Elizabeth Gillespie McRae
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190271718
- eISBN:
- 9780190271749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190271718.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Massive resistance to the civil rights movement has often been presented as sequestered in the South, limited to the decade between the Brown Decision and the Civil Rights Act, and attributed to the ...
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Massive resistance to the civil rights movement has often been presented as sequestered in the South, limited to the decade between the Brown Decision and the Civil Rights Act, and attributed to the most vehement elected officials and the Citizens’ Councils. But that version ignores the long-standing work of white women who sustained racial segregation and nurtured both massive support for the Jim Crow order in the interwar period and who transformed support into massive resistance after World War II. Support for the segregated state existed among everyday people. Maintaining racial segregation was not solely or even primarily the work of elected officials. Its adherents sustained the system with quotidian work, and on the ground, it was often white women who shaped and sustained white supremacist politics.Less
Massive resistance to the civil rights movement has often been presented as sequestered in the South, limited to the decade between the Brown Decision and the Civil Rights Act, and attributed to the most vehement elected officials and the Citizens’ Councils. But that version ignores the long-standing work of white women who sustained racial segregation and nurtured both massive support for the Jim Crow order in the interwar period and who transformed support into massive resistance after World War II. Support for the segregated state existed among everyday people. Maintaining racial segregation was not solely or even primarily the work of elected officials. Its adherents sustained the system with quotidian work, and on the ground, it was often white women who shaped and sustained white supremacist politics.
Carol A. Horton
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195143485
- eISBN:
- 9780199850402
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195143485.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The early Civil Rights movement radicalized the postwar liberal agenda by infusing it with much more expansive conceptions of both racial equity and social justice. While postwar liberalism remained ...
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The early Civil Rights movement radicalized the postwar liberal agenda by infusing it with much more expansive conceptions of both racial equity and social justice. While postwar liberalism remained focused on the problem of Jim Crow segregation in the South, the movement also emphasized problems of racial discrimination and segregation in the rest of the nation. At the same time, it encouraged the development of a new form of racial consciousness, particularly a more positive and empowered sense of black identity. The movement also advocated an essentially social democratic agenda, whose primary goal was to increase social and economic equity among all Americans. By the early 1960s, these commitments had created a pronounced rift between “white liberals”, who favored the more moderate politics of postwar liberalism, and the Negro movement, who supported the new form of social liberalism developed by the Civil Rights movement.Less
The early Civil Rights movement radicalized the postwar liberal agenda by infusing it with much more expansive conceptions of both racial equity and social justice. While postwar liberalism remained focused on the problem of Jim Crow segregation in the South, the movement also emphasized problems of racial discrimination and segregation in the rest of the nation. At the same time, it encouraged the development of a new form of racial consciousness, particularly a more positive and empowered sense of black identity. The movement also advocated an essentially social democratic agenda, whose primary goal was to increase social and economic equity among all Americans. By the early 1960s, these commitments had created a pronounced rift between “white liberals”, who favored the more moderate politics of postwar liberalism, and the Negro movement, who supported the new form of social liberalism developed by the Civil Rights movement.
Carol A. Horton
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195143485
- eISBN:
- 9780199850402
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195143485.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The successive collapses of the Knights of Labor and Populism during the 1880s–90s officially ended producer republicanism in the United States. In particular, the presidential election of 1896 ...
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The successive collapses of the Knights of Labor and Populism during the 1880s–90s officially ended producer republicanism in the United States. In particular, the presidential election of 1896 supported the development of three institutional arrangements that played a primary role in creating a more unequal society and a more constricted political universe: the dominance of the highly conservative American Federation of Labor within the labor movement, the establishment of Jim Crow segregation and the “solid South”, and the contraction of the popular bases of electoral politics. Through these primary mechanisms, the scope and aspirations of American liberalism were dramatically contracted. Although the ensuing Progressive Era would achieve some important reforms, this triumph of Darwinian liberalism reinforced the cultural and political dominance of a newly differentiated form of racial hierarchy, a broad endorsement of social and economic inequality, and a narrow and exclusionary conception of citizenship.Less
The successive collapses of the Knights of Labor and Populism during the 1880s–90s officially ended producer republicanism in the United States. In particular, the presidential election of 1896 supported the development of three institutional arrangements that played a primary role in creating a more unequal society and a more constricted political universe: the dominance of the highly conservative American Federation of Labor within the labor movement, the establishment of Jim Crow segregation and the “solid South”, and the contraction of the popular bases of electoral politics. Through these primary mechanisms, the scope and aspirations of American liberalism were dramatically contracted. Although the ensuing Progressive Era would achieve some important reforms, this triumph of Darwinian liberalism reinforced the cultural and political dominance of a newly differentiated form of racial hierarchy, a broad endorsement of social and economic inequality, and a narrow and exclusionary conception of citizenship.
Kathleen M. German
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496812353
- eISBN:
- 9781496812391
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496812353.003.0002
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This chapter explores the historical problems of understanding and dividing society along racial lines. In some ways, World War II was a race war as both Allies and Axis enforced forms of racial ...
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This chapter explores the historical problems of understanding and dividing society along racial lines. In some ways, World War II was a race war as both Allies and Axis enforced forms of racial segregation and purity. This chapter traces the roots of race in Christianity beginning with the Great Chain of Being, then explores federal definitions of race, and finally explains the implications of social and legal separation of races in the Jim Crow segregation persistent through World War II.Less
This chapter explores the historical problems of understanding and dividing society along racial lines. In some ways, World War II was a race war as both Allies and Axis enforced forms of racial segregation and purity. This chapter traces the roots of race in Christianity beginning with the Great Chain of Being, then explores federal definitions of race, and finally explains the implications of social and legal separation of races in the Jim Crow segregation persistent through World War II.
Elizabeth Gillespie McRae
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190271718
- eISBN:
- 9780190271749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190271718.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
In the 1920s, white women constituted the main workforce for Virginia’s new Racial Integrity Law. In the western counties of Rockbridge and Amherst counties, white female registrars, public welfare ...
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In the 1920s, white women constituted the main workforce for Virginia’s new Racial Integrity Law. In the western counties of Rockbridge and Amherst counties, white female registrars, public welfare officers, teachers, and social work students cataloged the racial identity of their neighbors and informed state officials of those who might have a “mixed racial” heritage. Imbued with the authority of the Progressive Era state, local white women produced a white supremacist politics built on preventing interracial marriage and “mixed-race” children and cooperating with supporters of eugenics. Armed with their local knowledge, the state registrar, Walter Plecker, reported “mixed-race,” Indian (Monacan) families to schools, hospitals, and courthouses in order to strengthen the Jim Crow order. By turning in their neighbors, white women both created and enforced the color line, securing the future of Jim Crow segregation.Less
In the 1920s, white women constituted the main workforce for Virginia’s new Racial Integrity Law. In the western counties of Rockbridge and Amherst counties, white female registrars, public welfare officers, teachers, and social work students cataloged the racial identity of their neighbors and informed state officials of those who might have a “mixed racial” heritage. Imbued with the authority of the Progressive Era state, local white women produced a white supremacist politics built on preventing interracial marriage and “mixed-race” children and cooperating with supporters of eugenics. Armed with their local knowledge, the state registrar, Walter Plecker, reported “mixed-race,” Indian (Monacan) families to schools, hospitals, and courthouses in order to strengthen the Jim Crow order. By turning in their neighbors, white women both created and enforced the color line, securing the future of Jim Crow segregation.
Elizabeth Gillespie McRae
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190271718
- eISBN:
- 9780190271749
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190271718.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Examining racial segregation from 1920s to the 1970s, this book argues that white segregationist women constituted the grassroots workforce for racial segregation. For decades, they censored ...
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Examining racial segregation from 1920s to the 1970s, this book argues that white segregationist women constituted the grassroots workforce for racial segregation. For decades, they censored textbooks, campaigned against the United Nations, denied marriage certificates, celebrated school choice, and lobbied elected officials. They trained generations, built national networks, collapsed their duties as white mothers with those of citizenship, and experimented with a color-blind political discourse. Their work beyond legislative halls empowered the Jim Crow order with a flexibility and a kind of staying power. With white women at the center of the story, massive resistance and the rise of postwar conservatism rises out of white women’s grassroots work in homes, schools, political parties, and culture. Their efforts began before World War II and the Brown Decision and persisted past the removal of “white only” signs in 1964 and through the anti-busing protests. White women’s segregationist politics involved foreign affairs, economic policy, family values, strict constitutionalism, states’ rights, and white supremacy. It stretched across the nation and overlapped with and helped shape the rise of the New Right. In the end, this history compels us to confront the reign of racial segregation as a national story. It asks us to reconsider who sustained the Jim Crow order, who bears responsibility for the persistence of the nation’s inequities, and what it will take to make good on the nation’s promise of equality.Less
Examining racial segregation from 1920s to the 1970s, this book argues that white segregationist women constituted the grassroots workforce for racial segregation. For decades, they censored textbooks, campaigned against the United Nations, denied marriage certificates, celebrated school choice, and lobbied elected officials. They trained generations, built national networks, collapsed their duties as white mothers with those of citizenship, and experimented with a color-blind political discourse. Their work beyond legislative halls empowered the Jim Crow order with a flexibility and a kind of staying power. With white women at the center of the story, massive resistance and the rise of postwar conservatism rises out of white women’s grassroots work in homes, schools, political parties, and culture. Their efforts began before World War II and the Brown Decision and persisted past the removal of “white only” signs in 1964 and through the anti-busing protests. White women’s segregationist politics involved foreign affairs, economic policy, family values, strict constitutionalism, states’ rights, and white supremacy. It stretched across the nation and overlapped with and helped shape the rise of the New Right. In the end, this history compels us to confront the reign of racial segregation as a national story. It asks us to reconsider who sustained the Jim Crow order, who bears responsibility for the persistence of the nation’s inequities, and what it will take to make good on the nation’s promise of equality.
Donald M. Shaffer
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781496805553
- eISBN:
- 9781496805591
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496805553.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
In this chapter, I will examine perhaps Charles W. Chesnutt’s most celebrated color-line novel, The House Behind the Cedars, as a philosophical and legalistic engagement of the problem of ...
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In this chapter, I will examine perhaps Charles W. Chesnutt’s most celebrated color-line novel, The House Behind the Cedars, as a philosophical and legalistic engagement of the problem of citizenship. Through a reading of Chesnutt’s racial non-fiction, including several of his unpublished essays and speeches, I also want to show how the novel engages Chesnutt’s perspective on race—one that held racial difference to be at once a “social fiction” and a “social disability.” Through his portrayal of the black mulatto in this novel, Chesnutt argues for an inclusive ideal of citizenship in response to the ascriptive ideology that defined American Jim Crow society in the wake of the 1896 Plessy decision.Less
In this chapter, I will examine perhaps Charles W. Chesnutt’s most celebrated color-line novel, The House Behind the Cedars, as a philosophical and legalistic engagement of the problem of citizenship. Through a reading of Chesnutt’s racial non-fiction, including several of his unpublished essays and speeches, I also want to show how the novel engages Chesnutt’s perspective on race—one that held racial difference to be at once a “social fiction” and a “social disability.” Through his portrayal of the black mulatto in this novel, Chesnutt argues for an inclusive ideal of citizenship in response to the ascriptive ideology that defined American Jim Crow society in the wake of the 1896 Plessy decision.
Edmund L. Drago
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823229376
- eISBN:
- 9780823234912
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823229376.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This chapter discusses the two conflicting legacies of Civil War and Reconstruction which competed for hegemony in South Carolina after the 1890s. The present conflict evolved out of the triumph of ...
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This chapter discusses the two conflicting legacies of Civil War and Reconstruction which competed for hegemony in South Carolina after the 1890s. The present conflict evolved out of the triumph of Racial Radicalism in South Carolina. Racial Radicalism, by establishing Jim Crow segregation, nurtured the growth of a black professional class who provided the leadership to establish the South Carolina Chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). On the eve of the sesquicentennial of the firing on Fort Sumter, the issue of slavery seems to be the key to the reconciliation of conflicting legacies.Less
This chapter discusses the two conflicting legacies of Civil War and Reconstruction which competed for hegemony in South Carolina after the 1890s. The present conflict evolved out of the triumph of Racial Radicalism in South Carolina. Racial Radicalism, by establishing Jim Crow segregation, nurtured the growth of a black professional class who provided the leadership to establish the South Carolina Chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). On the eve of the sesquicentennial of the firing on Fort Sumter, the issue of slavery seems to be the key to the reconciliation of conflicting legacies.
Robert Cassanello
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813044194
- eISBN:
- 9780813046495
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813044194.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter explores the theories that inform concepts of color-line, public sphere, public space, and right to the city. It demonstrates how Jacksonville after the Civil War represents a case study ...
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This chapter explores the theories that inform concepts of color-line, public sphere, public space, and right to the city. It demonstrates how Jacksonville after the Civil War represents a case study of the intersection of public sphere and public space. Additionally, it postulates that Jim Crow segregation and disfranchisement should be examined in the context of right-to-the-city literature and other explorations of space and the public sphere in the contemporary global south.Less
This chapter explores the theories that inform concepts of color-line, public sphere, public space, and right to the city. It demonstrates how Jacksonville after the Civil War represents a case study of the intersection of public sphere and public space. Additionally, it postulates that Jim Crow segregation and disfranchisement should be examined in the context of right-to-the-city literature and other explorations of space and the public sphere in the contemporary global south.
Kendra Taira Field
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780300180527
- eISBN:
- 9780300182286
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300180527.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Chapter 1 documents the life path of Thomas Jefferson Brown, the son of an African-American father and Irish mother, who migrated from Arkansas to Indian Territory in the 1870s and married two ...
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Chapter 1 documents the life path of Thomas Jefferson Brown, the son of an African-American father and Irish mother, who migrated from Arkansas to Indian Territory in the 1870s and married two African-descended women of the Creek and Seminole nations. This chapter uses Brown’s story to illustrate how some early African-American settlers initially bolstered their claims to freedom in the postemancipation era by attaching themselves to American expansion, Native Americans, and the acquisition of Indian land. This complex moment of African-American participation in the expropriation
of Indian Territory was tellingly short-lived. African-American access to Indian land ended abruptly with the advent of Oklahoma statehood, Jim Crow segregation, and oil speculation. As Indian sovereignty was dissolved and notions of racial purity and “blood” acquired growing significance, “race” ultimately eclipsed “nation” as a guarantor of rights and resources. Brown’s story illuminates the construction of a new racial order in Indian Territory, and, ultimately, the limits of North American escape.Less
Chapter 1 documents the life path of Thomas Jefferson Brown, the son of an African-American father and Irish mother, who migrated from Arkansas to Indian Territory in the 1870s and married two African-descended women of the Creek and Seminole nations. This chapter uses Brown’s story to illustrate how some early African-American settlers initially bolstered their claims to freedom in the postemancipation era by attaching themselves to American expansion, Native Americans, and the acquisition of Indian land. This complex moment of African-American participation in the expropriation
of Indian Territory was tellingly short-lived. African-American access to Indian land ended abruptly with the advent of Oklahoma statehood, Jim Crow segregation, and oil speculation. As Indian sovereignty was dissolved and notions of racial purity and “blood” acquired growing significance, “race” ultimately eclipsed “nation” as a guarantor of rights and resources. Brown’s story illuminates the construction of a new racial order in Indian Territory, and, ultimately, the limits of North American escape.
Helen Heran Jun
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814742976
- eISBN:
- 9780814743324
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814742976.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
This book explores how the history of U.S. citizenship has positioned Asian Americans and African Americans in interlocking socio-political relationships since the mid-nineteenth century. Rejecting ...
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This book explores how the history of U.S. citizenship has positioned Asian Americans and African Americans in interlocking socio-political relationships since the mid-nineteenth century. Rejecting the conventional emphasis on “inter-racial prejudice,” the book demonstrates how a politics of inclusion has constituted a racial Other within Asian American and African American discourses of national identity. It examines three salient moments when African American and Asian American citizenship become acutely visible as related crises: the “Negro Problem” and the “Yellow Question” in the mid- to late nineteenth century; World War II-era questions around race, loyalty, and national identity in the context of internment and Jim Crow segregation; and post-civil rights discourses of disenfranchisement and national belonging under globalization. Taking up a range of cultural texts—the nineteenth-century black press, the writings of black feminist Anna Julia Cooper, Asian American novels, African American and Asian American commercial film and documentary—the book does not seek to document signs of cross-racial identification, but instead demonstrates how the logic of citizenship compels racialized subjects to produce developmental narratives of inclusion in the effort to achieve political, economic, and social incorporation. The book provides a new model of comparative race studies by situating contemporary questions of differential racial formations within a long genealogy of anti-racist discourse constrained by liberal notions of inclusion.Less
This book explores how the history of U.S. citizenship has positioned Asian Americans and African Americans in interlocking socio-political relationships since the mid-nineteenth century. Rejecting the conventional emphasis on “inter-racial prejudice,” the book demonstrates how a politics of inclusion has constituted a racial Other within Asian American and African American discourses of national identity. It examines three salient moments when African American and Asian American citizenship become acutely visible as related crises: the “Negro Problem” and the “Yellow Question” in the mid- to late nineteenth century; World War II-era questions around race, loyalty, and national identity in the context of internment and Jim Crow segregation; and post-civil rights discourses of disenfranchisement and national belonging under globalization. Taking up a range of cultural texts—the nineteenth-century black press, the writings of black feminist Anna Julia Cooper, Asian American novels, African American and Asian American commercial film and documentary—the book does not seek to document signs of cross-racial identification, but instead demonstrates how the logic of citizenship compels racialized subjects to produce developmental narratives of inclusion in the effort to achieve political, economic, and social incorporation. The book provides a new model of comparative race studies by situating contemporary questions of differential racial formations within a long genealogy of anti-racist discourse constrained by liberal notions of inclusion.
Andrew W. Kahrl
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469628721
- eISBN:
- 9781469628745
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469628721.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
The Land Was Ours tells the story of how African Americans acquired, developed, and struggled to hold onto property along southern coastlines over the course of the twentieth century. During the ...
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The Land Was Ours tells the story of how African Americans acquired, developed, and struggled to hold onto property along southern coastlines over the course of the twentieth century. During the segregated era, black-owned beaches and resorts proliferated across the coastal South. Black beaches not only provided black southerners places of leisure and entertainment; they also spawned a variety of commercial activity and considerable capital investment. The types of black beaches found across the South—from serene, religious retreats to bawdy, seaside stops on the “chitlin circuit,” and from exclusive havens for the black elite to public “colored-only” beaches for the masses—reflected the class and cultural diversity of black America. Their histories also shed new light on the spatial and seasonal dimensions of Jim Crow. During their heyday, black leisure enterprises withstood repeated acts of terror and constant harassment from police, public officials, and white neighbors. But the greatest challenge black beaches faced came after segregation ended and the value of coastal real estate skyrocketed. In painful, infuriating detail, Kahrl tells the story of how African Americans lost millions of acres of valuable land to white speculators and developers—through deceit, fraud, and other unethical but often legal actions. Instead of reaping the riches of the Sunbelt boom, black families and coastal communities became a source of riches for others.Less
The Land Was Ours tells the story of how African Americans acquired, developed, and struggled to hold onto property along southern coastlines over the course of the twentieth century. During the segregated era, black-owned beaches and resorts proliferated across the coastal South. Black beaches not only provided black southerners places of leisure and entertainment; they also spawned a variety of commercial activity and considerable capital investment. The types of black beaches found across the South—from serene, religious retreats to bawdy, seaside stops on the “chitlin circuit,” and from exclusive havens for the black elite to public “colored-only” beaches for the masses—reflected the class and cultural diversity of black America. Their histories also shed new light on the spatial and seasonal dimensions of Jim Crow. During their heyday, black leisure enterprises withstood repeated acts of terror and constant harassment from police, public officials, and white neighbors. But the greatest challenge black beaches faced came after segregation ended and the value of coastal real estate skyrocketed. In painful, infuriating detail, Kahrl tells the story of how African Americans lost millions of acres of valuable land to white speculators and developers—through deceit, fraud, and other unethical but often legal actions. Instead of reaping the riches of the Sunbelt boom, black families and coastal communities became a source of riches for others.
Kendra Taira Field
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780300180527
- eISBN:
- 9780300182286
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300180527.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Chapter 4 recovers the origins of the little-known 1913–15 Chief Sam back-to-Africa movement and the lifelong migrants who created it. African-American access to Indian land ended abruptly after 1907 ...
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Chapter 4 recovers the origins of the little-known 1913–15 Chief Sam back-to-Africa movement and the lifelong migrants who created it. African-American access to Indian land ended abruptly after 1907 with the advent of Oklahoma statehood, Jim Crow segregation, and oil speculation. These migrants and many of their black and Indian counterparts lost their land and the associated mineral rights to white settlers and oil speculators through a combination of legal and extralegal exploitation. Thousands, including Coleman and Davis, joined Chief Alfred Sam’s 1914 “back-to-Africa” movement in hopes of claiming lasting freedom once and for all on the Gold Coast. This chapter employs the stories of Elic Davis and Monroe Coleman to show that this movement was not only prelude to Garveyism and the Great Migration, but capstone to “a century of negro migration.”Less
Chapter 4 recovers the origins of the little-known 1913–15 Chief Sam back-to-Africa movement and the lifelong migrants who created it. African-American access to Indian land ended abruptly after 1907 with the advent of Oklahoma statehood, Jim Crow segregation, and oil speculation. These migrants and many of their black and Indian counterparts lost their land and the associated mineral rights to white settlers and oil speculators through a combination of legal and extralegal exploitation. Thousands, including Coleman and Davis, joined Chief Alfred Sam’s 1914 “back-to-Africa” movement in hopes of claiming lasting freedom once and for all on the Gold Coast. This chapter employs the stories of Elic Davis and Monroe Coleman to show that this movement was not only prelude to Garveyism and the Great Migration, but capstone to “a century of negro migration.”
David Lucander
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252038624
- eISBN:
- 9780252096556
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252038624.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter describes a series of sit-ins during 1944. Led by largely forgotten African American women, this interracial direct-action campaign sought to challenge the color line at department-store ...
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This chapter describes a series of sit-ins during 1944. Led by largely forgotten African American women, this interracial direct-action campaign sought to challenge the color line at department-store lunch counters. Integrating, or at least improving, access to food service at major downtown retailers was an important step in the process of breaking down elements of Jim Crow segregation in St. Louis. That same year, the March on Washington Movement (MOWM) shifted its attention toward obtaining and retaining jobs for black workers in publicly funded workplaces. Gaining access to jobs operating switchboards and in the local administration of Southwestern Bell Telephone offices was presented as a stride toward securing sustainable employment for a largely female contingent of working-class African Americans who wanted long-term white- and pink-collar employment. This sort of local women's activism, juxtaposed against national men's leadership, is consistent with a gendered pattern of activism in civil rights campaigns that persisted through the 1960s.Less
This chapter describes a series of sit-ins during 1944. Led by largely forgotten African American women, this interracial direct-action campaign sought to challenge the color line at department-store lunch counters. Integrating, or at least improving, access to food service at major downtown retailers was an important step in the process of breaking down elements of Jim Crow segregation in St. Louis. That same year, the March on Washington Movement (MOWM) shifted its attention toward obtaining and retaining jobs for black workers in publicly funded workplaces. Gaining access to jobs operating switchboards and in the local administration of Southwestern Bell Telephone offices was presented as a stride toward securing sustainable employment for a largely female contingent of working-class African Americans who wanted long-term white- and pink-collar employment. This sort of local women's activism, juxtaposed against national men's leadership, is consistent with a gendered pattern of activism in civil rights campaigns that persisted through the 1960s.
Christopher B. Strain
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813032399
- eISBN:
- 9780813038919
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813032399.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter discusses the terror caused by these crimes and the history of such arsons in the American South. The fires recalled darker days in American history, harkening back to the days of Jim ...
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This chapter discusses the terror caused by these crimes and the history of such arsons in the American South. The fires recalled darker days in American history, harkening back to the days of Jim Crow segregation, when white southerners perfected the finer points of racial terror in keeping black folks “in their place” and hooded Klansmen destroyed property and lives at will. Like similar attacks in the civil rights era of the 1950s and 1960s, the fires of the 1990s created terror, as intended.Less
This chapter discusses the terror caused by these crimes and the history of such arsons in the American South. The fires recalled darker days in American history, harkening back to the days of Jim Crow segregation, when white southerners perfected the finer points of racial terror in keeping black folks “in their place” and hooded Klansmen destroyed property and lives at will. Like similar attacks in the civil rights era of the 1950s and 1960s, the fires of the 1990s created terror, as intended.
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226677231
- eISBN:
- 9780226677224
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226677224.003.0019
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
Perhaps no decision of the Supreme Court that is not perceived as morally evil in its result has been the subject of so much criticism as the Slaughterhouse Cases. The Court's holding—that the state ...
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Perhaps no decision of the Supreme Court that is not perceived as morally evil in its result has been the subject of so much criticism as the Slaughterhouse Cases. The Court's holding—that the state of Louisiana did not violate the Constitution of the United States by granting the Crescent City Live-Stock Landing and Slaughter-House Company a monopoly over the operation of slaughterhouses within the city and environs of New Orleans—is seldom the object of great interest. What excites widespread censure are the constitutional misdeeds the Court allegedly committed in coming to its judgment. The central items of the usual bill of particulars are the assertion that the Court eviscerated the privileges or immunities clause of section 1 of the fourteenth amendment by giving it so narrow a construction that it has since been of virtually no practical importance, and that the Court manifested a fundamental hostility toward the Civil War amendments that led eventually to the judicial dismantling of Reconstruction and Plessy v. Ferguson's tragic approval of Jim Crow segregation, judicial misdeeds that indefinitely delayed implementation of the nation's promise of freedom and equality to African Americans.Less
Perhaps no decision of the Supreme Court that is not perceived as morally evil in its result has been the subject of so much criticism as the Slaughterhouse Cases. The Court's holding—that the state of Louisiana did not violate the Constitution of the United States by granting the Crescent City Live-Stock Landing and Slaughter-House Company a monopoly over the operation of slaughterhouses within the city and environs of New Orleans—is seldom the object of great interest. What excites widespread censure are the constitutional misdeeds the Court allegedly committed in coming to its judgment. The central items of the usual bill of particulars are the assertion that the Court eviscerated the privileges or immunities clause of section 1 of the fourteenth amendment by giving it so narrow a construction that it has since been of virtually no practical importance, and that the Court manifested a fundamental hostility toward the Civil War amendments that led eventually to the judicial dismantling of Reconstruction and Plessy v. Ferguson's tragic approval of Jim Crow segregation, judicial misdeeds that indefinitely delayed implementation of the nation's promise of freedom and equality to African Americans.
