’Leary's taxonomy to historical cases, in large part aiming to explain the changing territoriality of states as a result of elite politics. By asking about how and under what circumstances central states might change their shape in response to ethnic upheavals and regionalists demands, the authors seek to expand options for aligning identities and states while preventing state collapse or violent conflict. The cases examined include Congo/Zaïre, India, Pakistan, Russia and the rest of the former Soviet Union, Turkey, Iraq, Morocco, Indonesia, Jordan, Cyprus, Belgium, and Lebanon.Less
This edited volume investigates the causes and consequences of the politics of moving borders. The theoretical concept of right‐sizing the state is developed from Ian Lustick's theory of state expansion and contraction as a process of institutionalization of territory and borders. Brendan O’Leary contributes a taxonomy of modes of regulating ethnic conflict. The volume's reaming authors apply Lustick's theory and O’Leary's taxonomy to historical cases, in large part aiming to explain the changing territoriality of states as a result of elite politics. By asking about how and under what circumstances central states might change their shape in response to ethnic upheavals and regionalists demands, the authors seek to expand options for aligning identities and states while preventing state collapse or violent conflict. The cases examined include Congo/Zaïre, India, Pakistan, Russia and the rest of the former Soviet Union, Turkey, Iraq, Morocco, Indonesia, Jordan, Cyprus, Belgium, and Lebanon.
Renate Dieterich
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249589
- eISBN:
- 9780191600029
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924958X.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Includes all relevant information on national elections held in Jordan since its independence in 1946. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of Jordan's political history, outlines the evolution of ...
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Includes all relevant information on national elections held in Jordan since its independence in 1946. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of Jordan's political history, outlines the evolution of electoral provisions, and presents the current electoral legislation in a standardized manner (suffrage, elected institutions, nomination of candidates, electoral system, organizational context of elections). Part II includes exhaustive electoral statistics in systematic tables (numbers of registered voters, votes cast, the votes for candidates and/or parties in parliamentary elections, the electoral participation of political parties, the distribution of parliamentary seats, etc.).Less
Includes all relevant information on national elections held in Jordan since its independence in 1946. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of Jordan's political history, outlines the evolution of electoral provisions, and presents the current electoral legislation in a standardized manner (suffrage, elected institutions, nomination of candidates, electoral system, organizational context of elections). Part II includes exhaustive electoral statistics in systematic tables (numbers of registered voters, votes cast, the votes for candidates and/or parties in parliamentary elections, the electoral participation of political parties, the distribution of parliamentary seats, etc.).
Margaret Litvin
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137803
- eISBN:
- 9781400840106
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137803.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
For the past five decades, Arab intellectuals have seen themselves in Shakespeare's Hamlet: their times “out of joint,” their political hopes frustrated by a corrupt older generation. This book ...
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For the past five decades, Arab intellectuals have seen themselves in Shakespeare's Hamlet: their times “out of joint,” their political hopes frustrated by a corrupt older generation. This book traces the uses of Hamlet in Arabic theatre and political rhetoric, and asks how Shakespeare's play developed into a musical with a happy ending in 1901 and grew to become the most obsessively quoted literary work in Arab politics today. Explaining the Arab Hamlet tradition, the book also illuminates the “to be or not to be” politics that have turned Shakespeare's tragedy into the essential Arab political text, cited by Arab liberals, nationalists, and Islamists alike. On the Arab stage, Hamlet has been an operetta hero, a firebrand revolutionary, and a muzzled dissident. Analyzing productions from Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Jordan, and Kuwait, the book follows the distinct phases of Hamlet's naturalization as an Arab. The book uses personal interviews as well as scripts and videos, reviews, and detailed comparisons with French and Russian Hamlets. The result shows Arab theatre in a new light. It identifies the French source of the earliest Arabic Hamlet, shows the outsize influence of Soviet and East European Shakespeare, and explores the deep cultural link between Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser and the ghost of Hamlet's father. Documenting how global sources and models helped nurture a distinct Arab Hamlet tradition, this book represents a new approach to the study of international Shakespeare appropriation.Less
For the past five decades, Arab intellectuals have seen themselves in Shakespeare's Hamlet: their times “out of joint,” their political hopes frustrated by a corrupt older generation. This book traces the uses of Hamlet in Arabic theatre and political rhetoric, and asks how Shakespeare's play developed into a musical with a happy ending in 1901 and grew to become the most obsessively quoted literary work in Arab politics today. Explaining the Arab Hamlet tradition, the book also illuminates the “to be or not to be” politics that have turned Shakespeare's tragedy into the essential Arab political text, cited by Arab liberals, nationalists, and Islamists alike. On the Arab stage, Hamlet has been an operetta hero, a firebrand revolutionary, and a muzzled dissident. Analyzing productions from Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Jordan, and Kuwait, the book follows the distinct phases of Hamlet's naturalization as an Arab. The book uses personal interviews as well as scripts and videos, reviews, and detailed comparisons with French and Russian Hamlets. The result shows Arab theatre in a new light. It identifies the French source of the earliest Arabic Hamlet, shows the outsize influence of Soviet and East European Shakespeare, and explores the deep cultural link between Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser and the ghost of Hamlet's father. Documenting how global sources and models helped nurture a distinct Arab Hamlet tradition, this book represents a new approach to the study of international Shakespeare appropriation.
Marc Lynch
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244904
- eISBN:
- 9780191600050
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244901.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Marc Lynch examines the Jordanian disengagement from the West Bank in 1988 as a case of state downsizing. The author focuses on international factors and elite politics on both sides of the Jordan ...
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Marc Lynch examines the Jordanian disengagement from the West Bank in 1988 as a case of state downsizing. The author focuses on international factors and elite politics on both sides of the Jordan River, drawing conclusions on the influences of state downsizing on the changing character of the Jordanian political regime under King Hussein and his son, Abdullah. The author examines the role of public sphere changes and the political identity, the entrepreneurs played in the process, and he outlines the reflexive institutional relationship of the disengagement on state institutions, political parties, the press, and professional organizations. Finally, he examines the role of the Arab–Israeli peace process for the formula of separation between Jordan and Palestine.Less
Marc Lynch examines the Jordanian disengagement from the West Bank in 1988 as a case of state downsizing. The author focuses on international factors and elite politics on both sides of the Jordan River, drawing conclusions on the influences of state downsizing on the changing character of the Jordanian political regime under King Hussein and his son, Abdullah. The author examines the role of public sphere changes and the political identity, the entrepreneurs played in the process, and he outlines the reflexive institutional relationship of the disengagement on state institutions, political parties, the press, and professional organizations. Finally, he examines the role of the Arab–Israeli peace process for the formula of separation between Jordan and Palestine.
Michael Doran
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195123616
- eISBN:
- 9780199854530
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195123616.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This book aims to profoundly alter the accepted version of the history of post-World War II pan-Arabic foreign policy. To this end, it demonstrates the absence of any true pan-Arabic front from the ...
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This book aims to profoundly alter the accepted version of the history of post-World War II pan-Arabic foreign policy. To this end, it demonstrates the absence of any true pan-Arabic front from the very beginning of the Arab League. Reconsidering Cairo's policy decisions during the critical years from 1944 to 1948, it proves that Egyptian national interests were always placed before the united Arab front against Israel. Even while participating in the 1948 war with Israel, Egypt regarded Zionism and the Palestine Question as less important than achieving independence from Britain and thwarting the expansionist aims of Iraq and Jordan. Ultimately, this study is a rethinking of twentieth-century Middle Eastern politics and history, with key implications for both the study of the ongoing Arab-Israeli conflict and the volatile politics of the Middle East in general.Less
This book aims to profoundly alter the accepted version of the history of post-World War II pan-Arabic foreign policy. To this end, it demonstrates the absence of any true pan-Arabic front from the very beginning of the Arab League. Reconsidering Cairo's policy decisions during the critical years from 1944 to 1948, it proves that Egyptian national interests were always placed before the united Arab front against Israel. Even while participating in the 1948 war with Israel, Egypt regarded Zionism and the Palestine Question as less important than achieving independence from Britain and thwarting the expansionist aims of Iraq and Jordan. Ultimately, this study is a rethinking of twentieth-century Middle Eastern politics and history, with key implications for both the study of the ongoing Arab-Israeli conflict and the volatile politics of the Middle East in general.
Amaney A. Jamal
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149646
- eISBN:
- 9781400845477
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149646.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
In the post-Cold War era, why has democratization been slow to arrive in the Arab world? This book argues that to understand support for the authoritarian status quo in parts of this region—and the ...
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In the post-Cold War era, why has democratization been slow to arrive in the Arab world? This book argues that to understand support for the authoritarian status quo in parts of this region—and the willingness of its citizens to compromise on core democratic principles—one must factor in how a strong U.S. presence and popular anti-Americanism weakens democratic voices. Examining such countries as Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Palestine, and Saudi Arabia, the book explores how Arab citizens decide whether to back existing regimes, regime transitions, and democratization projects, and how the global position of Arab states shapes people's attitudes toward their governments. While the Cold War's end reduced superpower hegemony in much of the developing world, the Arab region witnessed an increased security and economic dependence on the United States. As a result, the preferences of the United States matter greatly to middle-class Arab citizens, not just the elite, and citizens will restrain their pursuit of democratization, rationalizing their backing for the status quo because of U.S. geostrategic priorities. Demonstrating how the preferences of an international patron serve as a constraint or an opportunity to push for democracy, the book questions bottom-up approaches to democratization, which assume that states are autonomous units in the world order. It contends that even now, with the overthrow of some autocratic Arab regimes, the future course of Arab democratization will be influenced by the perception of American reactions. Concurrently, the United States must address the troubling sources of the region's rising anti-Americanism.Less
In the post-Cold War era, why has democratization been slow to arrive in the Arab world? This book argues that to understand support for the authoritarian status quo in parts of this region—and the willingness of its citizens to compromise on core democratic principles—one must factor in how a strong U.S. presence and popular anti-Americanism weakens democratic voices. Examining such countries as Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Palestine, and Saudi Arabia, the book explores how Arab citizens decide whether to back existing regimes, regime transitions, and democratization projects, and how the global position of Arab states shapes people's attitudes toward their governments. While the Cold War's end reduced superpower hegemony in much of the developing world, the Arab region witnessed an increased security and economic dependence on the United States. As a result, the preferences of the United States matter greatly to middle-class Arab citizens, not just the elite, and citizens will restrain their pursuit of democratization, rationalizing their backing for the status quo because of U.S. geostrategic priorities. Demonstrating how the preferences of an international patron serve as a constraint or an opportunity to push for democracy, the book questions bottom-up approaches to democratization, which assume that states are autonomous units in the world order. It contends that even now, with the overthrow of some autocratic Arab regimes, the future course of Arab democratization will be influenced by the perception of American reactions. Concurrently, the United States must address the troubling sources of the region's rising anti-Americanism.
D. K. Fieldhouse
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199540839
- eISBN:
- 9780191713507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199540839.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Political History, Middle East History
This chapter outlines the genesis of Transjordan as an entity from 1918, emphasizing the influence of Britain as mandatory. It examines the complexities of its relations with the Zionists to 1949, ...
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This chapter outlines the genesis of Transjordan as an entity from 1918, emphasizing the influence of Britain as mandatory. It examines the complexities of its relations with the Zionists to 1949, and discusses the fortunes of the regime to 1956 and the final break with the British connection. Transjordan was in many ways the most remarkable of the post-1918 European mandates, in part because it was the only Arab mandate or state that had a continuously close relationship with the Zionist enterprise from its early days, and after 1948 with Israel. That relationship was not always amicable, but it was always fundamental to Transjordanian existence.Less
This chapter outlines the genesis of Transjordan as an entity from 1918, emphasizing the influence of Britain as mandatory. It examines the complexities of its relations with the Zionists to 1949, and discusses the fortunes of the regime to 1956 and the final break with the British connection. Transjordan was in many ways the most remarkable of the post-1918 European mandates, in part because it was the only Arab mandate or state that had a continuously close relationship with the Zionist enterprise from its early days, and after 1948 with Israel. That relationship was not always amicable, but it was always fundamental to Transjordanian existence.
Laura Hamblin and Hala Al-Sarraf
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264591
- eISBN:
- 9780191734397
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264591.003.0010
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
This chapter consists of collected oral histories of Iraqi women refugees in Jordan. It examines the identity of Iraqi women refugees as revealed through their personal narratives. In the Ba’athist ...
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This chapter consists of collected oral histories of Iraqi women refugees in Jordan. It examines the identity of Iraqi women refugees as revealed through their personal narratives. In the Ba’athist regime, the Iraqi identity was reinforced as an Arab identity. During the 35-year rule of this regime, Iraqis watched other Arab nationalities enjoying privileges while they lived in Iran. After the fall of the regime, the new government emphasized Iraqi identity as separate from the Arab identity. The new regime imposed an Iranian identity within the concepts of ethnic and sectarian power sharing. While this new identity posed a dilemma with the manner refugees formed representations of themselves in host countries and with the distribution of privileges they used to enjoy in the former regime, many of the Iraqi women refugees still saw themselves as Arabs and refused the sectarian criteria. All the women interviewed in this chapter expressed the notion that their identity was challenged as their life circumstances demanded them to accommodate the changes they experience.Less
This chapter consists of collected oral histories of Iraqi women refugees in Jordan. It examines the identity of Iraqi women refugees as revealed through their personal narratives. In the Ba’athist regime, the Iraqi identity was reinforced as an Arab identity. During the 35-year rule of this regime, Iraqis watched other Arab nationalities enjoying privileges while they lived in Iran. After the fall of the regime, the new government emphasized Iraqi identity as separate from the Arab identity. The new regime imposed an Iranian identity within the concepts of ethnic and sectarian power sharing. While this new identity posed a dilemma with the manner refugees formed representations of themselves in host countries and with the distribution of privileges they used to enjoy in the former regime, many of the Iraqi women refugees still saw themselves as Arabs and refused the sectarian criteria. All the women interviewed in this chapter expressed the notion that their identity was challenged as their life circumstances demanded them to accommodate the changes they experience.
Géraldine Chatelard
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264591
- eISBN:
- 9780191734397
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264591.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
Since the Anglo-American invasion and the fall of the Ba’athist regime in 2003, Iraq has been through profound changes. New and heightened levels of human security have led to large numbers of ...
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Since the Anglo-American invasion and the fall of the Ba’athist regime in 2003, Iraq has been through profound changes. New and heightened levels of human security have led to large numbers of refugees seeking refuge in neighbouring Arab countries such as Syria and Jordan. This has also resulted in internal displacement within the country. This chapter discusses the historical and political context of Iraqi displacement to the northern regions of Iraq and the neighbouring countries of Syria and Jordan. It examines the effect of the international humanitarian aid regime’s designation of ‘unprecedented refugee crisis’ to the forced migrants and to the political actors of the region. The creation of a state-centred approach and the visibility of Iraqi refugees created other invisibilities that concealed and obscured the question of the prevalence of forced migrations and the dynamics of cross-border ties which have spanned for decades. These trends of Iraqi migration have been shaped by successive coercive governments which have fragmented the population along religious, ethnic and ideological orientations and by the nature of the polities from which Iraqis sought security. By analysing the trends and context of Iraqi migration, this chapter sheds light on the true nature of the Iraqi refugee agenda.Less
Since the Anglo-American invasion and the fall of the Ba’athist regime in 2003, Iraq has been through profound changes. New and heightened levels of human security have led to large numbers of refugees seeking refuge in neighbouring Arab countries such as Syria and Jordan. This has also resulted in internal displacement within the country. This chapter discusses the historical and political context of Iraqi displacement to the northern regions of Iraq and the neighbouring countries of Syria and Jordan. It examines the effect of the international humanitarian aid regime’s designation of ‘unprecedented refugee crisis’ to the forced migrants and to the political actors of the region. The creation of a state-centred approach and the visibility of Iraqi refugees created other invisibilities that concealed and obscured the question of the prevalence of forced migrations and the dynamics of cross-border ties which have spanned for decades. These trends of Iraqi migration have been shaped by successive coercive governments which have fragmented the population along religious, ethnic and ideological orientations and by the nature of the polities from which Iraqis sought security. By analysing the trends and context of Iraqi migration, this chapter sheds light on the true nature of the Iraqi refugee agenda.
Amaney A. Jamal
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149646
- eISBN:
- 9781400845477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149646.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter provides an overview of book's main themes. This book explores Kuwait and Jordan as two states that have similar clientelistic ties to the United States. Both are monarchies holding ...
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This chapter provides an overview of book's main themes. This book explores Kuwait and Jordan as two states that have similar clientelistic ties to the United States. Both are monarchies holding parliamentary elections, and each has similar levels of support for its Islamist opposition movements. However, the two states vary in their levels of anti-American sentiment among these Islamist opposition forces. This core difference reveals how concerns about a country's international relations shape state–society relations more broadly. Although the book builds its argument by focusing on the cases of Kuwait and Jordan, it also draws on evidence from two other monarchies that have varying degrees of anti-American sentiment among their Islamist opposition as well: Morocco and Saudi Arabia. Further, it extends the findings to Palestine's democratic experience, which resulted in Hamas' parliamentary victory in 2006.Less
This chapter provides an overview of book's main themes. This book explores Kuwait and Jordan as two states that have similar clientelistic ties to the United States. Both are monarchies holding parliamentary elections, and each has similar levels of support for its Islamist opposition movements. However, the two states vary in their levels of anti-American sentiment among these Islamist opposition forces. This core difference reveals how concerns about a country's international relations shape state–society relations more broadly. Although the book builds its argument by focusing on the cases of Kuwait and Jordan, it also draws on evidence from two other monarchies that have varying degrees of anti-American sentiment among their Islamist opposition as well: Morocco and Saudi Arabia. Further, it extends the findings to Palestine's democratic experience, which resulted in Hamas' parliamentary victory in 2006.
Amaney A. Jamal
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149646
- eISBN:
- 9781400845477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149646.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter offers a detailed historical analysis of the emergence of regime clientelism in Jordan and Kuwait. It illustrates how the end of the Cold War restructured the ways in which international ...
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This chapter offers a detailed historical analysis of the emergence of regime clientelism in Jordan and Kuwait. It illustrates how the end of the Cold War restructured the ways in which international hierarchy shifted debates about democratization at the domestic level. During the Cold War, the bipolar nature of the world order meant that if the United States were to lose its ally in Jordan, the Soviet Union would be able to step up on the back of a new regime. If the United States then decided to cut off economic and security ties to Jordan, Jordanians might find comfort in the fact that the Soviet Union could play a role in continuing to secure Jordan's interests. Thus, those who resisted anti-American presence in the Arab world could launch their concerns more effectively because of an alternate patron—the Soviet Union—in the global order.Less
This chapter offers a detailed historical analysis of the emergence of regime clientelism in Jordan and Kuwait. It illustrates how the end of the Cold War restructured the ways in which international hierarchy shifted debates about democratization at the domestic level. During the Cold War, the bipolar nature of the world order meant that if the United States were to lose its ally in Jordan, the Soviet Union would be able to step up on the back of a new regime. If the United States then decided to cut off economic and security ties to Jordan, Jordanians might find comfort in the fact that the Soviet Union could play a role in continuing to secure Jordan's interests. Thus, those who resisted anti-American presence in the Arab world could launch their concerns more effectively because of an alternate patron—the Soviet Union—in the global order.
Curtis R. Ryan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813033075
- eISBN:
- 9780813039558
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813033075.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
There is a method to the apparent madness of Arab politics. In a region where friends can become enemies and enemies become friends seemingly at the drop of the hat, this book argues that there is ...
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There is a method to the apparent madness of Arab politics. In a region where friends can become enemies and enemies become friends seemingly at the drop of the hat, this book argues that there is logic to be found. Through fourteen years of field research and interviews with key policy makers, the author examines the remarkably stable Jordan as a microcosm of the region's politics. He traces the last four decades of Jordanian foreign policy in an attempt to better understand what seems like chaos. What he finds is an approach that is fundamentally different from alliances made in the West, in both how and why they are made. With governmental change and upheaval occurring on a seemingly regular basis, Arab nations approach diplomacy with much different means and potential ends. The impact of this diplomacy is arguably the most immediate in the world today, as conflict with words and conflict with weapons are sometimes separated by mere days. The topic of international relations in the Arab world is as complex as it is important. This book gives the reader the theoretical background, and shows its direct applicability through the foreign policy of Jordan.Less
There is a method to the apparent madness of Arab politics. In a region where friends can become enemies and enemies become friends seemingly at the drop of the hat, this book argues that there is logic to be found. Through fourteen years of field research and interviews with key policy makers, the author examines the remarkably stable Jordan as a microcosm of the region's politics. He traces the last four decades of Jordanian foreign policy in an attempt to better understand what seems like chaos. What he finds is an approach that is fundamentally different from alliances made in the West, in both how and why they are made. With governmental change and upheaval occurring on a seemingly regular basis, Arab nations approach diplomacy with much different means and potential ends. The impact of this diplomacy is arguably the most immediate in the world today, as conflict with words and conflict with weapons are sometimes separated by mere days. The topic of international relations in the Arab world is as complex as it is important. This book gives the reader the theoretical background, and shows its direct applicability through the foreign policy of Jordan.
ROBERT V. DODGE
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199857203
- eISBN:
- 9780199932597
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199857203.003.0017
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Behavioural Economics
Phil Jackson is the most successful coach in the history of the National Basketball Association, though he has little in common with the players. The son of two Assemblies of God ministers from the ...
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Phil Jackson is the most successful coach in the history of the National Basketball Association, though he has little in common with the players. The son of two Assemblies of God ministers from the most rural of states, he coaches mostly African-American players who come from large urban areas. Basketball team is a “commons” where studies show individual self-interest competes with group, or team interest. Jackson has coached the greatest of all basketball players, Michael Jordan, and also other outstanding individuals such as Shaquille O'Neal and Kobe Bryant; he has managed to turn them into team players where all who had tried before had failed. This chapter presents the story of this unusual man and how he overcame the multi-person prisoner's dilemma of the commons in a very public arena.Less
Phil Jackson is the most successful coach in the history of the National Basketball Association, though he has little in common with the players. The son of two Assemblies of God ministers from the most rural of states, he coaches mostly African-American players who come from large urban areas. Basketball team is a “commons” where studies show individual self-interest competes with group, or team interest. Jackson has coached the greatest of all basketball players, Michael Jordan, and also other outstanding individuals such as Shaquille O'Neal and Kobe Bryant; he has managed to turn them into team players where all who had tried before had failed. This chapter presents the story of this unusual man and how he overcame the multi-person prisoner's dilemma of the commons in a very public arena.
Amaney A. Jamal
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149646
- eISBN:
- 9781400845477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149646.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter first offers a general overview of Islamist positions vis-è-vis the United States in both Jordan and Kuwait. Second, it emphasizes the exogenous nature of anti-Americanism, arguing that ...
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This chapter first offers a general overview of Islamist positions vis-è-vis the United States in both Jordan and Kuwait. Second, it emphasizes the exogenous nature of anti-Americanism, arguing that it is a function of U.S. policies. It also shows how international developments influenced Islamist stances relative to the United States. Jordan's dependency on the West, the continuation of the occupation of Palestinian lands by Israel, the Jordanian peace treaty with Israel, the so-called War on Terror, and the War on Iraq have further reinforced anti-American sentiment among Jordan's Islamist opposition. Finally, the chapter posits that the democratic reversals in Jordan, which marked much of the 1990s and the early years of the twenty-first century, were directly linked to the fear of anti-American opposition movements then gaining momentum. It concludes with a discussion about the role regimes and the United States play in sustaining barriers to democracy in these settings.Less
This chapter first offers a general overview of Islamist positions vis-è-vis the United States in both Jordan and Kuwait. Second, it emphasizes the exogenous nature of anti-Americanism, arguing that it is a function of U.S. policies. It also shows how international developments influenced Islamist stances relative to the United States. Jordan's dependency on the West, the continuation of the occupation of Palestinian lands by Israel, the Jordanian peace treaty with Israel, the so-called War on Terror, and the War on Iraq have further reinforced anti-American sentiment among Jordan's Islamist opposition. Finally, the chapter posits that the democratic reversals in Jordan, which marked much of the 1990s and the early years of the twenty-first century, were directly linked to the fear of anti-American opposition movements then gaining momentum. It concludes with a discussion about the role regimes and the United States play in sustaining barriers to democracy in these settings.
Amaney A. Jamal
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149646
- eISBN:
- 9781400845477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149646.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter provides a detailed account of how ordinary citizens rationalize their political preferences. First, it documents the causal logics citizens employ when supporting the monarchy in ...
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This chapter provides a detailed account of how ordinary citizens rationalize their political preferences. First, it documents the causal logics citizens employ when supporting the monarchy in Jordan. It illustrates how people who believe that the current regime has privileged and important relations with the United States may come to support a regime even when it is otherwise not in their apparent interest. This is so because they fear the role anti-American Islamists may play in harming the relationship if they come to power. Furthermore, the chapter demonstrates that this is not the case in Kuwait, because the Islamist opposition is pro-American. Second, it examines the ways citizens who oppose the regime in Jordan cling to an elastic definition of Sharia, one that seeks to challenge the geopolitical status quo altogether. This chapter relies on a series of open-ended interviews conducted by two research teams in Jordan and Kuwait.Less
This chapter provides a detailed account of how ordinary citizens rationalize their political preferences. First, it documents the causal logics citizens employ when supporting the monarchy in Jordan. It illustrates how people who believe that the current regime has privileged and important relations with the United States may come to support a regime even when it is otherwise not in their apparent interest. This is so because they fear the role anti-American Islamists may play in harming the relationship if they come to power. Furthermore, the chapter demonstrates that this is not the case in Kuwait, because the Islamist opposition is pro-American. Second, it examines the ways citizens who oppose the regime in Jordan cling to an elastic definition of Sharia, one that seeks to challenge the geopolitical status quo altogether. This chapter relies on a series of open-ended interviews conducted by two research teams in Jordan and Kuwait.
Amaney A. Jamal
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149646
- eISBN:
- 9781400845477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149646.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter offers quantitative support to the causal logics citizens employ when engaging democracy, authoritarianism, regime stability, and transition in Jordan and Kuwait. Because the argument ...
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This chapter offers quantitative support to the causal logics citizens employ when engaging democracy, authoritarianism, regime stability, and transition in Jordan and Kuwait. Because the argument advanced in this book is multi-layered, the chapter attempts to unpack the argument incrementally. It offers an empirical strategy that gradually addresses the microfoundations of the argument. This argument can be sketched briefly as follows: Citizens in client states (especially those who value access to global economic markets) will want to ensure stable ties to the patron in the event of transition. Therefore, citizens living in countries with organized anti-American opposition movements that have considerable constituency basis will be more likely to favor less democracy to ensure that anti-American forces do not harm relations with the United States. Ultimately, then, citizens in client states with similarly large opposition movements that are less anti-American will more likely favor democratization because the changes in regime will not jeopardize relations with their patron.Less
This chapter offers quantitative support to the causal logics citizens employ when engaging democracy, authoritarianism, regime stability, and transition in Jordan and Kuwait. Because the argument advanced in this book is multi-layered, the chapter attempts to unpack the argument incrementally. It offers an empirical strategy that gradually addresses the microfoundations of the argument. This argument can be sketched briefly as follows: Citizens in client states (especially those who value access to global economic markets) will want to ensure stable ties to the patron in the event of transition. Therefore, citizens living in countries with organized anti-American opposition movements that have considerable constituency basis will be more likely to favor less democracy to ensure that anti-American forces do not harm relations with the United States. Ultimately, then, citizens in client states with similarly large opposition movements that are less anti-American will more likely favor democratization because the changes in regime will not jeopardize relations with their patron.
David French
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199548231
- eISBN:
- 9780191739224
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199548231.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
Sandys hoped to create an air and sea‐mobile Strategic Reserve that would give Britain the ability to intervene in trouble‐spots outside the NATO area and nip trouble in the bud. This chapter ...
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Sandys hoped to create an air and sea‐mobile Strategic Reserve that would give Britain the ability to intervene in trouble‐spots outside the NATO area and nip trouble in the bud. This chapter explores the rise and fall of this strategy and the army's place within it. It shows that the promise of amphibious mobility was borne out during operations in Kuwait and East Africa. But exploiting air‐mobility proved to be more difficult. Finally, although the array of weapons and equipment it could deploy may have looked impressive, the combat capability of the Strategic Reserve was very limited.Less
Sandys hoped to create an air and sea‐mobile Strategic Reserve that would give Britain the ability to intervene in trouble‐spots outside the NATO area and nip trouble in the bud. This chapter explores the rise and fall of this strategy and the army's place within it. It shows that the promise of amphibious mobility was borne out during operations in Kuwait and East Africa. But exploiting air‐mobility proved to be more difficult. Finally, although the array of weapons and equipment it could deploy may have looked impressive, the combat capability of the Strategic Reserve was very limited.
Michael J. Crawford
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813034706
- eISBN:
- 9780813038346
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813034706.003.0024
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
In January 1797, Thomas Jordan, clerk of the Standing Committee of the Eastern Quarter of the North Carolina Yearly Meeting, sent a printed copy of a bill that had been proposed in the North Carolina ...
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In January 1797, Thomas Jordan, clerk of the Standing Committee of the Eastern Quarter of the North Carolina Yearly Meeting, sent a printed copy of a bill that had been proposed in the North Carolina General Assembly to John Elliott of the Philadelphia Society of Friends. Jordan wanted to show the Pennsylvania Friends “the disposition of some of our Legislators.” Even though it never became law, the bill is of historical interest because the behaviors the bill's author intended to regulate suggest steps North Carolina Friends were taking to avoid the re-enslavement of blacks they had freed.Less
In January 1797, Thomas Jordan, clerk of the Standing Committee of the Eastern Quarter of the North Carolina Yearly Meeting, sent a printed copy of a bill that had been proposed in the North Carolina General Assembly to John Elliott of the Philadelphia Society of Friends. Jordan wanted to show the Pennsylvania Friends “the disposition of some of our Legislators.” Even though it never became law, the bill is of historical interest because the behaviors the bill's author intended to regulate suggest steps North Carolina Friends were taking to avoid the re-enslavement of blacks they had freed.
Sean L. Yom
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231175647
- eISBN:
- 9780231540278
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231175647.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
Jordan exemplifies the third causal pattern encompassed by this book’s central theory of authoritarian statebuilding: that of geopolitical subsidization and tenuous survival. This chapter traces the ...
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Jordan exemplifies the third causal pattern encompassed by this book’s central theory of authoritarian statebuilding: that of geopolitical subsidization and tenuous survival. This chapter traces the historical processes and events that culminated in the domestic unrest of the mid-1950s, which nearly ended the rule of its Hashemite regime.Less
Jordan exemplifies the third causal pattern encompassed by this book’s central theory of authoritarian statebuilding: that of geopolitical subsidization and tenuous survival. This chapter traces the historical processes and events that culminated in the domestic unrest of the mid-1950s, which nearly ended the rule of its Hashemite regime.
