Keren Yarhi-Milo
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691181288
- eISBN:
- 9781400889983
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691181288.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter examines Jimmy Carter and several of the international crises he faced during his presidency that many observers argue risked the United States' reputation for resolve. Unlike those of ...
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This chapter examines Jimmy Carter and several of the international crises he faced during his presidency that many observers argue risked the United States' reputation for resolve. Unlike those of most of his predecessors or successors, Carter's discourse and policies seem to show that he was not motivated by projecting resolve for the sake of reassuring allies or intimidating adversaries. In fact, evidence from primary documents reveals that Carter's behavior during international crises corresponds closely to the reputation critic ideal-type. The chapter then reinforces the classification of Carter as a reputation critic using additional qualitative evidence in the form of Carter's personal diary and prepresidential speeches, memoirs written by his advisors, and other secondary literature. It also uses available biographical evidence to illuminate the self-monitoring tendencies of Carter's closest advisors: National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance.Less
This chapter examines Jimmy Carter and several of the international crises he faced during his presidency that many observers argue risked the United States' reputation for resolve. Unlike those of most of his predecessors or successors, Carter's discourse and policies seem to show that he was not motivated by projecting resolve for the sake of reassuring allies or intimidating adversaries. In fact, evidence from primary documents reveals that Carter's behavior during international crises corresponds closely to the reputation critic ideal-type. The chapter then reinforces the classification of Carter as a reputation critic using additional qualitative evidence in the form of Carter's personal diary and prepresidential speeches, memoirs written by his advisors, and other secondary literature. It also uses available biographical evidence to illuminate the self-monitoring tendencies of Carter's closest advisors: National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance.
Keren Yarhi-Milo
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159157
- eISBN:
- 9781400850419
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159157.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. President Jimmy Carter and two key decision makers in his administration, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus ...
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This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. President Jimmy Carter and two key decision makers in his administration, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, to assess the intentions of the Soviet Union during the period 1977–1980. Using evidence from U.S. archives and interviews with former U.S. decision makers, it compares the predictions of the selective attention thesis, capabilities thesis, strategic military doctrine thesis, and behavior thesis. After discussing the U.S. decision makers' stated beliefs about Soviet intentions, the chapter considers the reasoning they employed to justify their intentions assessments. It then describes the policies that individual decision makers advocated and those that the administration collectively adopted. It also explores whether decision makers advocated policies that were congruent with their stated beliefs about intentions and evaluate sthe impact of beliefs about intentions on U.S. foreign policy at the time.Less
This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. President Jimmy Carter and two key decision makers in his administration, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, to assess the intentions of the Soviet Union during the period 1977–1980. Using evidence from U.S. archives and interviews with former U.S. decision makers, it compares the predictions of the selective attention thesis, capabilities thesis, strategic military doctrine thesis, and behavior thesis. After discussing the U.S. decision makers' stated beliefs about Soviet intentions, the chapter considers the reasoning they employed to justify their intentions assessments. It then describes the policies that individual decision makers advocated and those that the administration collectively adopted. It also explores whether decision makers advocated policies that were congruent with their stated beliefs about intentions and evaluate sthe impact of beliefs about intentions on U.S. foreign policy at the time.
Jill Quadagno
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195160390
- eISBN:
- 9780199944026
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195160390.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter examines the 10-year struggle of federal officials to introduce the measures of cost containment, discussing the effect this struggle had on the hope of national health insurance and ...
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This chapter examines the 10-year struggle of federal officials to introduce the measures of cost containment, discussing the effect this struggle had on the hope of national health insurance and looking at the revival of national health insurance, which began in 1968. Next, it looks at Jimmy Carter's role in the hospital industry, noting that Carter initially ignored health care during the first months of his presidential campaign, and then studies the “staging” of universal coverage and introduces the prospective payment system.Less
This chapter examines the 10-year struggle of federal officials to introduce the measures of cost containment, discussing the effect this struggle had on the hope of national health insurance and looking at the revival of national health insurance, which began in 1968. Next, it looks at Jimmy Carter's role in the hospital industry, noting that Carter initially ignored health care during the first months of his presidential campaign, and then studies the “staging” of universal coverage and introduces the prospective payment system.
Julian E. Zelizer
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691150734
- eISBN:
- 9781400841899
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691150734.003.0018
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This chapter examines how the conservative movement redefined and championed centrism by capitalizing on President Jimmy Carter's political struggles caused by the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in ...
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This chapter examines how the conservative movement redefined and championed centrism by capitalizing on President Jimmy Carter's political struggles caused by the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1980. The Soviet Union's invasion of Afghanistan seemed to confirm everything that conservatives had been saying about Carter, his national security policies, and the weakness of the Democratic Party. It ended a decade-long quest among Democrats and moderate Republicans for a centrist national security agency. The chapter considers Carter's human rights initiatives and his contentious relationship with conservatives on issues such as the Panama Canal. It argues that Soviet aggression in Somalia and Afghanistan undermined Carter's ability to deliver on the promise of détente and that the defeat of the center in national security politics during the 1970s was a watershed moment in the history of modern American conservatism.Less
This chapter examines how the conservative movement redefined and championed centrism by capitalizing on President Jimmy Carter's political struggles caused by the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1980. The Soviet Union's invasion of Afghanistan seemed to confirm everything that conservatives had been saying about Carter, his national security policies, and the weakness of the Democratic Party. It ended a decade-long quest among Democrats and moderate Republicans for a centrist national security agency. The chapter considers Carter's human rights initiatives and his contentious relationship with conservatives on issues such as the Panama Canal. It argues that Soviet aggression in Somalia and Afghanistan undermined Carter's ability to deliver on the promise of détente and that the defeat of the center in national security politics during the 1970s was a watershed moment in the history of modern American conservatism.
David F. Musto and Pamela Korsmeyer
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300090369
- eISBN:
- 9780300137842
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300090369.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter looks at the Carter administration, which is noted to have ended with an irresolute drug policy. Jimmy Carter is shown to have had an open mind about marijuana; this soon changed as the ...
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This chapter looks at the Carter administration, which is noted to have ended with an irresolute drug policy. Jimmy Carter is shown to have had an open mind about marijuana; this soon changed as the political and social climate caused a withdrawal of support for marijuana decriminalization. It talks about the Parents' Movement, which took over the debate surrounding marijuana and drugs in general. This chapter ends with a note that Ronald Reagan would adopt policies similar to Richard Nixon's, which would eventually lead to a decline in public drug toleration.Less
This chapter looks at the Carter administration, which is noted to have ended with an irresolute drug policy. Jimmy Carter is shown to have had an open mind about marijuana; this soon changed as the political and social climate caused a withdrawal of support for marijuana decriminalization. It talks about the Parents' Movement, which took over the debate surrounding marijuana and drugs in general. This chapter ends with a note that Ronald Reagan would adopt policies similar to Richard Nixon's, which would eventually lead to a decline in public drug toleration.
Tim S. R. Boyd
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813037653
- eISBN:
- 9780813042152
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813037653.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter describes how the “New South” party system developed in Georgia and throughout the region. By the time Jimmy Carter was elected president in 1976, the contours of party competition in ...
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This chapter describes how the “New South” party system developed in Georgia and throughout the region. By the time Jimmy Carter was elected president in 1976, the contours of party competition in the South had been established for the next generation. Although some Republicans were successful in winning elections in the South using “white backlash” appeals, most who tried to do so were defeated. Rather than “backlash Republicans” dominating southern politics, it was Democrats who stressed racial accommodation (including open praise of desegregation), education, and economic growth who were the most potent force in southern politics from the 1970s onward.Less
This chapter describes how the “New South” party system developed in Georgia and throughout the region. By the time Jimmy Carter was elected president in 1976, the contours of party competition in the South had been established for the next generation. Although some Republicans were successful in winning elections in the South using “white backlash” appeals, most who tried to do so were defeated. Rather than “backlash Republicans” dominating southern politics, it was Democrats who stressed racial accommodation (including open praise of desegregation), education, and economic growth who were the most potent force in southern politics from the 1970s onward.
Daniel K. Williams
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195340846
- eISBN:
- 9780199867141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195340846.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Even without encouragement from Republican politicians, Christian activists in the mid-1970s launched campaigns against cultural liberalism, uniting evangelicals with conservative Catholics and ...
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Even without encouragement from Republican politicians, Christian activists in the mid-1970s launched campaigns against cultural liberalism, uniting evangelicals with conservative Catholics and reshaping the Republican Party. In the early 1970s, Phyllis Schlafly, a Catholic, led evangelical women in a successful campaign against the Equal Rights Amendment. Evangelicals’ opposition to feminism and the sexual revolution also prompted them to join Catholics in speaking out against abortion. During the presidential election of 1976, cultural conservatives forced Gerald Ford to move to the right on abortion and challenged Jimmy Carter after his controversial interview with Playboy. Though an organized Religious Right had not yet developed, evangelicals were discovering their power to influence national politics.Less
Even without encouragement from Republican politicians, Christian activists in the mid-1970s launched campaigns against cultural liberalism, uniting evangelicals with conservative Catholics and reshaping the Republican Party. In the early 1970s, Phyllis Schlafly, a Catholic, led evangelical women in a successful campaign against the Equal Rights Amendment. Evangelicals’ opposition to feminism and the sexual revolution also prompted them to join Catholics in speaking out against abortion. During the presidential election of 1976, cultural conservatives forced Gerald Ford to move to the right on abortion and challenged Jimmy Carter after his controversial interview with Playboy. Though an organized Religious Right had not yet developed, evangelicals were discovering their power to influence national politics.
Ted Gest
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195103434
- eISBN:
- 9780199833887
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195103432.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
A major federal anticrime agency had its roots in an Office of Law Enforcement Assistance established in the presidency of Lyndon Johnson. The agency was enacted into law in a wide‐ranging crime law ...
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A major federal anticrime agency had its roots in an Office of Law Enforcement Assistance established in the presidency of Lyndon Johnson. The agency was enacted into law in a wide‐ranging crime law enacted in 1968. Its name was changed to the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA); its purpose was to distribute federal aid to state and local criminal justice programs. But Congress ordered the agency to be headed by an unwieldy troika of administrators. A succession of leaders over a decade frequently changed policy directions, setting an erratic course while spending almost $1 billion annually in some years. The agency funded some pioneering programs, such as units in prosecutors’ offices to help crime victims and witnesses. Eventually, however, its programs lacked sufficient proof of significant impact on the crime problem or the justice system. President Jimmy Carter proposed its elimination in 1980 and Congress agreed.Less
A major federal anticrime agency had its roots in an Office of Law Enforcement Assistance established in the presidency of Lyndon Johnson. The agency was enacted into law in a wide‐ranging crime law enacted in 1968. Its name was changed to the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA); its purpose was to distribute federal aid to state and local criminal justice programs. But Congress ordered the agency to be headed by an unwieldy troika of administrators. A succession of leaders over a decade frequently changed policy directions, setting an erratic course while spending almost $1 billion annually in some years. The agency funded some pioneering programs, such as units in prosecutors’ offices to help crime victims and witnesses. Eventually, however, its programs lacked sufficient proof of significant impact on the crime problem or the justice system. President Jimmy Carter proposed its elimination in 1980 and Congress agreed.
Tony Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154923
- eISBN:
- 9781400842025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines Jimmy Carter's promotion of human rights abroad as part of his foreign policy. The Carter administration gave a relatively precise interpretation of the meaning of human rights ...
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This chapter examines Jimmy Carter's promotion of human rights abroad as part of his foreign policy. The Carter administration gave a relatively precise interpretation of the meaning of human rights and connected it to a clear-cut set of political instruments, thus operationalizing traditional Wilsonianism in a novel and sometimes effective fashion. Indeed, Carter established a reputation for his abiding concern for human rights in other parts of the globe. The chapter begins with an analysis of what the Carter administration's commitment to human rights meant exactly, noting that the campaign for human rights did not originally intend to promote democracy in world affairs. It then considers the lessons of the Carter years for our understanding of liberalism's strengths and weaknesses in the conduct of American foreign policy by focusing on the debacle in Nicaragua and Iran. It also assesses Carter's legacy with respect to liberal democratic internationalism.Less
This chapter examines Jimmy Carter's promotion of human rights abroad as part of his foreign policy. The Carter administration gave a relatively precise interpretation of the meaning of human rights and connected it to a clear-cut set of political instruments, thus operationalizing traditional Wilsonianism in a novel and sometimes effective fashion. Indeed, Carter established a reputation for his abiding concern for human rights in other parts of the globe. The chapter begins with an analysis of what the Carter administration's commitment to human rights meant exactly, noting that the campaign for human rights did not originally intend to promote democracy in world affairs. It then considers the lessons of the Carter years for our understanding of liberalism's strengths and weaknesses in the conduct of American foreign policy by focusing on the debacle in Nicaragua and Iran. It also assesses Carter's legacy with respect to liberal democratic internationalism.
Thomas Borstelmann
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691141565
- eISBN:
- 9781400839704
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691141565.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter explores the resistance to the new hyper-individualism of the decade. It shows that not everyone found comfort in the increasingly though not fully entwined enthusiasms for greater human ...
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This chapter explores the resistance to the new hyper-individualism of the decade. It shows that not everyone found comfort in the increasingly though not fully entwined enthusiasms for greater human equality and the marketplace that took shape in the 1970s. An unfettered individualism, with all progressively more welcome to participate as autonomous buyers and sellers, was emerging as the central feature of contemporary American culture and gaining traction around the globe, but it deeply troubled certain observers. Some of the objections came from predictable if diverse corners. Socialist revolutionaries from Vietnam to Angola to Nicaragua, for example, saluted equality, at least in principle, but rejected the market and restricted private property. They fought for a collectivist future that they believed would offer greater justice and less exploitation, but it was a fight they clearly would be losing within a decade.Less
This chapter explores the resistance to the new hyper-individualism of the decade. It shows that not everyone found comfort in the increasingly though not fully entwined enthusiasms for greater human equality and the marketplace that took shape in the 1970s. An unfettered individualism, with all progressively more welcome to participate as autonomous buyers and sellers, was emerging as the central feature of contemporary American culture and gaining traction around the globe, but it deeply troubled certain observers. Some of the objections came from predictable if diverse corners. Socialist revolutionaries from Vietnam to Angola to Nicaragua, for example, saluted equality, at least in principle, but rejected the market and restricted private property. They fought for a collectivist future that they believed would offer greater justice and less exploitation, but it was a fight they clearly would be losing within a decade.
Ansley L. Quiros
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469646763
- eISBN:
- 9781469646787
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469646763.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
This chapter analyzes the years from 1965-1976 in Americus and Southwest Georgia. It discusses school integration and shifting race relations, the Student Interracial Ministry (SIM), the transition ...
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This chapter analyzes the years from 1965-1976 in Americus and Southwest Georgia. It discusses school integration and shifting race relations, the Student Interracial Ministry (SIM), the transition of Koinonia Farm to Koinonia Partners, and the political rise of Jimmy Carter. Even in a changing region, the role of theology remained central, as race and religion continued to influence American politics and American life.Less
This chapter analyzes the years from 1965-1976 in Americus and Southwest Georgia. It discusses school integration and shifting race relations, the Student Interracial Ministry (SIM), the transition of Koinonia Farm to Koinonia Partners, and the political rise of Jimmy Carter. Even in a changing region, the role of theology remained central, as race and religion continued to influence American politics and American life.
Benjamin Looker
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780226073989
- eISBN:
- 9780226290454
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226290454.003.0011
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
By the mid- and late 1970s, the symbols and themes emerging from the decade's neighborhoods movement had powerfully infused national electoral politics. Chapter 11 explores the uses of neighborhood ...
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By the mid- and late 1970s, the symbols and themes emerging from the decade's neighborhoods movement had powerfully infused national electoral politics. Chapter 11 explores the uses of neighborhood imagery in two presidential elections. In 1976, both major parties responded to a cresting neighborhoods movement by adopting a rhetoric of localism, self-sufficiency, decentralization, and communalism. However, strategists for Jimmy Carter and Gerald Ford came to define the city neighborhood's identity primarily with reference to mythologies of European immigration, religiosity, and self-help. This contest laid the groundwork for the Ronald Reagan campaign of 1980, in which the conservative insurgent would court disaffected blue-collar whites by trumpeting the virtues of neighborhood integrity as an alternative to state intervention. As Democratic leaders ceded the language of neighborhood to the right, this chapter suggests, the allure of the neighborhood as haven from outside intrusion temporarily swept competing visions from the national political stage.Less
By the mid- and late 1970s, the symbols and themes emerging from the decade's neighborhoods movement had powerfully infused national electoral politics. Chapter 11 explores the uses of neighborhood imagery in two presidential elections. In 1976, both major parties responded to a cresting neighborhoods movement by adopting a rhetoric of localism, self-sufficiency, decentralization, and communalism. However, strategists for Jimmy Carter and Gerald Ford came to define the city neighborhood's identity primarily with reference to mythologies of European immigration, religiosity, and self-help. This contest laid the groundwork for the Ronald Reagan campaign of 1980, in which the conservative insurgent would court disaffected blue-collar whites by trumpeting the virtues of neighborhood integrity as an alternative to state intervention. As Democratic leaders ceded the language of neighborhood to the right, this chapter suggests, the allure of the neighborhood as haven from outside intrusion temporarily swept competing visions from the national political stage.
Daniel K. Williams
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195340846
- eISBN:
- 9780199867141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195340846.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Although Jimmy Carter was a Southern Baptist, evangelicals came into conflict with his administration because of their opposition to his stances on the Equal Rights Amendment, abortion, and gay ...
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Although Jimmy Carter was a Southern Baptist, evangelicals came into conflict with his administration because of their opposition to his stances on the Equal Rights Amendment, abortion, and gay rights. Inspired by Francis Schaeffer, an American evangelical writer living in Switzerland, they began speaking out against “secular humanism,” which they claimed was destroying the nation. They turned to politics to save the country. Christian singer Anita Bryant organized a successful campaign against a gay rights ordinance in Miami, Florida, and launched a national campaign against gay rights that brought several evangelical pastors, including Jerry Falwell, into national politics. Cultural conservatives in the Southern Baptist Convention used the issue of abortion to take control of their denomination and enlist it in the culture wars. By 1980, evangelicals had developed a coherent political program to reclaim the nation.Less
Although Jimmy Carter was a Southern Baptist, evangelicals came into conflict with his administration because of their opposition to his stances on the Equal Rights Amendment, abortion, and gay rights. Inspired by Francis Schaeffer, an American evangelical writer living in Switzerland, they began speaking out against “secular humanism,” which they claimed was destroying the nation. They turned to politics to save the country. Christian singer Anita Bryant organized a successful campaign against a gay rights ordinance in Miami, Florida, and launched a national campaign against gay rights that brought several evangelical pastors, including Jerry Falwell, into national politics. Cultural conservatives in the Southern Baptist Convention used the issue of abortion to take control of their denomination and enlist it in the culture wars. By 1980, evangelicals had developed a coherent political program to reclaim the nation.
Michael Schaller
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195090499
- eISBN:
- 9780199854196
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195090499.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter examines the political career of the late U.S. President Ronald Reagan. It describes his career as an actor, as governor of California and his campaign for the presidency against Jimmy ...
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This chapter examines the political career of the late U.S. President Ronald Reagan. It describes his career as an actor, as governor of California and his campaign for the presidency against Jimmy Carter. This chapter suggests that voting for Reagan represented more of a rejection of a failed Democratic Party than the formation of a new conservative consensus and that most people who voted for him simply felt that it was “a time for change”.Less
This chapter examines the political career of the late U.S. President Ronald Reagan. It describes his career as an actor, as governor of California and his campaign for the presidency against Jimmy Carter. This chapter suggests that voting for Reagan represented more of a rejection of a failed Democratic Party than the formation of a new conservative consensus and that most people who voted for him simply felt that it was “a time for change”.
William M. LeoGrande and Peter Kornbluh
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469626604
- eISBN:
- 9781469626628
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469626604.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
History is being made in U.S.-Cuban relations. This book tells the real story behind the stunning December 17, 2014, announcement by President Obama and President Castro of their move to restore full ...
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History is being made in U.S.-Cuban relations. This book tells the real story behind the stunning December 17, 2014, announcement by President Obama and President Castro of their move to restore full diplomatic relations. It examines the ongoing efforts toward normalization in a new era of engagement. Challenging the conventional wisdom of perpetual conflict and aggression between the United States and Cuba since 1959, this book chronicles a surprising, untold history of bilateral efforts toward rapprochement and reconciliation. The text describes how, despite the intense political clamor surrounding efforts to improve relations with Havana, negotiations have been conducted by every presidential administration since Eisenhower’s through secret, back-channel diplomacy. From John F. Kennedy’s offering of an olive branch to Fidel Castro after the missile crisis, to Henry Kissinger’s top secret quest for normalization, to Barack Obama’s promise of a new approach, hundreds of formerly secret U.S. documents were uncovered and interviews with dozens of negotiators, intermediaries, and policy makers, including Fidel Castro and Jimmy Carter were conducted. The book reveals a fifty-year record of dialogue and negotiations, both open and furtive, that provides the historical foundation for the dramatic breakthrough in U.S.-Cuba ties.Less
History is being made in U.S.-Cuban relations. This book tells the real story behind the stunning December 17, 2014, announcement by President Obama and President Castro of their move to restore full diplomatic relations. It examines the ongoing efforts toward normalization in a new era of engagement. Challenging the conventional wisdom of perpetual conflict and aggression between the United States and Cuba since 1959, this book chronicles a surprising, untold history of bilateral efforts toward rapprochement and reconciliation. The text describes how, despite the intense political clamor surrounding efforts to improve relations with Havana, negotiations have been conducted by every presidential administration since Eisenhower’s through secret, back-channel diplomacy. From John F. Kennedy’s offering of an olive branch to Fidel Castro after the missile crisis, to Henry Kissinger’s top secret quest for normalization, to Barack Obama’s promise of a new approach, hundreds of formerly secret U.S. documents were uncovered and interviews with dozens of negotiators, intermediaries, and policy makers, including Fidel Castro and Jimmy Carter were conducted. The book reveals a fifty-year record of dialogue and negotiations, both open and furtive, that provides the historical foundation for the dramatic breakthrough in U.S.-Cuba ties.
James Gustave Speth
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195309454
- eISBN:
- 9780199871261
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195309454.003.0004
- Subject:
- Biology, Ecology, Biodiversity / Conservation Biology
This chapter discusses the Global 2000 Report. This report was prepared at the request of President Jimmy Carter in the late 1970s and originally suggested by Lee Talbot, then chief scientist for the ...
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This chapter discusses the Global 2000 Report. This report was prepared at the request of President Jimmy Carter in the late 1970s and originally suggested by Lee Talbot, then chief scientist for the CEQ. The report predicted trends that might unfold between 1980 and 2000 in population and the environment if societies were to continue on their current paths. Global 2000 effectively moved global-scale environmental challenges into American politics. Many of its projections proved correct, at least approximately.Less
This chapter discusses the Global 2000 Report. This report was prepared at the request of President Jimmy Carter in the late 1970s and originally suggested by Lee Talbot, then chief scientist for the CEQ. The report predicted trends that might unfold between 1980 and 2000 in population and the environment if societies were to continue on their current paths. Global 2000 effectively moved global-scale environmental challenges into American politics. Many of its projections proved correct, at least approximately.
Keren Yarhi-Milo
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159157
- eISBN:
- 9781400850419
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159157.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter discusses the relevant predictions of the alternative theses about how states should assess intentions by analyzing the case of the Carter administration during the period 1977–1980. ...
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This chapter discusses the relevant predictions of the alternative theses about how states should assess intentions by analyzing the case of the Carter administration during the period 1977–1980. Jimmy Carter began his time as president of the United States with great optimism about the USSR and was committed to improving the U.S.–Soviet relations. By the end of his tenure, however, Carter’s perceptions of the Soviet Union had changed and his policies emphasized competition over cooperation. The détente had collapsed. The chapter examines the Carter administration’s assessment of Soviet intentions, and more specifically the dramatic changes in U.S. perceptions of the Soviet Union, using the selective attention thesis, capabilities thesis, strategic military doctrine thesis, and behavior thesis. It considers whether key decision makers in the Carter administration engaged in intentions assessment attend to different indicators than the U.S. intelligence organizations.Less
This chapter discusses the relevant predictions of the alternative theses about how states should assess intentions by analyzing the case of the Carter administration during the period 1977–1980. Jimmy Carter began his time as president of the United States with great optimism about the USSR and was committed to improving the U.S.–Soviet relations. By the end of his tenure, however, Carter’s perceptions of the Soviet Union had changed and his policies emphasized competition over cooperation. The détente had collapsed. The chapter examines the Carter administration’s assessment of Soviet intentions, and more specifically the dramatic changes in U.S. perceptions of the Soviet Union, using the selective attention thesis, capabilities thesis, strategic military doctrine thesis, and behavior thesis. It considers whether key decision makers in the Carter administration engaged in intentions assessment attend to different indicators than the U.S. intelligence organizations.
Dee Garrison
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195183191
- eISBN:
- 9780199788804
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195183191.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter shows how after Kennedy's death, the new and greatly underfunded civil defense agency was moved to the Department of Defense, and the government no longer talked of bomb shelters. During ...
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This chapter shows how after Kennedy's death, the new and greatly underfunded civil defense agency was moved to the Department of Defense, and the government no longer talked of bomb shelters. During the Lyndon Johnson, Gerald Ford, and Richard Nixon terms, most states and cities either drastically reduced or ended civil defense programs. Then, Jimmy Carter came along and reactivated civil defense as a live issue in American politics. He set up a new program termed crisis relocation planning (CRP), which set out for the evacuation of people from cities to safer areas in the country during the presumed few days of advance notice the government would have before Soviet missiles arrived. Carter created CRP partially to mollify the NUTS proponents, who touted a “civil defense gap” between the superpowers. The job of providing secret shelters for the select few was assigned to the new civil defense organization, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), which Carter created in 1979.Less
This chapter shows how after Kennedy's death, the new and greatly underfunded civil defense agency was moved to the Department of Defense, and the government no longer talked of bomb shelters. During the Lyndon Johnson, Gerald Ford, and Richard Nixon terms, most states and cities either drastically reduced or ended civil defense programs. Then, Jimmy Carter came along and reactivated civil defense as a live issue in American politics. He set up a new program termed crisis relocation planning (CRP), which set out for the evacuation of people from cities to safer areas in the country during the presumed few days of advance notice the government would have before Soviet missiles arrived. Carter created CRP partially to mollify the NUTS proponents, who touted a “civil defense gap” between the superpowers. The job of providing secret shelters for the select few was assigned to the new civil defense organization, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), which Carter created in 1979.
Daniel J. Sargent
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- December 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780195395471
- eISBN:
- 9780199393633
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195395471.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century, Political History
In 1977, the Carter administration began working to implement a new guiding strategy for US foreign policy, oriented toward the promotion of human rights and the management of economic ...
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In 1977, the Carter administration began working to implement a new guiding strategy for US foreign policy, oriented toward the promotion of human rights and the management of economic interdependence among the advanced industrialized countries. Carter’s world order politics reflected both the oversights of the Nixon years and the influence of the Trilateral Commission. To manage economic globalization, the Carter administration promoted policy cooperation, its efforts culminating in the Bonn summit of the G-7 in 1978. To promote human rights, the Carter administration devised guidelines for tethering military and financial aid to foreign nations to human rights standards, and applied them with particular rigor in Latin America. By late 1978, however, Carter’s world order politics was already encountering difficulties: the administration’s human rights policy lacked consistency; policy coordination failed to stabilize the liberal world economy; and Iran, a longtime US ally, was imploding.Less
In 1977, the Carter administration began working to implement a new guiding strategy for US foreign policy, oriented toward the promotion of human rights and the management of economic interdependence among the advanced industrialized countries. Carter’s world order politics reflected both the oversights of the Nixon years and the influence of the Trilateral Commission. To manage economic globalization, the Carter administration promoted policy cooperation, its efforts culminating in the Bonn summit of the G-7 in 1978. To promote human rights, the Carter administration devised guidelines for tethering military and financial aid to foreign nations to human rights standards, and applied them with particular rigor in Latin America. By late 1978, however, Carter’s world order politics was already encountering difficulties: the administration’s human rights policy lacked consistency; policy coordination failed to stabilize the liberal world economy; and Iran, a longtime US ally, was imploding.
Steven P. Miller
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199777952
- eISBN:
- 9780199362615
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199777952.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
During the evangelical Seventies, born-again politics flourished—most famously in the presidential campaign of Jimmy Carter. Yet Carter was just one of many evangelical political stories in the ...
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During the evangelical Seventies, born-again politics flourished—most famously in the presidential campaign of Jimmy Carter. Yet Carter was just one of many evangelical political stories in the decade. The evangelical left competed with the much larger evangelical right to shape the meaning of born-again politics in the last quarter of the twentieth century and beyond. Progressive evangelicals, such as Ron Sider, thought time was on their side. Meanwhile, moderate evangelical politicians—such as John Anderson and Mark Hatfield—gained prominence. Carter rode this momentum into office. His most vocal critics turned out to be evangelicals themselves. Evangelical thinker Francis Schaeffer revealed how the evangelical left's simmering kettle became the Christian Right's roiling pot. By the close of the 1970s, evangelical faith rested on the fault line of American political culture. As a result, politics became the dominant lens through which a generation of Americans encountered and evaluated born-again ChristianityLess
During the evangelical Seventies, born-again politics flourished—most famously in the presidential campaign of Jimmy Carter. Yet Carter was just one of many evangelical political stories in the decade. The evangelical left competed with the much larger evangelical right to shape the meaning of born-again politics in the last quarter of the twentieth century and beyond. Progressive evangelicals, such as Ron Sider, thought time was on their side. Meanwhile, moderate evangelical politicians—such as John Anderson and Mark Hatfield—gained prominence. Carter rode this momentum into office. His most vocal critics turned out to be evangelicals themselves. Evangelical thinker Francis Schaeffer revealed how the evangelical left's simmering kettle became the Christian Right's roiling pot. By the close of the 1970s, evangelical faith rested on the fault line of American political culture. As a result, politics became the dominant lens through which a generation of Americans encountered and evaluated born-again Christianity
