Gabriel Sheffer
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198279945
- eISBN:
- 9780191684326
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198279945.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Moshe Sharett, Israel's second Prime Minister from 1953–5, its Foreign Minister from 1948–56, and one of the founders of the State of Israel, was at the centre of events in Israel and the Yishuv for ...
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Moshe Sharett, Israel's second Prime Minister from 1953–5, its Foreign Minister from 1948–56, and one of the founders of the State of Israel, was at the centre of events in Israel and the Yishuv for over three decades. Under his leadership, the ‘moderate’ camp exerted a seminal influence on the politics and orientation of the young Jewish state. This definitive biography of Sharett provides a needed challenge to the accepted view that stresses the dominant role and achievements of Israel's first prime minister, David Ben–Gurion, and his activist supporters. Ben–Gurion, representative of the school of retaliation in relation to the Arabs, opposed Sharett's negotiative politics and forced his resignation. This book restores the reputation of Sharett and his followers. Following Sharett's political life, the book provides an original detailed account of major episodes in the history of the Holy Land from the beginning of the 20th century to the mid-1960s, using previously untapped sources. It tells of the hitherto untold struggles between the founding fathers of the Jewish state, particularly concerning peace with the Palestinian Arabs and the neighbouring Arab countries. It concludes that Sharett and his moderate friends constituted a realistic and humane alternative to the activists led by Ben–Gurion, and it will provide a new source for future studies of the Yishuv and Israel.Less
Moshe Sharett, Israel's second Prime Minister from 1953–5, its Foreign Minister from 1948–56, and one of the founders of the State of Israel, was at the centre of events in Israel and the Yishuv for over three decades. Under his leadership, the ‘moderate’ camp exerted a seminal influence on the politics and orientation of the young Jewish state. This definitive biography of Sharett provides a needed challenge to the accepted view that stresses the dominant role and achievements of Israel's first prime minister, David Ben–Gurion, and his activist supporters. Ben–Gurion, representative of the school of retaliation in relation to the Arabs, opposed Sharett's negotiative politics and forced his resignation. This book restores the reputation of Sharett and his followers. Following Sharett's political life, the book provides an original detailed account of major episodes in the history of the Holy Land from the beginning of the 20th century to the mid-1960s, using previously untapped sources. It tells of the hitherto untold struggles between the founding fathers of the Jewish state, particularly concerning peace with the Palestinian Arabs and the neighbouring Arab countries. It concludes that Sharett and his moderate friends constituted a realistic and humane alternative to the activists led by Ben–Gurion, and it will provide a new source for future studies of the Yishuv and Israel.
Lital Levy
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691162485
- eISBN:
- 9781400852574
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691162485.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to examine the lives and afterlives of Arabic and Hebrew in Israeli literature, culture, and society. Hebrew is the spiritual, ...
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This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to examine the lives and afterlives of Arabic and Hebrew in Israeli literature, culture, and society. Hebrew is the spiritual, historical, and ideological cornerstone of the State of Israel, and Hebrew literature, having accompanied the national project from its inception, is an integral part of Israeli society. Yet in its broader geopolitical context, Hebrew is the language of a small state that views itself as an embattled island in a hostile Arabic-language sea. The book presents an alternative story of the evolution of language and ideology in the Jewish state. It takes a long historical perspective, beginning not in 1948 with the foundation of the state but rather at the turn of the century, with the early days of Zionist settlement in Palestine. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.Less
This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to examine the lives and afterlives of Arabic and Hebrew in Israeli literature, culture, and society. Hebrew is the spiritual, historical, and ideological cornerstone of the State of Israel, and Hebrew literature, having accompanied the national project from its inception, is an integral part of Israeli society. Yet in its broader geopolitical context, Hebrew is the language of a small state that views itself as an embattled island in a hostile Arabic-language sea. The book presents an alternative story of the evolution of language and ideology in the Jewish state. It takes a long historical perspective, beginning not in 1948 with the foundation of the state but rather at the turn of the century, with the early days of Zionist settlement in Palestine. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
Gabriel Sheffer
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198279945
- eISBN:
- 9780191684326
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198279945.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The military struggle, in which the Yishuv was already deeply involved, evolved on three fronts: with the British military forces that had begun their withdrawal from the territory; with local ...
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The military struggle, in which the Yishuv was already deeply involved, evolved on three fronts: with the British military forces that had begun their withdrawal from the territory; with local Palestinian Arab paramilitary groups; and with Arab ‘irregulars’, who were infiltrating Palestine in growing numbers. By March 1947, mainly as a result of the growing numbers and escalating operations of the irregulars, the security situation of the Yishuv had become perilously dangerous. As with the struggle for physical survival, the Yishuv's political and diplomatic battles in the UN for the establishment of the long-awaited Jewish state were being conducted on three fronts: in the Security Council, in which the unending discussions stemmed from the unfounded notion that agreement was still possible between Arabs and Jews; in the Trusteeship Council, which was then locked in debate over Jerusalem; and in the Palestine Commission, which was weighing the establishment of provisional governments by the two communities.Less
The military struggle, in which the Yishuv was already deeply involved, evolved on three fronts: with the British military forces that had begun their withdrawal from the territory; with local Palestinian Arab paramilitary groups; and with Arab ‘irregulars’, who were infiltrating Palestine in growing numbers. By March 1947, mainly as a result of the growing numbers and escalating operations of the irregulars, the security situation of the Yishuv had become perilously dangerous. As with the struggle for physical survival, the Yishuv's political and diplomatic battles in the UN for the establishment of the long-awaited Jewish state were being conducted on three fronts: in the Security Council, in which the unending discussions stemmed from the unfounded notion that agreement was still possible between Arabs and Jews; in the Trusteeship Council, which was then locked in debate over Jerusalem; and in the Palestine Commission, which was weighing the establishment of provisional governments by the two communities.
Geoffrey Alderman
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207597
- eISBN:
- 9780191677731
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207597.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The underlying theme of the communal politics of British Jewry in the late 19th and early 20th centuries was the tension created by the desire of the established, Anglicized ruling elites to maintain ...
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The underlying theme of the communal politics of British Jewry in the late 19th and early 20th centuries was the tension created by the desire of the established, Anglicized ruling elites to maintain their control of communal organization and leadership, and the determination of the newer arrivals that these should ultimately fall under their sway. Oligarchy was confronted by democracy; laxity by orthodoxy; political conservatism by social radicalism; synagogal centralism by the independency of the chevrot; the numerical dominance of London by the jealous independence of provincial Jewries; the institutionalized charity of the Boards of Guardians by the communal self-help of the friendly societies. At some times the drama was played out through explicit issues, such as kashrut. At others, issues of great importance in themselves were none the less used for ulterior purposes: everyone knew what was ultimately at stake, but it suited both sides not to say so. Of these, by far the most fundamental was that of Zionism, the movement having as its goal the national self-determination of the Jewish people, expressed through the re-establishment of the Jewish State.Less
The underlying theme of the communal politics of British Jewry in the late 19th and early 20th centuries was the tension created by the desire of the established, Anglicized ruling elites to maintain their control of communal organization and leadership, and the determination of the newer arrivals that these should ultimately fall under their sway. Oligarchy was confronted by democracy; laxity by orthodoxy; political conservatism by social radicalism; synagogal centralism by the independency of the chevrot; the numerical dominance of London by the jealous independence of provincial Jewries; the institutionalized charity of the Boards of Guardians by the communal self-help of the friendly societies. At some times the drama was played out through explicit issues, such as kashrut. At others, issues of great importance in themselves were none the less used for ulterior purposes: everyone knew what was ultimately at stake, but it suited both sides not to say so. Of these, by far the most fundamental was that of Zionism, the movement having as its goal the national self-determination of the Jewish people, expressed through the re-establishment of the Jewish State.
Gabriel Sheffer
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198279945
- eISBN:
- 9780191684326
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198279945.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The news about the decisions taken by the provisional government and the central committees of Mapai and other parties on 12 and 13 May 1948, to establish the State of Israel spread quickly in the ...
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The news about the decisions taken by the provisional government and the central committees of Mapai and other parties on 12 and 13 May 1948, to establish the State of Israel spread quickly in the Yishuv. Hearing the news, the Jews demonstrated both excitement about independence and apprehensions about the approaching war with the Palestinians and the Arab states. Once the fateful decision to proclaim the state had been taken and the initial excitement was over, Shertok and his associates turned to the more mundane and urgent issues for which they were responsible. Shertok, who two days after the Declaration of Independence would be named the first foreign minister of the new state, was separated from most of the staff of his Political Department, who were still stranded in a besieged Jerusalem. He therefore set up a small office in Tel Aviv on 13 May, where he and a handful of officials began dealing with political and diplomatic matters of importance to the new state, as well as with its foreign affairs.Less
The news about the decisions taken by the provisional government and the central committees of Mapai and other parties on 12 and 13 May 1948, to establish the State of Israel spread quickly in the Yishuv. Hearing the news, the Jews demonstrated both excitement about independence and apprehensions about the approaching war with the Palestinians and the Arab states. Once the fateful decision to proclaim the state had been taken and the initial excitement was over, Shertok and his associates turned to the more mundane and urgent issues for which they were responsible. Shertok, who two days after the Declaration of Independence would be named the first foreign minister of the new state, was separated from most of the staff of his Political Department, who were still stranded in a besieged Jerusalem. He therefore set up a small office in Tel Aviv on 13 May, where he and a handful of officials began dealing with political and diplomatic matters of importance to the new state, as well as with its foreign affairs.
Menachem Mautner
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199600564
- eISBN:
- 9780191729188
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199600564.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law
This chapter discusses a series of struggles that took place in the course of the 20th century over the cultural character of Israeli law. In the first half of the century, a ‘Movement for the ...
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This chapter discusses a series of struggles that took place in the course of the 20th century over the cultural character of Israeli law. In the first half of the century, a ‘Movement for the Revival of Hebrew Law’ was active in Eretz Israel. It strove to fashion Israeli law in accordance with the contents of the Halakhah, after adaptation to modern jurisprudence. The development of the law in the State of Israel, however, followed an entirely different course. During the thirty years of the British government over Palestine (1918–48), the local legal community underwent an extensive process of Anglicization. In its wake, the law of the State of Israel developed in close association with Anglo-American law and with the political theory that underlies it — liberalism. The call for a linkage between Israeli law and the Halakhah was reasserted following two legislative developments in the 1980s and 1990s. The first was the enactment of the Foundations of Law statute in 1980, stating that among the sources for filling lacuna in the law are ‘the principles of freedom, justice, equity, and peace of Israel's heritage’. The second was the enactment in 1992 of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, and Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation. These two Basic Laws defined Israel as a ‘Jewish and democratic state’. The grant of standing to ‘Jewish heritage’ in the country's law and definition of Israel as a ‘Jewish state’ served as the basis for a claim that it is the legislative intention to develop Israeli law in affinity with the Halakhah. Supreme Court Justices Menachem Elon and Aharon Barak engaged in a vigorous debate over the cultural orientation to be adopted in the development of Israeli law in the ensuing decades. The debate shed light not only on the two options relevant to the future development of Israeli law, but also on the two main cultural options between which the Jewish people has vacillate! d in the modern era: Western culture and traditional Jewish culture.Less
This chapter discusses a series of struggles that took place in the course of the 20th century over the cultural character of Israeli law. In the first half of the century, a ‘Movement for the Revival of Hebrew Law’ was active in Eretz Israel. It strove to fashion Israeli law in accordance with the contents of the Halakhah, after adaptation to modern jurisprudence. The development of the law in the State of Israel, however, followed an entirely different course. During the thirty years of the British government over Palestine (1918–48), the local legal community underwent an extensive process of Anglicization. In its wake, the law of the State of Israel developed in close association with Anglo-American law and with the political theory that underlies it — liberalism. The call for a linkage between Israeli law and the Halakhah was reasserted following two legislative developments in the 1980s and 1990s. The first was the enactment of the Foundations of Law statute in 1980, stating that among the sources for filling lacuna in the law are ‘the principles of freedom, justice, equity, and peace of Israel's heritage’. The second was the enactment in 1992 of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, and Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation. These two Basic Laws defined Israel as a ‘Jewish and democratic state’. The grant of standing to ‘Jewish heritage’ in the country's law and definition of Israel as a ‘Jewish state’ served as the basis for a claim that it is the legislative intention to develop Israeli law in affinity with the Halakhah. Supreme Court Justices Menachem Elon and Aharon Barak engaged in a vigorous debate over the cultural orientation to be adopted in the development of Israeli law in the ensuing decades. The debate shed light not only on the two options relevant to the future development of Israeli law, but also on the two main cultural options between which the Jewish people has vacillate! d in the modern era: Western culture and traditional Jewish culture.
Gabriel Sheffer
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198279945
- eISBN:
- 9780191684326
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198279945.003.0031
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
A new chapter was opened in Sharett's political career, one in which he was constantly asked to undertake missions on behalf of the Jewish state, the Jewish Agency, and Mapai to the Diaspora. Thus as ...
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A new chapter was opened in Sharett's political career, one in which he was constantly asked to undertake missions on behalf of the Jewish state, the Jewish Agency, and Mapai to the Diaspora. Thus as early as May 1957, Sharett and his wife set off on a two-month trip to Australia and New Zealand. From the viewpoint of the dialogue with Jews and Gentiles, Sharett expected this trip to be a relatively easy one, since the governments and the public in both countries were exhibiting unaltered sympathy towards Israel. And since he had agreed to undertake the trip long before the 1956 war, he did not regard it as an abrogation of his decision neither to meddle in the formation of Israel's foreign affairs nor to propagate it. Both his relaxed attitude towards this mission — the first trip by a ranking Israeli politician to these two far-off countries — and the expected warm reception were psychologically the right prescriptions at a time when he felt rejected and neglected. As usual, he vowed to make great efforts to fulfil the high expectations of both his Jewish and Gentile hosts.Less
A new chapter was opened in Sharett's political career, one in which he was constantly asked to undertake missions on behalf of the Jewish state, the Jewish Agency, and Mapai to the Diaspora. Thus as early as May 1957, Sharett and his wife set off on a two-month trip to Australia and New Zealand. From the viewpoint of the dialogue with Jews and Gentiles, Sharett expected this trip to be a relatively easy one, since the governments and the public in both countries were exhibiting unaltered sympathy towards Israel. And since he had agreed to undertake the trip long before the 1956 war, he did not regard it as an abrogation of his decision neither to meddle in the formation of Israel's foreign affairs nor to propagate it. Both his relaxed attitude towards this mission — the first trip by a ranking Israeli politician to these two far-off countries — and the expected warm reception were psychologically the right prescriptions at a time when he felt rejected and neglected. As usual, he vowed to make great efforts to fulfil the high expectations of both his Jewish and Gentile hosts.
Menachem Mautner
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199600564
- eISBN:
- 9780191729188
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199600564.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law
This chapter offers some principles for the constitution of Israel's regime, political culture, and law given the country's multicultural condition. First, Israeli liberals need to pursue actively ...
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This chapter offers some principles for the constitution of Israel's regime, political culture, and law given the country's multicultural condition. First, Israeli liberals need to pursue actively the preservation and cultivation of Israel's liberal democratic regime. Second, since so many Israelis (both Jews and Arabs) are religious, of the two variants of liberal political theory, namely comprehensive and political liberalism, Israel should opt for the political rather than the comprehensive. Israel may count on the possibility of collaboration between secular liberals (both Jewish and Arab) and religious Zionists in establishing a Rawlsian overlapping consensus in favor of the preservation and further cultivation of the country's liberal-democratic regime, political culture, and law. Third, Israel should be viewed as a Jewish state in the sense of enabling different groups of Jews to develop their unique Jewish cultures. Israel should be seen as ‘the state of the Jews’ rather than a ‘Jewish state’. Fourth, Israel should cultivate and emphasize Israeliness as an inclusive super-category that encompasses all its citizens, both Jewish and Arab. Fifth, Israel should add to its current definition as a ‘Jewish and democratic state’ a third element of identity, that of a ‘multicultural state’. In the alternative, Israel should find a way to add to the current definition of its identity an element that will express the existence in the country of an Arab national minority. Sixth, Israel should create a new equilibrium between uniformity and diversity in its life. On the one hand, while most of the law of the state should be uniform, some of it will remain differential. On the other hand, Israel should make the republican ideal of the common good an important ideal in its political culture.Less
This chapter offers some principles for the constitution of Israel's regime, political culture, and law given the country's multicultural condition. First, Israeli liberals need to pursue actively the preservation and cultivation of Israel's liberal democratic regime. Second, since so many Israelis (both Jews and Arabs) are religious, of the two variants of liberal political theory, namely comprehensive and political liberalism, Israel should opt for the political rather than the comprehensive. Israel may count on the possibility of collaboration between secular liberals (both Jewish and Arab) and religious Zionists in establishing a Rawlsian overlapping consensus in favor of the preservation and further cultivation of the country's liberal-democratic regime, political culture, and law. Third, Israel should be viewed as a Jewish state in the sense of enabling different groups of Jews to develop their unique Jewish cultures. Israel should be seen as ‘the state of the Jews’ rather than a ‘Jewish state’. Fourth, Israel should cultivate and emphasize Israeliness as an inclusive super-category that encompasses all its citizens, both Jewish and Arab. Fifth, Israel should add to its current definition as a ‘Jewish and democratic state’ a third element of identity, that of a ‘multicultural state’. In the alternative, Israel should find a way to add to the current definition of its identity an element that will express the existence in the country of an Arab national minority. Sixth, Israel should create a new equilibrium between uniformity and diversity in its life. On the one hand, while most of the law of the state should be uniform, some of it will remain differential. On the other hand, Israel should make the republican ideal of the common good an important ideal in its political culture.
Michael N. Barnett
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691165974
- eISBN:
- 9781400880607
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691165974.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter explores the period from 1914 and the beginning of World War I through the end of World War II. The world changed, and so too did the foreign policy beliefs of American Jews—but not as ...
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This chapter explores the period from 1914 and the beginning of World War I through the end of World War II. The world changed, and so too did the foreign policy beliefs of American Jews—but not as much as might have been expected given this long stretch of murderous anti-Semitism. The American Jewish Committee went to Paris after World War I with the agenda of convincing the victors to force the new national states of Europe to recognize the fundamental rights of minorities and to lobby for a League of Nations with responsibility for monitoring and enforcing those rights. At the same time, there was a slow, cautious acceptance of Zionism. However, not all Zionisms are alike, and as American Jews increased their support for Zionism, they also gravitated toward a version that did not hinge exclusively on the Jewish state.Less
This chapter explores the period from 1914 and the beginning of World War I through the end of World War II. The world changed, and so too did the foreign policy beliefs of American Jews—but not as much as might have been expected given this long stretch of murderous anti-Semitism. The American Jewish Committee went to Paris after World War I with the agenda of convincing the victors to force the new national states of Europe to recognize the fundamental rights of minorities and to lobby for a League of Nations with responsibility for monitoring and enforcing those rights. At the same time, there was a slow, cautious acceptance of Zionism. However, not all Zionisms are alike, and as American Jews increased their support for Zionism, they also gravitated toward a version that did not hinge exclusively on the Jewish state.
Suheir Abu Oksa Daoud
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813033624
- eISBN:
- 9780813039268
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813033624.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter examines the creation of the Palestinian minority in Israel, focusing on the principal areas that underwent dramatic change in Palestinian lives: land, work, and family structure. The ...
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This chapter examines the creation of the Palestinian minority in Israel, focusing on the principal areas that underwent dramatic change in Palestinian lives: land, work, and family structure. The chapter provides an overview of internal minority politics, the party system, and political behavior. It also lays groundwork for the other chapters and presents the book's first hypothesis, in which the marginality of women is viewed as part of the marginality of Palestinian Israeli citizens a whole. It considers three broad areas: the historical circumstances that created the Palestinian minority in Israel following the creation of the Jewish state in 1948; al–Nakba (the catastrophe) that ensued for the Palestinian minority in Israel; and the contradictory ways in which the politics of Israel has impacted the Palestinian minority's political, economic, and social experiences, including those of women.Less
This chapter examines the creation of the Palestinian minority in Israel, focusing on the principal areas that underwent dramatic change in Palestinian lives: land, work, and family structure. The chapter provides an overview of internal minority politics, the party system, and political behavior. It also lays groundwork for the other chapters and presents the book's first hypothesis, in which the marginality of women is viewed as part of the marginality of Palestinian Israeli citizens a whole. It considers three broad areas: the historical circumstances that created the Palestinian minority in Israel following the creation of the Jewish state in 1948; al–Nakba (the catastrophe) that ensued for the Palestinian minority in Israel; and the contradictory ways in which the politics of Israel has impacted the Palestinian minority's political, economic, and social experiences, including those of women.
Roberta Rosenthal Kwall
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780195373707
- eISBN:
- 9780190226589
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195373707.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History, Comparative Law
Any discussion applying a cultural analysis perspective to the mesorah must analyze the role of Israel, which occupies a unique place in the hearts and minds of many, though certainly not all, Jews. ...
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Any discussion applying a cultural analysis perspective to the mesorah must analyze the role of Israel, which occupies a unique place in the hearts and minds of many, though certainly not all, Jews. Chapter 8 examines the multifaceted relationship between Israeli and Jewish law and between Jewish law and Israeli Jewish identity. It addresses these relationships in the context of the following two extraordinarily complex questions. First, what difficulties does Israel face as a Jewish state in striking a balance between Jewish law and its secular laws? Second, what does it mean to be a Jewish state when the majority of Jews in Israel do not observe halakhah? These questions go to the heart of what Jewish identity means in the state of Israel.Less
Any discussion applying a cultural analysis perspective to the mesorah must analyze the role of Israel, which occupies a unique place in the hearts and minds of many, though certainly not all, Jews. Chapter 8 examines the multifaceted relationship between Israeli and Jewish law and between Jewish law and Israeli Jewish identity. It addresses these relationships in the context of the following two extraordinarily complex questions. First, what difficulties does Israel face as a Jewish state in striking a balance between Jewish law and its secular laws? Second, what does it mean to be a Jewish state when the majority of Jews in Israel do not observe halakhah? These questions go to the heart of what Jewish identity means in the state of Israel.
S. Ilan Troen
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300084269
- eISBN:
- 9780300130218
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300084269.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter discusses the construction of new identities by examining how European Jews understood the purposes and meanings of Zionism in Zion. Pioneers built Zionism on a rejection of Europe and ...
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This chapter discusses the construction of new identities by examining how European Jews understood the purposes and meanings of Zionism in Zion. Pioneers built Zionism on a rejection of Europe and an anticipation of creating an alternative modern Jewish personality. The analysis presented in the chapter rests on a study of the largest social institution established by Zionist society: a secular, public school system. Through it, Zionist ideologues, public officials, and educators attempted to transform European Jewry. Willing to preserve what they admired in the culture of the shtetl, they rejected its passivity in the face of physical threats and actual violence. These educators insisted on a new national, educational, cultural ideal. The chapter reveals that in turning away from the traditional orthodox schooling of the shtetl, Zionists developed a new curriculum to produce modern, secularized Jews who were capable of defending themselves and their homeland.Less
This chapter discusses the construction of new identities by examining how European Jews understood the purposes and meanings of Zionism in Zion. Pioneers built Zionism on a rejection of Europe and an anticipation of creating an alternative modern Jewish personality. The analysis presented in the chapter rests on a study of the largest social institution established by Zionist society: a secular, public school system. Through it, Zionist ideologues, public officials, and educators attempted to transform European Jewry. Willing to preserve what they admired in the culture of the shtetl, they rejected its passivity in the face of physical threats and actual violence. These educators insisted on a new national, educational, cultural ideal. The chapter reveals that in turning away from the traditional orthodox schooling of the shtetl, Zionists developed a new curriculum to produce modern, secularized Jews who were capable of defending themselves and their homeland.
Bill Williams
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719085499
- eISBN:
- 9781781703311
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719085499.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, Social History
In 1933, the Zionist movement in Manchester was already fifty years old. The first Manchester Jewish organisation to promote the colonisation of what was then Ottoman Palestine was founded in 1884, ...
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In 1933, the Zionist movement in Manchester was already fifty years old. The first Manchester Jewish organisation to promote the colonisation of what was then Ottoman Palestine was founded in 1884, the first body seeking the creation of a Jewish state in 1896. By 1900, the community had generated twelve Zionist formations, representing most facets of the international Zionist movement. Manchester became the home of the Russian émigré, Chaim Weizmann, already a leading player on the international Zionist scene formed the ‘Manchester School’ of Zionists which Weizmann gathered around him during his Manchester years. This group included young men and women—Simon Marks, Israel Sieff, Leon Simon, Harry Sacher, Harry Dagut, and Rebecca Sieff—who were to become key figures amongst the leaders and publicists of British Zionism. It was with their backing that Weizmann was able to negotiate the Balfour Declaration.Less
In 1933, the Zionist movement in Manchester was already fifty years old. The first Manchester Jewish organisation to promote the colonisation of what was then Ottoman Palestine was founded in 1884, the first body seeking the creation of a Jewish state in 1896. By 1900, the community had generated twelve Zionist formations, representing most facets of the international Zionist movement. Manchester became the home of the Russian émigré, Chaim Weizmann, already a leading player on the international Zionist scene formed the ‘Manchester School’ of Zionists which Weizmann gathered around him during his Manchester years. This group included young men and women—Simon Marks, Israel Sieff, Leon Simon, Harry Sacher, Harry Dagut, and Rebecca Sieff—who were to become key figures amongst the leaders and publicists of British Zionism. It was with their backing that Weizmann was able to negotiate the Balfour Declaration.
Dmitry Shumsky
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780300230130
- eISBN:
- 9780300241099
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300230130.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
The Jewish nation-state has often been thought of as Zionism's end goal. This bracing history of the idea of the Jewish state in modern Zionism, from its beginnings in the late nineteenth century ...
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The Jewish nation-state has often been thought of as Zionism's end goal. This bracing history of the idea of the Jewish state in modern Zionism, from its beginnings in the late nineteenth century until the establishment of the state of Israel, challenges this deeply rooted assumption. In doing so, the book complicates the narrative of the Zionist quest for full sovereignty, provocatively showing how and why the leaders of the pre-state Zionist movement imagined, articulated, and promoted theories of self-determination in Palestine either as part of a multinational Ottoman state (1882–1917), or in the framework of multinational democracy. In particular, the book focuses on the writings and policies of five key Zionist leaders from the Habsburg and Russian empires in central and eastern Europe in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries: Leon Pinsker, Theodor Herzl, Ahad Ha'am, Ze'ev Jabotinsky, and David Ben-Gurion to offer a very pointed critique of Zionist historiography.Less
The Jewish nation-state has often been thought of as Zionism's end goal. This bracing history of the idea of the Jewish state in modern Zionism, from its beginnings in the late nineteenth century until the establishment of the state of Israel, challenges this deeply rooted assumption. In doing so, the book complicates the narrative of the Zionist quest for full sovereignty, provocatively showing how and why the leaders of the pre-state Zionist movement imagined, articulated, and promoted theories of self-determination in Palestine either as part of a multinational Ottoman state (1882–1917), or in the framework of multinational democracy. In particular, the book focuses on the writings and policies of five key Zionist leaders from the Habsburg and Russian empires in central and eastern Europe in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries: Leon Pinsker, Theodor Herzl, Ahad Ha'am, Ze'ev Jabotinsky, and David Ben-Gurion to offer a very pointed critique of Zionist historiography.
Ezra Mendelsohn
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195112030
- eISBN:
- 9780199854608
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195112030.003.0022
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
This chapter reviews Isaac Altera's Eisenhower and Israel. The literature presents a detailed analysis of U.S. policy toward Israel during the years 1953–7, augmented by a much briefer account of the ...
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This chapter reviews Isaac Altera's Eisenhower and Israel. The literature presents a detailed analysis of U.S. policy toward Israel during the years 1953–7, augmented by a much briefer account of the years 1958–1960. It argues that despite the introduction of an “even-handed” approach toward the Arab-Israeli conflict—which Israel considered highly dangerous to its security—President Dwight D. Eisenhower and his secretary of state, John Foster Dulles, never wavered in their basic commitment to the survival of the Jewish state.Less
This chapter reviews Isaac Altera's Eisenhower and Israel. The literature presents a detailed analysis of U.S. policy toward Israel during the years 1953–7, augmented by a much briefer account of the years 1958–1960. It argues that despite the introduction of an “even-handed” approach toward the Arab-Israeli conflict—which Israel considered highly dangerous to its security—President Dwight D. Eisenhower and his secretary of state, John Foster Dulles, never wavered in their basic commitment to the survival of the Jewish state.
S. Ilan Troen
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300094831
- eISBN:
- 9780300128000
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300094831.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter discusses the War of Independence, and how its initial phase had an adverse effect on the Zionist cause. The situation was sufficiently precarious that by March the United States was ...
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This chapter discusses the War of Independence, and how its initial phase had an adverse effect on the Zionist cause. The situation was sufficiently precarious that by March the United States was calling for a review of the UN decision. Israeli leaders were also not certain of the outcome. Accordingly, the Haganah formulated a strategy, Plan D, that underscored that a successful defense would have to be mounted beyond the very narrow confines of the land allotted the Jewish state. It is clear only in retrospect that Israel would survive the initial civil war and the invasion of regular Arab armies on May 15. When the conflict ended in 1949, Israel had extended its boundaries beyond the UN partition plan. There were also significant changes in demography. Many Arabs from within the designated Jewish state and in the areas incorporated in the course of the war had become refugees, reducing Israel's Arab population to 13 percent of the total.Less
This chapter discusses the War of Independence, and how its initial phase had an adverse effect on the Zionist cause. The situation was sufficiently precarious that by March the United States was calling for a review of the UN decision. Israeli leaders were also not certain of the outcome. Accordingly, the Haganah formulated a strategy, Plan D, that underscored that a successful defense would have to be mounted beyond the very narrow confines of the land allotted the Jewish state. It is clear only in retrospect that Israel would survive the initial civil war and the invasion of regular Arab armies on May 15. When the conflict ended in 1949, Israel had extended its boundaries beyond the UN partition plan. There were also significant changes in demography. Many Arabs from within the designated Jewish state and in the areas incorporated in the course of the war had become refugees, reducing Israel's Arab population to 13 percent of the total.
Ehud Luz
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300092936
- eISBN:
- 9780300129298
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300092936.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on Jewish identity and national ethos. It suggests that while Zionism has given the Jewish people a framework for dealing with the full range of ...
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This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on Jewish identity and national ethos. It suggests that while Zionism has given the Jewish people a framework for dealing with the full range of political and social problems, it has also put the Jews and Judaism to the supreme test. It also discusses the debate over self-restraint and describes how the establishment of the Jewish state and the use of force by Jews have provoked considerable moral consternation in the world.Less
This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on Jewish identity and national ethos. It suggests that while Zionism has given the Jewish people a framework for dealing with the full range of political and social problems, it has also put the Jews and Judaism to the supreme test. It also discusses the debate over self-restraint and describes how the establishment of the Jewish state and the use of force by Jews have provoked considerable moral consternation in the world.
Hermann Levin Goldschmidt
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823228263
- eISBN:
- 9780823237142
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823228263.003.0012
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
This chapter discusses the dual legacy of German writer Theodor Herzl for the German Jewry. His first recognition of the Jewish problem and the reality of anti-Semitism came in November 1894 after ...
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This chapter discusses the dual legacy of German writer Theodor Herzl for the German Jewry. His first recognition of the Jewish problem and the reality of anti-Semitism came in November 1894 after witnessing the humiliation of Captain Alfred Dreyfus. He also realized that the Jewish problem required a political solution. After this, Herzl engineered the “new exodus to Egypt” and composed the The Jewish State to spur the Jewish masses into action. He negotiated with various governments to have a place for the Jews to relocate, and thus brought the Jews into world politics.Less
This chapter discusses the dual legacy of German writer Theodor Herzl for the German Jewry. His first recognition of the Jewish problem and the reality of anti-Semitism came in November 1894 after witnessing the humiliation of Captain Alfred Dreyfus. He also realized that the Jewish problem required a political solution. After this, Herzl engineered the “new exodus to Egypt” and composed the The Jewish State to spur the Jewish masses into action. He negotiated with various governments to have a place for the Jews to relocate, and thus brought the Jews into world politics.
Aloni Udi
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231157599
- eISBN:
- 9780231527378
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231157599.003.0018
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
In this chapter, the author responds to the somewhat enthusiastic welcoming of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's “acceptance” of the two-state solution in June 2009 by prominent left-wing ...
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In this chapter, the author responds to the somewhat enthusiastic welcoming of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's “acceptance” of the two-state solution in June 2009 by prominent left-wing figures in Israel. According to Netanyahu, the Palestinians must recognize Israel as the Jewish national state with an undivided Jerusalem and he rejected a right of return for Palestinian refugees, insisting that settlement building in the West Bank will continue. The author focuses on the views of David Grossman and A. B. Yehoshua regarding Netanyahu's Bar-Ilan speech. He declares that he is adopting a Jewish Palestinian identity and expresses his desire for the creation of a Jewish Palestinian state that is democratic, binational, multicultural, and multigendered.Less
In this chapter, the author responds to the somewhat enthusiastic welcoming of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's “acceptance” of the two-state solution in June 2009 by prominent left-wing figures in Israel. According to Netanyahu, the Palestinians must recognize Israel as the Jewish national state with an undivided Jerusalem and he rejected a right of return for Palestinian refugees, insisting that settlement building in the West Bank will continue. The author focuses on the views of David Grossman and A. B. Yehoshua regarding Netanyahu's Bar-Ilan speech. He declares that he is adopting a Jewish Palestinian identity and expresses his desire for the creation of a Jewish Palestinian state that is democratic, binational, multicultural, and multigendered.
Hassan Jabareen
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199675135
- eISBN:
- 9780191753084
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199675135.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter explores the most prominent example in the region of an Arab minority in a non-Arab-majority state—namely, Israel. Arabs within Israel became a national minority in 1948, although many ...
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This chapter explores the most prominent example in the region of an Arab minority in a non-Arab-majority state—namely, Israel. Arabs within Israel became a national minority in 1948, although many were exiled or internally displaced. Since there is no history of Arabs being national minorities, they have had to invent a terminology for articulating their claims, including group rights such as recognition of their “national” status, bilingualism, cultural autonomy, and restitution of land. In developing this new vocabulary, they have drawn upon international discourses of minority and indigenous rights, while adapting it to their local context. In advancing these claims, Arab activists envisage new practices of multicultural citizenship. This chapter argues, however, that relations between Jews and Arabs in Israel remain defined by a Schmittian or Hobbesian “friend–enemy” polarity that undermines not only the national rights of the Arab minority, but even their basic individual citizenship rights.Less
This chapter explores the most prominent example in the region of an Arab minority in a non-Arab-majority state—namely, Israel. Arabs within Israel became a national minority in 1948, although many were exiled or internally displaced. Since there is no history of Arabs being national minorities, they have had to invent a terminology for articulating their claims, including group rights such as recognition of their “national” status, bilingualism, cultural autonomy, and restitution of land. In developing this new vocabulary, they have drawn upon international discourses of minority and indigenous rights, while adapting it to their local context. In advancing these claims, Arab activists envisage new practices of multicultural citizenship. This chapter argues, however, that relations between Jews and Arabs in Israel remain defined by a Schmittian or Hobbesian “friend–enemy” polarity that undermines not only the national rights of the Arab minority, but even their basic individual citizenship rights.
