Daniel Kreiss
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199782536
- eISBN:
- 9780199950614
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199782536.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter begins with Dean’s “Sleepless Summer Tour” and ends with Kerry’s defeat at the hands of George W. Bush. Dean’s eight-city tour drew tens of thousands to rallies, revealing the extent of ...
More
This chapter begins with Dean’s “Sleepless Summer Tour” and ends with Kerry’s defeat at the hands of George W. Bush. Dean’s eight-city tour drew tens of thousands to rallies, revealing the extent of the candidate’s national support and the power of staffers’ use of the Internet to mobilize supporters across the country. The success of Sleepless Summer provides a revealing contrast to what was happening on the ground in Iowa, which the campaign’s leadership began to realize was seriously flawed. Staffers on the ground in Iowa faced significant data issues and lacked basic tools for organizing volunteers and contacting voters, even as national campaign staffers faced extensive data and systems issues of their own. Ineffective television advertisements left the campaign broke, and Dean had little hope for a better outcome than third. Dean’s highly publicized “scream” that endlessly replayed on national television effectively ended his candidacy. The chapter concludes by following the work of a number of Dean’s staffers and consultants who joined the campaign of John Kerry to work on Internet operations.Less
This chapter begins with Dean’s “Sleepless Summer Tour” and ends with Kerry’s defeat at the hands of George W. Bush. Dean’s eight-city tour drew tens of thousands to rallies, revealing the extent of the candidate’s national support and the power of staffers’ use of the Internet to mobilize supporters across the country. The success of Sleepless Summer provides a revealing contrast to what was happening on the ground in Iowa, which the campaign’s leadership began to realize was seriously flawed. Staffers on the ground in Iowa faced significant data issues and lacked basic tools for organizing volunteers and contacting voters, even as national campaign staffers faced extensive data and systems issues of their own. Ineffective television advertisements left the campaign broke, and Dean had little hope for a better outcome than third. Dean’s highly publicized “scream” that endlessly replayed on national television effectively ended his candidacy. The chapter concludes by following the work of a number of Dean’s staffers and consultants who joined the campaign of John Kerry to work on Internet operations.
Jonathan H. Ebel
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300176704
- eISBN:
- 9780300216356
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300176704.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Social History
The American soldier figured prominently in the civil religious crisis of the Vietnam War, both as an interpreter of war and as a symbol of the nation’s moral standing and ethical capacities. This ...
More
The American soldier figured prominently in the civil religious crisis of the Vietnam War, both as an interpreter of war and as a symbol of the nation’s moral standing and ethical capacities. This chapter examines governmental and popular presentations of the Vietnam-era soldier and argues that these presentations often featured divergent interpretations of the relationship between the soldier and the government, whose will he embodied. In civil religious terms this was a Christological controversy, paralleling disagreements in the early Church over the precise nature of the incarnation and the saving work of the Christ figure. In the end, the purity of soldierly service and sacrifice was maintained through removal of the stain of compulsion from soldiering for America.Less
The American soldier figured prominently in the civil religious crisis of the Vietnam War, both as an interpreter of war and as a symbol of the nation’s moral standing and ethical capacities. This chapter examines governmental and popular presentations of the Vietnam-era soldier and argues that these presentations often featured divergent interpretations of the relationship between the soldier and the government, whose will he embodied. In civil religious terms this was a Christological controversy, paralleling disagreements in the early Church over the precise nature of the incarnation and the saving work of the Christ figure. In the end, the purity of soldierly service and sacrifice was maintained through removal of the stain of compulsion from soldiering for America.
Jennifer Stromer-Galley
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199731930
- eISBN:
- 9780199357482
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199731930.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, Democratization
This chapter examines the practices of the 2004 presidential campaigns. This election cycle exhibits an important shift from the mass-media campaigning paradigm to the networked media campaigning ...
More
This chapter examines the practices of the 2004 presidential campaigns. This election cycle exhibits an important shift from the mass-media campaigning paradigm to the networked media campaigning paradigm. Howard Dean’s remarkable rise in the polls and financial success came after capitalizing on the affordances of digital communication technologies (DCTs) for two-step flow. The best illustration of this paradigm shift, though, is in the candidacy of Wesley Clark, which started as a netroots movement, and eventually became a front-runner campaign. The clash between the netroots and a new way of campaigning and the campaign professionals’ historic way of mass-mediated campaigning reveals the paradigm shift. In the meantime, George Bush continued to build a comprehensive data file of offline and online voter behavior for microtargeted messaging; and, John Kerry conducted analytic testing of website design and e-mail messaging features to maximize effects. Both practices were harbingers of future election cycles.Less
This chapter examines the practices of the 2004 presidential campaigns. This election cycle exhibits an important shift from the mass-media campaigning paradigm to the networked media campaigning paradigm. Howard Dean’s remarkable rise in the polls and financial success came after capitalizing on the affordances of digital communication technologies (DCTs) for two-step flow. The best illustration of this paradigm shift, though, is in the candidacy of Wesley Clark, which started as a netroots movement, and eventually became a front-runner campaign. The clash between the netroots and a new way of campaigning and the campaign professionals’ historic way of mass-mediated campaigning reveals the paradigm shift. In the meantime, George Bush continued to build a comprehensive data file of offline and online voter behavior for microtargeted messaging; and, John Kerry conducted analytic testing of website design and e-mail messaging features to maximize effects. Both practices were harbingers of future election cycles.
Peter Steinfels
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195317145
- eISBN:
- 9780199851386
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195317145.003.0016
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
This chapter explores one of the groups that were once marginal in American political life, but which over the course of the twentieth century have become central. It details some of the ...
More
This chapter explores one of the groups that were once marginal in American political life, but which over the course of the twentieth century have become central. It details some of the extraordinary range of critical political issues and some of the remarkable figures in the divergent cast of characters found in recent Catholic history. In 1960, John Fitzgerald Kennedy, the Democratic candidate, was elected the first Roman Catholic president of the United States. Forty-four years later, John Forbes Kerry, the Democratic candidate and the next Catholic nominated by either major party for the presidency, went down in defeat. In both cases, Catholicism emerged as an obstacle to election. However, the differences were dramatic—and they suggested some of the unforeseen twists and turns that have defined the relationship between Catholicism and American politics.Less
This chapter explores one of the groups that were once marginal in American political life, but which over the course of the twentieth century have become central. It details some of the extraordinary range of critical political issues and some of the remarkable figures in the divergent cast of characters found in recent Catholic history. In 1960, John Fitzgerald Kennedy, the Democratic candidate, was elected the first Roman Catholic president of the United States. Forty-four years later, John Forbes Kerry, the Democratic candidate and the next Catholic nominated by either major party for the presidency, went down in defeat. In both cases, Catholicism emerged as an obstacle to election. However, the differences were dramatic—and they suggested some of the unforeseen twists and turns that have defined the relationship between Catholicism and American politics.
Ryan C. Hendrickson
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813160948
- eISBN:
- 9780813165462
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813160948.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter examines the legislative records of Senators John Kerry (D–Mass.) and John McCain (R–Ariz.) related to U.S. war powers. Both senators have long and sustained records of supporting ...
More
This chapter examines the legislative records of Senators John Kerry (D–Mass.) and John McCain (R–Ariz.) related to U.S. war powers. Both senators have long and sustained records of supporting presidents who make sweeping claims of constitutional authority for using force. McCain has backed nearly every use of force during his congressional career and has fought against congressional attempts to limit the commander in chief. In his time as a senator, Kerry often voiced his support for congressional war powers and the War Powers Resolution, but in practice he, like McCain, actively backed presidential military ambitions. Assessing these senior senators’ views and actions over a number of presidencies provides greater insight on the war powers interplay during the Obama administration and helps explains how and why Congress has so often abdicated its constitutional and legislative responsibilities to check the commander in chief.Less
This chapter examines the legislative records of Senators John Kerry (D–Mass.) and John McCain (R–Ariz.) related to U.S. war powers. Both senators have long and sustained records of supporting presidents who make sweeping claims of constitutional authority for using force. McCain has backed nearly every use of force during his congressional career and has fought against congressional attempts to limit the commander in chief. In his time as a senator, Kerry often voiced his support for congressional war powers and the War Powers Resolution, but in practice he, like McCain, actively backed presidential military ambitions. Assessing these senior senators’ views and actions over a number of presidencies provides greater insight on the war powers interplay during the Obama administration and helps explains how and why Congress has so often abdicated its constitutional and legislative responsibilities to check the commander in chief.
Dennis W. Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190272692
- eISBN:
- 9780190272722
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190272692.003.0018
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
In 2000, Vice President Al Gore, with the wind at his back, squandered his advantages and lost to George W. Bush and his disciplined team of advisers. Gore was advised by Donna Brazile, Carter Eskew, ...
More
In 2000, Vice President Al Gore, with the wind at his back, squandered his advantages and lost to George W. Bush and his disciplined team of advisers. Gore was advised by Donna Brazile, Carter Eskew, Harrison Hickman and Paul Maslin, and Stanley Greenberg. The Republicans were determined not to repeat the mistake of choosing an unelectable candidate like Bob Dole. The senior Bush advisers were Karl Rove, Karen Hughes, and Joe Allbaugh. In 2004 a weakened Bush was able to hold off a strong challenge from John Kerry, thanks in large part to Karl Rove and Ken Mehlman reaching out to Christian conservatives with the same-sex issue and making national security a priority. Howard Dean made great use of online communication and new technologies in his primary campaign. The Kerry team was headed by Robert Shrum. Also important in this race was the Swift Boat anti-Kerry ad campaign.Less
In 2000, Vice President Al Gore, with the wind at his back, squandered his advantages and lost to George W. Bush and his disciplined team of advisers. Gore was advised by Donna Brazile, Carter Eskew, Harrison Hickman and Paul Maslin, and Stanley Greenberg. The Republicans were determined not to repeat the mistake of choosing an unelectable candidate like Bob Dole. The senior Bush advisers were Karl Rove, Karen Hughes, and Joe Allbaugh. In 2004 a weakened Bush was able to hold off a strong challenge from John Kerry, thanks in large part to Karl Rove and Ken Mehlman reaching out to Christian conservatives with the same-sex issue and making national security a priority. Howard Dean made great use of online communication and new technologies in his primary campaign. The Kerry team was headed by Robert Shrum. Also important in this race was the Swift Boat anti-Kerry ad campaign.
Jennifer Stromer-Galley
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- August 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190694043
- eISBN:
- 9780190694081
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190694043.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, Democratization
This chapter examines the practices of the 2004 presidential campaigns. This election cycle exhibits an important shift from the mass media campaigning paradigm to the networked media campaigning ...
More
This chapter examines the practices of the 2004 presidential campaigns. This election cycle exhibits an important shift from the mass media campaigning paradigm to the networked media campaigning paradigm. Howard Dean’s remarkable rise in the polls and financial largesse came after capitalizing on the affordances of DCTs for two-step flow. The best illustration of this paradigm shift, though, is in the candidacy of Wesley Clark, which started as a “netroots” movement and eventually became a frontrunner campaign. The clash between the netroots and a new way of campaigning and the historically professional way of mass-mediated campaigning illustrates the paradigm shift. In the meantime, George Bush continued to build a comprehensive data file of offline and online voter behavior for microtargeted messaging. And John Kerry conducted analytic testing of website design and e-mail messaging features to maximize effects. Both practices were harbingers of future election cycles.Less
This chapter examines the practices of the 2004 presidential campaigns. This election cycle exhibits an important shift from the mass media campaigning paradigm to the networked media campaigning paradigm. Howard Dean’s remarkable rise in the polls and financial largesse came after capitalizing on the affordances of DCTs for two-step flow. The best illustration of this paradigm shift, though, is in the candidacy of Wesley Clark, which started as a “netroots” movement and eventually became a frontrunner campaign. The clash between the netroots and a new way of campaigning and the historically professional way of mass-mediated campaigning illustrates the paradigm shift. In the meantime, George Bush continued to build a comprehensive data file of offline and online voter behavior for microtargeted messaging. And John Kerry conducted analytic testing of website design and e-mail messaging features to maximize effects. Both practices were harbingers of future election cycles.
Russell Frank
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604739282
- eISBN:
- 9781604739299
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604739282.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, Folk Literature
This chapter examines the overlapping newslore about former U.S. President Bill Clinton and the material prompted by the men who followed him as the Democratic Party’s standard bearers including Al ...
More
This chapter examines the overlapping newslore about former U.S. President Bill Clinton and the material prompted by the men who followed him as the Democratic Party’s standard bearers including Al Gore and John Kerry. It explains that most jokes about Clinton were about his sexual appetite, particularly his alleged involvement with Gennifer Flowers, Paula Jones, and Monica Lewinsky. It suggests that the jokes about Democratic presidential candidates Gore and Kerry have something to do with their defeat against George W. Bush despite their intelligence and experience.Less
This chapter examines the overlapping newslore about former U.S. President Bill Clinton and the material prompted by the men who followed him as the Democratic Party’s standard bearers including Al Gore and John Kerry. It explains that most jokes about Clinton were about his sexual appetite, particularly his alleged involvement with Gennifer Flowers, Paula Jones, and Monica Lewinsky. It suggests that the jokes about Democratic presidential candidates Gore and Kerry have something to do with their defeat against George W. Bush despite their intelligence and experience.
Charles F. Irons
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- December 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199372690
- eISBN:
- 9780199372737
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199372690.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter discusses the ways in which presidential candidates from outside the Protestant mainstream have ironically reinforced Protestant taxonomies of religion and conventions regarding the ...
More
This chapter discusses the ways in which presidential candidates from outside the Protestant mainstream have ironically reinforced Protestant taxonomies of religion and conventions regarding the separation of church and state. In the early republic, Thomas Jefferson endorsed a version of secularism that was anything but neutral. Instead, he protected space for specifically Protestant kinds of “religious” activity, namely engagement with texts, an inner transformation, and voluntary association in communities of the faithful. Moreover, Jefferson strove to make “reasonableness” a gauge of “good” or permissible religion, and struck out violently against any attempts to constrain another’s conscience. When twenty-first-century candidates such as Mitt Romney, John Kerry, and even Barack Obama have found themselves in Jefferson’s shoes—as members or representatives of minority religious traditions—they have followed his pattern of advocating for space at the table in a way that only further entrenches Protestant privilege.Less
This chapter discusses the ways in which presidential candidates from outside the Protestant mainstream have ironically reinforced Protestant taxonomies of religion and conventions regarding the separation of church and state. In the early republic, Thomas Jefferson endorsed a version of secularism that was anything but neutral. Instead, he protected space for specifically Protestant kinds of “religious” activity, namely engagement with texts, an inner transformation, and voluntary association in communities of the faithful. Moreover, Jefferson strove to make “reasonableness” a gauge of “good” or permissible religion, and struck out violently against any attempts to constrain another’s conscience. When twenty-first-century candidates such as Mitt Romney, John Kerry, and even Barack Obama have found themselves in Jefferson’s shoes—as members or representatives of minority religious traditions—they have followed his pattern of advocating for space at the table in a way that only further entrenches Protestant privilege.
Andrew Marble
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780813178028
- eISBN:
- 9780813178035
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813178028.003.0022
- Subject:
- History, Military History
The chapter explores General John Shalikashvili’s retirement. After overviewing his continued efforts to help maintain military readiness, care for servicemembers and their families, and improve ...
More
The chapter explores General John Shalikashvili’s retirement. After overviewing his continued efforts to help maintain military readiness, care for servicemembers and their families, and improve international security policy, particularly through work with William Perry’s Preventive Defense Project, the chapter highlights how the opportunity to give a speech in support of Senator John Kerry’s nomination as the Democratic presidential candidate was an opportunity to thrust Shalikashvili back onto the national stage. The chapter also details a series of heart-related problems that plagued him in retirement, including one stroke that crippled him in 2004 and the final one that eventually took his life in 2011. The chapter explains the family legacy of heart issues that troubled both sides of his family tree, and details how this “last inheritance” did much to strip away the aspects of family inheritance—self control, diplomacy, and intellect—that helped him achieve his American dream.Less
The chapter explores General John Shalikashvili’s retirement. After overviewing his continued efforts to help maintain military readiness, care for servicemembers and their families, and improve international security policy, particularly through work with William Perry’s Preventive Defense Project, the chapter highlights how the opportunity to give a speech in support of Senator John Kerry’s nomination as the Democratic presidential candidate was an opportunity to thrust Shalikashvili back onto the national stage. The chapter also details a series of heart-related problems that plagued him in retirement, including one stroke that crippled him in 2004 and the final one that eventually took his life in 2011. The chapter explains the family legacy of heart issues that troubled both sides of his family tree, and details how this “last inheritance” did much to strip away the aspects of family inheritance—self control, diplomacy, and intellect—that helped him achieve his American dream.
Shlomo Ben-Ami
- Published in print:
- 2022
- Published Online:
- February 2022
- ISBN:
- 9780190060473
- eISBN:
- 9780197587560
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190060473.003.0029
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
Obama arrived in the White House with ambitions about America’s reconciliation with the Muslim world, and a historic nuclear deal with Iran. But, his belief that an Israeli-Palestinian peace was ...
More
Obama arrived in the White House with ambitions about America’s reconciliation with the Muslim world, and a historic nuclear deal with Iran. But, his belief that an Israeli-Palestinian peace was central to such grand strategic endeavors clashed with Benjamin Netanyahu who refused to see the link. Netanyahu, nonetheless, agreed to engage in talks with the Palestinians. He even agreed to a freeze of settlements expansion. Having failed to achieve any progress during his first term, the President left the Palestinian file in the hands of his second term Secretary of State, John Kerry. A Framework Agreement negotiated through Kerry’s good services ended in failure. Netanyahu agreed to surprisingly bold peace formulae—including an endorsement of the 1967 borders—but Palestinian President Mahmud Abbas refused to accept the proposed Framework for not meeting Palestinian requirements on issues such as refugees, Jerusalem and security. Israeli concerns about the regional context—Iran’s rise and the turmoil of the Arab Spring—did not favor a more forthcoming attitude to a Palestinian peace. Netanyahu’s rightwing coalition’s push for the expansion of settlements was another factor inhibiting progress.Less
Obama arrived in the White House with ambitions about America’s reconciliation with the Muslim world, and a historic nuclear deal with Iran. But, his belief that an Israeli-Palestinian peace was central to such grand strategic endeavors clashed with Benjamin Netanyahu who refused to see the link. Netanyahu, nonetheless, agreed to engage in talks with the Palestinians. He even agreed to a freeze of settlements expansion. Having failed to achieve any progress during his first term, the President left the Palestinian file in the hands of his second term Secretary of State, John Kerry. A Framework Agreement negotiated through Kerry’s good services ended in failure. Netanyahu agreed to surprisingly bold peace formulae—including an endorsement of the 1967 borders—but Palestinian President Mahmud Abbas refused to accept the proposed Framework for not meeting Palestinian requirements on issues such as refugees, Jerusalem and security. Israeli concerns about the regional context—Iran’s rise and the turmoil of the Arab Spring—did not favor a more forthcoming attitude to a Palestinian peace. Netanyahu’s rightwing coalition’s push for the expansion of settlements was another factor inhibiting progress.
Timothy Andrews Sayle, Jeffrey A. Engel, Hal Brands, and William Inboden (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501715181
- eISBN:
- 9781501715204
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501715181.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter traces the emerging concerns and contradictory signals reaching George W. Bush up until the end of 2005. Two years after he stood before a banner that read “mission accomplished,” Bush's ...
More
This chapter traces the emerging concerns and contradictory signals reaching George W. Bush up until the end of 2005. Two years after he stood before a banner that read “mission accomplished,” Bush's war in Iraq dragged on. Military officials and intelligence analysts warned of a growing insurgency as early as late 2003. Others hoped political developments would slowly, but surely, overtake opposition, bringing peace and stability to the country. Though Iraqi politics frequently concerned the Bush administration, the president had politics of his own to worry about in the fall of 2004. Iraq played a central role in the close-fought election between Bush and Democratic challenger Senator John Kerry. Bush won, and as is commonly the case, key personnel retired or shifted responsibilities for the second term. American public opinion faltered a year after Bush's inauguration, which proved the high point of his second-term popularity. Policy makers in turn feared they would lose political support at home before Iraq itself had time to stabilize. The administration persisted in its basic strategy in Iraq, while attempting to explain it more effectively at home with publication of the National Strategy for Victory in Iraq (NSVI).Less
This chapter traces the emerging concerns and contradictory signals reaching George W. Bush up until the end of 2005. Two years after he stood before a banner that read “mission accomplished,” Bush's war in Iraq dragged on. Military officials and intelligence analysts warned of a growing insurgency as early as late 2003. Others hoped political developments would slowly, but surely, overtake opposition, bringing peace and stability to the country. Though Iraqi politics frequently concerned the Bush administration, the president had politics of his own to worry about in the fall of 2004. Iraq played a central role in the close-fought election between Bush and Democratic challenger Senator John Kerry. Bush won, and as is commonly the case, key personnel retired or shifted responsibilities for the second term. American public opinion faltered a year after Bush's inauguration, which proved the high point of his second-term popularity. Policy makers in turn feared they would lose political support at home before Iraq itself had time to stabilize. The administration persisted in its basic strategy in Iraq, while attempting to explain it more effectively at home with publication of the National Strategy for Victory in Iraq (NSVI).
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226043586
- eISBN:
- 9780226043463
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226043463.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Twenty months after the United States led the invasion of Iraq, Americans marched to the polls to cast their votes for president. From the beginning of the 2004 campaign, the Iraq War cast a long ...
More
Twenty months after the United States led the invasion of Iraq, Americans marched to the polls to cast their votes for president. From the beginning of the 2004 campaign, the Iraq War cast a long shadow over the election. In the end, George W. Bush, who predicated his electoral strategy on embracing the role of commander in chief, defeated his Democratic opponent, John Kerry, who won the presidential nomination in large part because his military experiences during the Vietnam War made him—at least in theory—an attractive candidate to the American public during a wartime election. This chapter explores how war affects elections, focusing on the wartime elections of the 1940s and the 2000s. Although elections during wartime might, on their face, appear different from elections during times of peace, the underlying structure of choice is rooted in the same normal ebb and flow of domestic politics. This chapter also discusses the 1945 general election in Britain, which saw the Labour Party win over Winston Churchill and the Conservatives.Less
Twenty months after the United States led the invasion of Iraq, Americans marched to the polls to cast their votes for president. From the beginning of the 2004 campaign, the Iraq War cast a long shadow over the election. In the end, George W. Bush, who predicated his electoral strategy on embracing the role of commander in chief, defeated his Democratic opponent, John Kerry, who won the presidential nomination in large part because his military experiences during the Vietnam War made him—at least in theory—an attractive candidate to the American public during a wartime election. This chapter explores how war affects elections, focusing on the wartime elections of the 1940s and the 2000s. Although elections during wartime might, on their face, appear different from elections during times of peace, the underlying structure of choice is rooted in the same normal ebb and flow of domestic politics. This chapter also discusses the 1945 general election in Britain, which saw the Labour Party win over Winston Churchill and the Conservatives.
Carter Malkasian
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- July 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197550779
- eISBN:
- 9780197550809
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197550779.003.0017
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
Chapter Seventeen, “The 2014 Elections,” describes the 2014 elections crisis, the ongoing battles in the provinces, and the death of Mullah Omar.
Chapter Seventeen, “The 2014 Elections,” describes the 2014 elections crisis, the ongoing battles in the provinces, and the death of Mullah Omar.
Kenneth L. Marcus
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199375646
- eISBN:
- 9780190257897
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199375646.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The conclusion explains how anti-Semitism can best be defined with respect to each of the various contexts described above. More broadly, the conclusion demonstrates that a theoretically ...
More
The conclusion explains how anti-Semitism can best be defined with respect to each of the various contexts described above. More broadly, the conclusion demonstrates that a theoretically sophisticated definition of this term must fully account for anti-Semitism’s ideological, attitudinal, and practical qualities; its persisting latent structure within Western cultures; its continuities and discontinuities with analogous phenomena; its chimerical quality; its potentially self-fulfilling character; and its role in the construction of Jewish identity. Finally, the conclusion comments on how this analysis can address the various examples that are raised earlier in the volume, such as the Toulouse massacre; the Harvard “One State” conference; the Günter Grass poem, recent incidents at the University of California at Berkeley, Irvine, and Santa Cruz; and the movement to impose boycotts, divestment and sanctions (BDS) on Israel; as well as examples involving John Kerry, Bernie Madoff, and Eric Cantor.Less
The conclusion explains how anti-Semitism can best be defined with respect to each of the various contexts described above. More broadly, the conclusion demonstrates that a theoretically sophisticated definition of this term must fully account for anti-Semitism’s ideological, attitudinal, and practical qualities; its persisting latent structure within Western cultures; its continuities and discontinuities with analogous phenomena; its chimerical quality; its potentially self-fulfilling character; and its role in the construction of Jewish identity. Finally, the conclusion comments on how this analysis can address the various examples that are raised earlier in the volume, such as the Toulouse massacre; the Harvard “One State” conference; the Günter Grass poem, recent incidents at the University of California at Berkeley, Irvine, and Santa Cruz; and the movement to impose boycotts, divestment and sanctions (BDS) on Israel; as well as examples involving John Kerry, Bernie Madoff, and Eric Cantor.