Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195093810
- eISBN:
- 9780199854127
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195093810.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
The whole of John Adams's single term was absorbed with a single problem, a crisis in foreign relations. The crisis had arisen out of hostile actions by the French Republic, ostensibly in retaliation ...
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The whole of John Adams's single term was absorbed with a single problem, a crisis in foreign relations. The crisis had arisen out of hostile actions by the French Republic, ostensibly in retaliation for America's having reached an accommodation by treaty with France's enemy England. The manner in which Adams handled the crisis has been seen in strikingly opposite ways. Adams came out after all his theorizing with one idea, and that was the idea of “balance.” He strongly approved of the federal constitution when a copy of it reached him in England, but he did so on grounds quite different from what most of the Framers had intended, or said they intended. His model of “balance” was the classical mixed government of king, lords, and commons as embodied in the English constitution—the constitution, that is, as it had been before being corrupted in the course of the 18th century—and adapted to republican conditions.Less
The whole of John Adams's single term was absorbed with a single problem, a crisis in foreign relations. The crisis had arisen out of hostile actions by the French Republic, ostensibly in retaliation for America's having reached an accommodation by treaty with France's enemy England. The manner in which Adams handled the crisis has been seen in strikingly opposite ways. Adams came out after all his theorizing with one idea, and that was the idea of “balance.” He strongly approved of the federal constitution when a copy of it reached him in England, but he did so on grounds quite different from what most of the Framers had intended, or said they intended. His model of “balance” was the classical mixed government of king, lords, and commons as embodied in the English constitution—the constitution, that is, as it had been before being corrupted in the course of the 18th century—and adapted to republican conditions.
Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195093810
- eISBN:
- 9780199854127
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195093810.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
The year 1798 was for John Adams both the highest and lowest, the best and the worst, of his entire presidency. It began in a state of partisan malaise and division of purpose, followed by a ...
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The year 1798 was for John Adams both the highest and lowest, the best and the worst, of his entire presidency. It began in a state of partisan malaise and division of purpose, followed by a tremendous soaring of patriotic unity, in turn undermined by a steady intrusion of new discontents and an ebbing away once more of national feeling. This same period would see the return to public life of Alexander Hamilton, with consequences profoundly significant for the fortunes of Federalism. Whatever the degree of attention France may have been paying to signals coming from America between the summer of 1797 and the beginning of March 1798, those signals could spell but a single message: disunity. By the end of the year 1797, Consul Philippe Joseph Létombe could assure Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord that Republican influence was rising. The Americans, it appeared, were more disunited and disaffected about their government than ever.Less
The year 1798 was for John Adams both the highest and lowest, the best and the worst, of his entire presidency. It began in a state of partisan malaise and division of purpose, followed by a tremendous soaring of patriotic unity, in turn undermined by a steady intrusion of new discontents and an ebbing away once more of national feeling. This same period would see the return to public life of Alexander Hamilton, with consequences profoundly significant for the fortunes of Federalism. Whatever the degree of attention France may have been paying to signals coming from America between the summer of 1797 and the beginning of March 1798, those signals could spell but a single message: disunity. By the end of the year 1797, Consul Philippe Joseph Létombe could assure Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord that Republican influence was rising. The Americans, it appeared, were more disunited and disaffected about their government than ever.
Margaret Pabst Battin
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195140279
- eISBN:
- 9780199850280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195140279.003.0009
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, respectively the second and third presidents of the new United States of America, died on the same day, July 4, 1826. Both were old men and ill. What could explain ...
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John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, respectively the second and third presidents of the new United States of America, died on the same day, July 4, 1826. Both were old men and ill. What could explain this and what would the implications be for reflection in bioethics about the end of life? There are at least six principal avenues to explore, but all of them raise further issues: coincidence, divine intervention, “hanging on”, being allowed or caused to die by others (intervention by physician or family), allowing oneself to die, and causing oneself to die. All six possibilities these explanations raise are central to the very questions about death and dying that are so controversial today, almost two hundred years after the deaths of Adams and Jefferson, as disputes over withdrawing and withholding treatment, allowing to die, the overuse of morphine, terminal sedation, physician-assisted suicide, and euthanasia play huge roles in friction over modern medicine.Less
John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, respectively the second and third presidents of the new United States of America, died on the same day, July 4, 1826. Both were old men and ill. What could explain this and what would the implications be for reflection in bioethics about the end of life? There are at least six principal avenues to explore, but all of them raise further issues: coincidence, divine intervention, “hanging on”, being allowed or caused to die by others (intervention by physician or family), allowing oneself to die, and causing oneself to die. All six possibilities these explanations raise are central to the very questions about death and dying that are so controversial today, almost two hundred years after the deaths of Adams and Jefferson, as disputes over withdrawing and withholding treatment, allowing to die, the overuse of morphine, terminal sedation, physician-assisted suicide, and euthanasia play huge roles in friction over modern medicine.
Sarah M. S. Pearsall
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199532995
- eISBN:
- 9780191714443
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199532995.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the most famous letter from Abigail Adams to John Adams, in which she exhorted him to ‘remember the ladies’. The chapter places this letter in ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the most famous letter from Abigail Adams to John Adams, in which she exhorted him to ‘remember the ladies’. The chapter places this letter in its larger Atlantic context, arguing for the ways in which domestic rhetoric and concerns influenced more broadly political ones. It considers the ways that families enduring transatlantic distance used letters to make sense of chaos and to maintain a burgeoning Atlantic world. It also introduces the major arguments of the book, including the uses of representations of ‘family feeling’ amid disorder, the need to replace the transition from patriarchy to paternalism with more subtle expositions of cultural change, the integration of public and private worlds, and the political and cultural importance of ‘family feeling’ at the time of the American Revolution.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the most famous letter from Abigail Adams to John Adams, in which she exhorted him to ‘remember the ladies’. The chapter places this letter in its larger Atlantic context, arguing for the ways in which domestic rhetoric and concerns influenced more broadly political ones. It considers the ways that families enduring transatlantic distance used letters to make sense of chaos and to maintain a burgeoning Atlantic world. It also introduces the major arguments of the book, including the uses of representations of ‘family feeling’ amid disorder, the need to replace the transition from patriarchy to paternalism with more subtle expositions of cultural change, the integration of public and private worlds, and the political and cultural importance of ‘family feeling’ at the time of the American Revolution.
Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195093810
- eISBN:
- 9780199854127
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195093810.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
When Thomas Jefferson took the oath of office for the presidency in 1801, America had just passed through twelve critical years, dominated by some of the towering figures of our history and by the ...
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When Thomas Jefferson took the oath of office for the presidency in 1801, America had just passed through twelve critical years, dominated by some of the towering figures of our history and by the challenge of having to do everything for the first time. George Washington, Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, John Adams, and Jefferson himself each had a share in shaping that remarkable era. This book provides an analytical survey of this extraordinary period. Ranging over the widest variety of concerns—political, cultural, economic, diplomatic, and military—it provides a sweeping historical account of the problems the new nation faced as well as the particular individuals who tried to solve them. As it moves through the Federalist era, the book draws character sketches not only of the great figures—Washington and Jefferson, Talleyrand and Napoleon Bonaparte—but also of lesser ones, such as George Hammond, Britain's frustrated minister to the United States, James McHenry, Adams's hapless Secretary of War, the pre-Chief Justice version of John Marshall, and others.Less
When Thomas Jefferson took the oath of office for the presidency in 1801, America had just passed through twelve critical years, dominated by some of the towering figures of our history and by the challenge of having to do everything for the first time. George Washington, Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, John Adams, and Jefferson himself each had a share in shaping that remarkable era. This book provides an analytical survey of this extraordinary period. Ranging over the widest variety of concerns—political, cultural, economic, diplomatic, and military—it provides a sweeping historical account of the problems the new nation faced as well as the particular individuals who tried to solve them. As it moves through the Federalist era, the book draws character sketches not only of the great figures—Washington and Jefferson, Talleyrand and Napoleon Bonaparte—but also of lesser ones, such as George Hammond, Britain's frustrated minister to the United States, James McHenry, Adams's hapless Secretary of War, the pre-Chief Justice version of John Marshall, and others.
Roger G. Kennedy
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195140552
- eISBN:
- 9780199848775
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195140552.003.0024
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This extended postscript is added to bring together the two themes of Aaron Burr's private character as it fascinated Alexander Hamilton and his public character as it obsessed, for a time, Thomas ...
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This extended postscript is added to bring together the two themes of Aaron Burr's private character as it fascinated Alexander Hamilton and his public character as it obsessed, for a time, Thomas Jefferson. The goal is to bring to bear upon these two studies the opinions of their contemporaries, especially their female contemporaries. The sustained power of the derogatory view of Burr expressed by Hamilton and Jefferson may well be due to the late adherence to the Hamilton-Jefferson position taken by two influential people of the next two generations, Harriet Beecher Stowe and John Quincy Adams. James Parton took Burr seriously and sought out those who could tell him whether or not Burr's behavior squared better with his professions of belief than Jefferson's or Hamilton's. Burr, in old age, remained sly, charming, implying mischief, and even in his seventies it once again became conventional to call him a gallant, even a cold, Chesterfieldian, exploiter of women.Less
This extended postscript is added to bring together the two themes of Aaron Burr's private character as it fascinated Alexander Hamilton and his public character as it obsessed, for a time, Thomas Jefferson. The goal is to bring to bear upon these two studies the opinions of their contemporaries, especially their female contemporaries. The sustained power of the derogatory view of Burr expressed by Hamilton and Jefferson may well be due to the late adherence to the Hamilton-Jefferson position taken by two influential people of the next two generations, Harriet Beecher Stowe and John Quincy Adams. James Parton took Burr seriously and sought out those who could tell him whether or not Burr's behavior squared better with his professions of belief than Jefferson's or Hamilton's. Burr, in old age, remained sly, charming, implying mischief, and even in his seventies it once again became conventional to call him a gallant, even a cold, Chesterfieldian, exploiter of women.
Gary Scott Smith
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199391394
- eISBN:
- 9780199391424
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199391394.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
John Adams’s faith is difficult to decipher because he said so much about it and his views are so complex. One of the most theologically astute laypeople of his generation, Adams sought to steer a ...
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John Adams’s faith is difficult to decipher because he said so much about it and his views are so complex. One of the most theologically astute laypeople of his generation, Adams sought to steer a middle course between Deism and skepticism, on one side, and Calvinism, on the other, that led him to lean toward Arminianism and ultimately embrace Unitarianism. He argued that God was actively involved in the world, people had free choice, and salvation depended on behavior rather than belief. Adams’s diligent efforts to avoid war with France are discussed to illustrate how his faith affected his presidency. Although his religious convictions became more liberal in his later years, the central ones remained remarkably consistent. Adams’s faith played a vital role in his long and distinguished life by significantly affecting his worldview, determining his moral standards, helping shape his character, and supplying many of his goals.Less
John Adams’s faith is difficult to decipher because he said so much about it and his views are so complex. One of the most theologically astute laypeople of his generation, Adams sought to steer a middle course between Deism and skepticism, on one side, and Calvinism, on the other, that led him to lean toward Arminianism and ultimately embrace Unitarianism. He argued that God was actively involved in the world, people had free choice, and salvation depended on behavior rather than belief. Adams’s diligent efforts to avoid war with France are discussed to illustrate how his faith affected his presidency. Although his religious convictions became more liberal in his later years, the central ones remained remarkably consistent. Adams’s faith played a vital role in his long and distinguished life by significantly affecting his worldview, determining his moral standards, helping shape his character, and supplying many of his goals.
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226037431
- eISBN:
- 9780226037448
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226037448.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This chapter, which describes the conventional meanings of the language of sensibility held by John and Abigail Adams, their circle and other Americans, analyzes the Adamses' view on the effects of ...
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This chapter, which describes the conventional meanings of the language of sensibility held by John and Abigail Adams, their circle and other Americans, analyzes the Adamses' view on the effects of reading and writing on persons of sensibility, and the meanings that they gave to individual terms signifying the culture of sensibility. It also discusses the concept of impressions, nonverbal signs of sensibility, and the limit of sentimental language.Less
This chapter, which describes the conventional meanings of the language of sensibility held by John and Abigail Adams, their circle and other Americans, analyzes the Adamses' view on the effects of reading and writing on persons of sensibility, and the meanings that they gave to individual terms signifying the culture of sensibility. It also discusses the concept of impressions, nonverbal signs of sensibility, and the limit of sentimental language.
Gary Scott Smith
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199391394
- eISBN:
- 9780199391424
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199391394.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
John Quincy Adams embodied and expressed the concerns of many of his contemporaries about the importance of a personal relationship with God, of morality to the well-being of the nation, and of ...
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John Quincy Adams embodied and expressed the concerns of many of his contemporaries about the importance of a personal relationship with God, of morality to the well-being of the nation, and of creating a virtuous republic as a model for the world. Although not an evangelical Protestant, Adams incarnated and articulated many of the emphases and goals of the antebellum Second Great Awakening. Neither Adams’s political philosophy nor actions can be understood without comprehending his faith. Throughout his life he engaged regularly in Christian worship and Bible study. His faith was central to his convictions, character, and conduct and strongly influenced his political ideals and practices. Adams’s religious beliefs especially shaped his understanding of human rights, peace, liberty, and the United States’ calling as a nation. As president and later as a congressman, Adams’s faith strongly affected his policies toward internal improvements, the abolition of slavery, and Indian rights.Less
John Quincy Adams embodied and expressed the concerns of many of his contemporaries about the importance of a personal relationship with God, of morality to the well-being of the nation, and of creating a virtuous republic as a model for the world. Although not an evangelical Protestant, Adams incarnated and articulated many of the emphases and goals of the antebellum Second Great Awakening. Neither Adams’s political philosophy nor actions can be understood without comprehending his faith. Throughout his life he engaged regularly in Christian worship and Bible study. His faith was central to his convictions, character, and conduct and strongly influenced his political ideals and practices. Adams’s religious beliefs especially shaped his understanding of human rights, peace, liberty, and the United States’ calling as a nation. As president and later as a congressman, Adams’s faith strongly affected his policies toward internal improvements, the abolition of slavery, and Indian rights.
Drew Maciag
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801448959
- eISBN:
- 9780801467875
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801448959.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This chapter considers the symbolic associations between Burke and John Adams (1735–1826). Though Adams is considered an “American Burke,” he neither consulted Burke for guidance nor invoked him for ...
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This chapter considers the symbolic associations between Burke and John Adams (1735–1826). Though Adams is considered an “American Burke,” he neither consulted Burke for guidance nor invoked him for authority. Even so, there is much about Adams that seems congruent with Burke at first glance, especially because both men were critical of the French Revolution from its early stages, among others. Unlike Burke however, Adams wrote little on the subject of the French Revolution, and one can even conclude that Adams sided more with Burke than with Paine in the French Revolution debate. Though even granting this, his ideas on some core matters diverged significantly from Burke's. The chapter argues that the identification of John Adams as an American Burke is a distraction that reveals more about those making the claim than it does about the actual relationship between the political thought of the two statesmen.Less
This chapter considers the symbolic associations between Burke and John Adams (1735–1826). Though Adams is considered an “American Burke,” he neither consulted Burke for guidance nor invoked him for authority. Even so, there is much about Adams that seems congruent with Burke at first glance, especially because both men were critical of the French Revolution from its early stages, among others. Unlike Burke however, Adams wrote little on the subject of the French Revolution, and one can even conclude that Adams sided more with Burke than with Paine in the French Revolution debate. Though even granting this, his ideas on some core matters diverged significantly from Burke's. The chapter argues that the identification of John Adams as an American Burke is a distraction that reveals more about those making the claim than it does about the actual relationship between the political thought of the two statesmen.
Matthew L. Harris and Thomas S. Kidd
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195326499
- eISBN:
- 9780199918188
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195326499.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter presents documents on the religious views of the following: Thomas Jefferson, 1787, 1803; John Adams, 1810, 1813; Benjamin Franklin, 1771, 1790; Thomas Paine, 1776; Patrick Henry, 1796; ...
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This chapter presents documents on the religious views of the following: Thomas Jefferson, 1787, 1803; John Adams, 1810, 1813; Benjamin Franklin, 1771, 1790; Thomas Paine, 1776; Patrick Henry, 1796; Samuel Adams, 1780, 1802; Roger Sherman, 1789; William Livingston, 1786; and Elias Boudinot, 1815.Less
This chapter presents documents on the religious views of the following: Thomas Jefferson, 1787, 1803; John Adams, 1810, 1813; Benjamin Franklin, 1771, 1790; Thomas Paine, 1776; Patrick Henry, 1796; Samuel Adams, 1780, 1802; Roger Sherman, 1789; William Livingston, 1786; and Elias Boudinot, 1815.
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226037431
- eISBN:
- 9780226037448
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226037448.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This chapter examines the metropolitan sources of John and Abigail Adams' views about sensibility. It describes the relevant features of liberalized Protestantism absorbed by the Adamses and their ...
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This chapter examines the metropolitan sources of John and Abigail Adams' views about sensibility. It describes the relevant features of liberalized Protestantism absorbed by the Adamses and their responses to the most salient of the literature furthering the culture of sensibility. The chapter also outlines the religious and intellectual heritage and the story of American colonists' adoption of this metropolitan culture.Less
This chapter examines the metropolitan sources of John and Abigail Adams' views about sensibility. It describes the relevant features of liberalized Protestantism absorbed by the Adamses and their responses to the most salient of the literature furthering the culture of sensibility. The chapter also outlines the religious and intellectual heritage and the story of American colonists' adoption of this metropolitan culture.
Scott Douglas Gerber
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199765874
- eISBN:
- 9780199896875
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199765874.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Legal History
This book provides a critical analysis of the origins of judicial independence in the United States. Part I examines the political theory of an independent judiciary. The first chapter begins by ...
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This book provides a critical analysis of the origins of judicial independence in the United States. Part I examines the political theory of an independent judiciary. The first chapter begins by tracing the intellectual origins of a distinct judicial power from Aristotle's theory of a mixed constitution to John Adams's modifications of Montesquieu. Chapter 2 describes the debates during the framing and ratification of the federal Constitution regarding the independence of the federal judiciary. Part II, the bulk of the book, chronicles how each of the original thirteen states and their colonial antecedents treated their respective judiciaries. This portion, presented in thirteen separate chapters, brings together a wealth of information (charters, instructions, statutes, etc.) about the judicial power between 1606 and 1787, and sometimes beyond. Part III, the concluding segment, explores the influence the colonial and early state experiences had on the federal model that followed and on the nature of the regime itself. It explains how the political theory of an independent judiciary examined in Part I, and the various experiences of the original thirteen states and their colonial antecedents chronicled in Part II, culminated in Article III of the U.S. Constitution. It also explains how the principle of judicial independence embodied by Article III made the doctrine of judicial review possible, and committed that doctrine to the protection of individual rights.Less
This book provides a critical analysis of the origins of judicial independence in the United States. Part I examines the political theory of an independent judiciary. The first chapter begins by tracing the intellectual origins of a distinct judicial power from Aristotle's theory of a mixed constitution to John Adams's modifications of Montesquieu. Chapter 2 describes the debates during the framing and ratification of the federal Constitution regarding the independence of the federal judiciary. Part II, the bulk of the book, chronicles how each of the original thirteen states and their colonial antecedents treated their respective judiciaries. This portion, presented in thirteen separate chapters, brings together a wealth of information (charters, instructions, statutes, etc.) about the judicial power between 1606 and 1787, and sometimes beyond. Part III, the concluding segment, explores the influence the colonial and early state experiences had on the federal model that followed and on the nature of the regime itself. It explains how the political theory of an independent judiciary examined in Part I, and the various experiences of the original thirteen states and their colonial antecedents chronicled in Part II, culminated in Article III of the U.S. Constitution. It also explains how the principle of judicial independence embodied by Article III made the doctrine of judicial review possible, and committed that doctrine to the protection of individual rights.
Steven G. Calabresi and Christopher S. Yoo
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300121261
- eISBN:
- 9780300145380
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300121261.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter shows how John Quincy Adams shared a similar belief with his father in the value of a hierarchical, unitary executive branch. While serving as secretary of state during the Monroe ...
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This chapter shows how John Quincy Adams shared a similar belief with his father in the value of a hierarchical, unitary executive branch. While serving as secretary of state during the Monroe administration, Adams reportedly wrote to his wife, “For myself I shall enter upon the functions of my office with a deep sense of the necessity of union with my colleagues, and with a suitable impression that my place is subordinate. That my duty will be to support, and not to counteract or oppose, the President's administration, and that if from any cause I should find my efforts to that end ineffectual, it will be my duty seasonably to withdraw from the public service.” He continued to adhere to these positions after he ascended to the presidency, despite the controversy surrounding the 1824 elections.Less
This chapter shows how John Quincy Adams shared a similar belief with his father in the value of a hierarchical, unitary executive branch. While serving as secretary of state during the Monroe administration, Adams reportedly wrote to his wife, “For myself I shall enter upon the functions of my office with a deep sense of the necessity of union with my colleagues, and with a suitable impression that my place is subordinate. That my duty will be to support, and not to counteract or oppose, the President's administration, and that if from any cause I should find my efforts to that end ineffectual, it will be my duty seasonably to withdraw from the public service.” He continued to adhere to these positions after he ascended to the presidency, despite the controversy surrounding the 1824 elections.
Roger G. Kennedy
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195140552
- eISBN:
- 9780199848775
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195140552.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This book so far has been observing Aaron Burr and Thomas Jefferson as they responded to circumstances created in large measure by Alexander Hamilton, as Hamilton removed John Adams as an impediment ...
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This book so far has been observing Aaron Burr and Thomas Jefferson as they responded to circumstances created in large measure by Alexander Hamilton, as Hamilton removed John Adams as an impediment to Jefferson's ascent to the presidency and stood in the way of any contention for that eminence by Burr. In 1784, the embarrassments of Virginia's wartime government retreated behind the glorious tableau of the Virginian commander-in-chief receiving the British surrender at Yorktown, on Virginia soil. A somewhat subdued Thomas Jefferson returned to the Congress as Hamilton and Burr turned to the practice of law. The two young men often displayed their respective skills as cocounsel in celebrated cases, in the sponsorship of rival banks, and in politics. Jefferson's wife, Martha Wayles Skelton, died in 1782, the same year Burr was married to Theodosia Bartow, a widow ten years his senior. In 1791, Burr had taken his seat in the Senate. Hamilton was already in the national capital, serving as George Washington's principal adviser. Henry Knox was the president's counsel on military matters.Less
This book so far has been observing Aaron Burr and Thomas Jefferson as they responded to circumstances created in large measure by Alexander Hamilton, as Hamilton removed John Adams as an impediment to Jefferson's ascent to the presidency and stood in the way of any contention for that eminence by Burr. In 1784, the embarrassments of Virginia's wartime government retreated behind the glorious tableau of the Virginian commander-in-chief receiving the British surrender at Yorktown, on Virginia soil. A somewhat subdued Thomas Jefferson returned to the Congress as Hamilton and Burr turned to the practice of law. The two young men often displayed their respective skills as cocounsel in celebrated cases, in the sponsorship of rival banks, and in politics. Jefferson's wife, Martha Wayles Skelton, died in 1782, the same year Burr was married to Theodosia Bartow, a widow ten years his senior. In 1791, Burr had taken his seat in the Senate. Hamilton was already in the national capital, serving as George Washington's principal adviser. Henry Knox was the president's counsel on military matters.
Scott Douglas Gerber
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199765874
- eISBN:
- 9780199896875
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199765874.003.0012
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Legal History
This chapter traces the intellectual origins of a distinct judicial power. The story starts with Aristotle and the theory of a mixed constitution. The next chapter is written by Polybius in his ...
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This chapter traces the intellectual origins of a distinct judicial power. The story starts with Aristotle and the theory of a mixed constitution. The next chapter is written by Polybius in his characterization of the Roman constitution, and Polybius is followed by Marsilius of Padua's famous critique of Pope John XXII during the Middle Ages, Sir John Fortescue's writings about 15th-century English political institutions, and Gasparo Contarini's paean of praise during the 16th century to the Venetian constitution. The story takes a dramatic turn when King Charles I commits Anglo-American constitutional theory to balance among government institutions, rather than dominance by one, and reaches its climax with Montesquieu's famous idea that political power should be divided among the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government. John Adams writes the concluding chapter when he develops the political architecture of an independent judiciary in his 1776 pamphlet, Thoughts on Government.Less
This chapter traces the intellectual origins of a distinct judicial power. The story starts with Aristotle and the theory of a mixed constitution. The next chapter is written by Polybius in his characterization of the Roman constitution, and Polybius is followed by Marsilius of Padua's famous critique of Pope John XXII during the Middle Ages, Sir John Fortescue's writings about 15th-century English political institutions, and Gasparo Contarini's paean of praise during the 16th century to the Venetian constitution. The story takes a dramatic turn when King Charles I commits Anglo-American constitutional theory to balance among government institutions, rather than dominance by one, and reaches its climax with Montesquieu's famous idea that political power should be divided among the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government. John Adams writes the concluding chapter when he develops the political architecture of an independent judiciary in his 1776 pamphlet, Thoughts on Government.
Luke Mayville
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691171531
- eISBN:
- 9781400883691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691171531.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of events surrounding John Adams' decision to write the Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America, which would ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of events surrounding John Adams' decision to write the Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America, which would eventually be hailed as “the finest fruit of the American enlightenment.” It then sets out the book's purpose, which is to present Adams as a student and critic of the political power of elites. It suggests that Adams has much to teach us about teach us about wealth and power in our own times. Specifically, he can help us as we attempt to comprehend and respond to one of today's most urgent problems: the outsized influence of wealth in our politics.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of events surrounding John Adams' decision to write the Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America, which would eventually be hailed as “the finest fruit of the American enlightenment.” It then sets out the book's purpose, which is to present Adams as a student and critic of the political power of elites. It suggests that Adams has much to teach us about teach us about wealth and power in our own times. Specifically, he can help us as we attempt to comprehend and respond to one of today's most urgent problems: the outsized influence of wealth in our politics.
Matthew L. Harris and Thomas S. Kidd
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195326499
- eISBN:
- 9780199918188
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195326499.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter presents the following documents: William Linn's opposition to Thomas Jefferson's candidacy for President, 1800; George Washington on religious liberty, 1789–1790; John Leland and the ...
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This chapter presents the following documents: William Linn's opposition to Thomas Jefferson's candidacy for President, 1800; George Washington on religious liberty, 1789–1790; John Leland and the Baptist case for religious liberty, 1791; Thomas Jefferson and the Danbury Baptists, 1801–1802; Thomas Jefferson refusing to declare days of prayer and fasting, 1808; and John Adams on the “national government meddling with religion,” 1812.Less
This chapter presents the following documents: William Linn's opposition to Thomas Jefferson's candidacy for President, 1800; George Washington on religious liberty, 1789–1790; John Leland and the Baptist case for religious liberty, 1791; Thomas Jefferson and the Danbury Baptists, 1801–1802; Thomas Jefferson refusing to declare days of prayer and fasting, 1808; and John Adams on the “national government meddling with religion,” 1812.
Luke Mayville
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691171531
- eISBN:
- 9781400883691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691171531.003.0002
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter considers John Adams' Defence of the Constitutions within a transatlantic debate about the desirability of English-style balanced government—a constitutional model that attempted to ...
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This chapter considers John Adams' Defence of the Constitutions within a transatlantic debate about the desirability of English-style balanced government—a constitutional model that attempted to counterpose the monarchic, aristocratic, and democratic social elements together within the same government. The debate was most pronounced in Paris in the years preceding the French Revolution, when Anglomanes who sympathized with balanced government defended the model from the attacks of French reformers. It argues that Adams, though a defender of a certain idea of balanced government, departed from the prevalent theory. Whereas conventional Anglomanes had emphasized the danger to such balance posed by the popular, democratic element, Adams was preoccupied instead with the threat to that balance posed by an overweening aristocratic class.Less
This chapter considers John Adams' Defence of the Constitutions within a transatlantic debate about the desirability of English-style balanced government—a constitutional model that attempted to counterpose the monarchic, aristocratic, and democratic social elements together within the same government. The debate was most pronounced in Paris in the years preceding the French Revolution, when Anglomanes who sympathized with balanced government defended the model from the attacks of French reformers. It argues that Adams, though a defender of a certain idea of balanced government, departed from the prevalent theory. Whereas conventional Anglomanes had emphasized the danger to such balance posed by the popular, democratic element, Adams was preoccupied instead with the threat to that balance posed by an overweening aristocratic class.
Luke Mayville
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691171531
- eISBN:
- 9781400883691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691171531.003.0003
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter reconstructs John Adams' understanding of aristocratic power. Adams' preoccupation with aristocrats alienated him from all but a few of his contemporaries. Few would insist as Adams did ...
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This chapter reconstructs John Adams' understanding of aristocratic power. Adams' preoccupation with aristocrats alienated him from all but a few of his contemporaries. Few would insist as Adams did that social and economic elites would continue to endanger republican institutions long after the prohibition of aristocratic titles. Adams warned of a powerful aristocracy that if left unchecked would undermine the functions of republican government. The chapter revisits Adams' debates with Thomas Jefferson and John Taylor of Caroline in order to recover the reasoning behind his bleak prediction that wealth and birth—and not talent and virtue—would enjoy the preponderance of power in republican America.Less
This chapter reconstructs John Adams' understanding of aristocratic power. Adams' preoccupation with aristocrats alienated him from all but a few of his contemporaries. Few would insist as Adams did that social and economic elites would continue to endanger republican institutions long after the prohibition of aristocratic titles. Adams warned of a powerful aristocracy that if left unchecked would undermine the functions of republican government. The chapter revisits Adams' debates with Thomas Jefferson and John Taylor of Caroline in order to recover the reasoning behind his bleak prediction that wealth and birth—and not talent and virtue—would enjoy the preponderance of power in republican America.
