Nicholas Owen
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199233014
- eISBN:
- 9780191716423
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199233014.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter looks at the most successful effort to build an alliance of the kind described in the previous chapter: the anti-fascist alliance built by Jawaharlal Nehru and parts of the Labour left, ...
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This chapter looks at the most successful effort to build an alliance of the kind described in the previous chapter: the anti-fascist alliance built by Jawaharlal Nehru and parts of the Labour left, and the Communist Party of Great Britain, in the late 1930s. Nehru's greater success in alliance-building in Britain is analysed and explained, and the organizational consequences of his approach — in particular the growing strength of V. K. Krishna Menon's India League, and the anti-fascist agreement co-sponsored by Stafford Cripps in 1938 — are traced. The chapter goes on to examine and explain the difficulties Nehru encountered in delivering the Indian side of the bargain in the early years of the Second World War, the failure of the Cripps Mission in 1942, and the consequent fragmentation of metropolitan anti-imperialism.Less
This chapter looks at the most successful effort to build an alliance of the kind described in the previous chapter: the anti-fascist alliance built by Jawaharlal Nehru and parts of the Labour left, and the Communist Party of Great Britain, in the late 1930s. Nehru's greater success in alliance-building in Britain is analysed and explained, and the organizational consequences of his approach — in particular the growing strength of V. K. Krishna Menon's India League, and the anti-fascist agreement co-sponsored by Stafford Cripps in 1938 — are traced. The chapter goes on to examine and explain the difficulties Nehru encountered in delivering the Indian side of the bargain in the early years of the Second World War, the failure of the Cripps Mission in 1942, and the consequent fragmentation of metropolitan anti-imperialism.
B. R. Nanda
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195693430
- eISBN:
- 9780199081387
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195693430.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
Motilal Nehru and Jawaharlal Nehru are both prominent Indian men in their own right. Motilal is known as a widely successful civil lawyer and a popular political figure, while Jawaharlal made his ...
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Motilal Nehru and Jawaharlal Nehru are both prominent Indian men in their own right. Motilal is known as a widely successful civil lawyer and a popular political figure, while Jawaharlal made his mark as a firm nationalist leader and possible heir of the Mahatma. This book serves as a discussion of Motilal’s life and achievements, and looks into the first four decades of Jawaharlal’s life. It shows that while the father–son tandem played different roles in the nationalist struggle of India, their close emotional bonds helped them influence each other. Their story can be combined with that of the Indian freedom movement. The book covers a number of important events in the lives of the Nehrus—from Motilal’s childhood in Agra, Jawaharlal’s acceptance into Trinity College, and Jawaharlal’s entry into the political arena, to the father–son conflict over the changing political atmosphere in India. This book also takes a look at several notable individuals who play important roles in Motilal and Jawaharlal’s lives. These include Annie Besant, the leader of the Home Rule movement, and Mahatma Gandhi, the fierce fighter for India’s independence.Less
Motilal Nehru and Jawaharlal Nehru are both prominent Indian men in their own right. Motilal is known as a widely successful civil lawyer and a popular political figure, while Jawaharlal made his mark as a firm nationalist leader and possible heir of the Mahatma. This book serves as a discussion of Motilal’s life and achievements, and looks into the first four decades of Jawaharlal’s life. It shows that while the father–son tandem played different roles in the nationalist struggle of India, their close emotional bonds helped them influence each other. Their story can be combined with that of the Indian freedom movement. The book covers a number of important events in the lives of the Nehrus—from Motilal’s childhood in Agra, Jawaharlal’s acceptance into Trinity College, and Jawaharlal’s entry into the political arena, to the father–son conflict over the changing political atmosphere in India. This book also takes a look at several notable individuals who play important roles in Motilal and Jawaharlal’s lives. These include Annie Besant, the leader of the Home Rule movement, and Mahatma Gandhi, the fierce fighter for India’s independence.
B. R. Nanda
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195645866
- eISBN:
- 9780199081363
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195645866.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru were at odds during the crisis in the Congress leadership in 1936. However, this was not the first time that the two men had differed. They clashed in 1922 over ...
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Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru were at odds during the crisis in the Congress leadership in 1936. However, this was not the first time that the two men had differed. They clashed in 1922 over the aftermath of the Chauri Chaura tragedy; in 1928 over complete independence versus dominion status; in 1929 on the Viceroy’s declaration; in 1931 on the Gandhi–Irwin Pact; in 1932 when Gandhi resorted to fasting against separate electorates for untouchables; and in 1934 over the withdrawal of the civil disobedience movement. Despite these differences, Gandhi and Nehru stood together for more than twenty-five years. Their partnership is one of the longest, most intriguing, and fruitful in the history of nationalism. Gandhi and Nehru also differed regarding World War II that erupted in September 1939. They also had differing opinions regarding unilateral disarmament of India.Less
Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru were at odds during the crisis in the Congress leadership in 1936. However, this was not the first time that the two men had differed. They clashed in 1922 over the aftermath of the Chauri Chaura tragedy; in 1928 over complete independence versus dominion status; in 1929 on the Viceroy’s declaration; in 1931 on the Gandhi–Irwin Pact; in 1932 when Gandhi resorted to fasting against separate electorates for untouchables; and in 1934 over the withdrawal of the civil disobedience movement. Despite these differences, Gandhi and Nehru stood together for more than twenty-five years. Their partnership is one of the longest, most intriguing, and fruitful in the history of nationalism. Gandhi and Nehru also differed regarding World War II that erupted in September 1939. They also had differing opinions regarding unilateral disarmament of India.
Balmiki Prasad Singh
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195693553
- eISBN:
- 9780199080328
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195693553.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Philosophy of Religion
The myth of the Chakravartin fuelled the ambitions of several rulers in India to build a large empire over the Indian subcontinent. In the long history of governance in India, three outstanding ...
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The myth of the Chakravartin fuelled the ambitions of several rulers in India to build a large empire over the Indian subcontinent. In the long history of governance in India, three outstanding rulers who made meaningful contributions to the bahudhā approach are Ashoka (304–232 BC), Akbar (1542–1605), and Jawaharlal Nehru (1889–1964). This chapter discusses the concepts implemented by these rulers, such as dhamma, ibadat khana, abolition of jiziya, din-i-ilahi; communal harmony, foreign policy, naga policy, and the relationship between Gandhi and Nehru. Ashoka stands out as an outstanding gifted ruler who laid down some unique conflict resolution mechanisms. Akbar was crowned the third emperor of the Mughal Empire. Meanwhile, the idea that power can be turned to utilitarian goals in a democracy is now well accepted. This has been possible in great measure because the policies enunciated by Nehru were pursued by successive prime ministers.Less
The myth of the Chakravartin fuelled the ambitions of several rulers in India to build a large empire over the Indian subcontinent. In the long history of governance in India, three outstanding rulers who made meaningful contributions to the bahudhā approach are Ashoka (304–232 BC), Akbar (1542–1605), and Jawaharlal Nehru (1889–1964). This chapter discusses the concepts implemented by these rulers, such as dhamma, ibadat khana, abolition of jiziya, din-i-ilahi; communal harmony, foreign policy, naga policy, and the relationship between Gandhi and Nehru. Ashoka stands out as an outstanding gifted ruler who laid down some unique conflict resolution mechanisms. Akbar was crowned the third emperor of the Mughal Empire. Meanwhile, the idea that power can be turned to utilitarian goals in a democracy is now well accepted. This has been possible in great measure because the policies enunciated by Nehru were pursued by successive prime ministers.
Jon Hegglund
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199796106
- eISBN:
- 9780199932771
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199796106.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism, World Literature
This chapter explicitly treats geopolitical and fictional drawings of the boundary line—a fundamental yet strangely ephemeral component of the territorial nation-state. It first examines the debates ...
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This chapter explicitly treats geopolitical and fictional drawings of the boundary line—a fundamental yet strangely ephemeral component of the territorial nation-state. It first examines the debates surrounding the proposed partition of the Indian subcontinent that was to follow British decolonization, including writings and speeches by Jawaharlal Nehru, Mohammed Jinnah, Mulk Raj Anand, and A. M. Ambedkar. In these debates partition emerges as the final stage in the metageography of the nation-state, implying that cultural differences can be prescribed by the drawing of boundary lines. In response to what would prove to be the tragically violent process of partition, Amitav Ghosh's novel, The Shadow Lines, presents a critical and ironic treatment of the fetish of the boundary line in the partition of India and Pakistan. Through a narrator who attempts to make sense of partition decades later, the line is rescued from its image as a border, a space of cultural and metaphysical difference in the politics of partition, and reimagined as a space of connection, able to link histories and geographies arbitrarily sundered through the metageography of national form.Less
This chapter explicitly treats geopolitical and fictional drawings of the boundary line—a fundamental yet strangely ephemeral component of the territorial nation-state. It first examines the debates surrounding the proposed partition of the Indian subcontinent that was to follow British decolonization, including writings and speeches by Jawaharlal Nehru, Mohammed Jinnah, Mulk Raj Anand, and A. M. Ambedkar. In these debates partition emerges as the final stage in the metageography of the nation-state, implying that cultural differences can be prescribed by the drawing of boundary lines. In response to what would prove to be the tragically violent process of partition, Amitav Ghosh's novel, The Shadow Lines, presents a critical and ironic treatment of the fetish of the boundary line in the partition of India and Pakistan. Through a narrator who attempts to make sense of partition decades later, the line is rescued from its image as a border, a space of cultural and metaphysical difference in the politics of partition, and reimagined as a space of connection, able to link histories and geographies arbitrarily sundered through the metageography of national form.
Sabyasachi Bhattacharya
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198075042
- eISBN:
- 9780199080816
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198075042.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas
Nehru formulated his ideas on Indian civilization in The Discovery of India. The civilizational unity of India is a major theme in this work. He tried to reconcile different approaches to India’s ...
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Nehru formulated his ideas on Indian civilization in The Discovery of India. The civilizational unity of India is a major theme in this work. He tried to reconcile different approaches to India’s history and presented himself to be an exemplar of the reconciliation. Nehru acknowledged what India gained from the challenge of the West, and at the same time he recognized the exploitative face of the West in Asia.Less
Nehru formulated his ideas on Indian civilization in The Discovery of India. The civilizational unity of India is a major theme in this work. He tried to reconcile different approaches to India’s history and presented himself to be an exemplar of the reconciliation. Nehru acknowledged what India gained from the challenge of the West, and at the same time he recognized the exploitative face of the West in Asia.
Chitra Sinha
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198078944
- eISBN:
- 9780199081479
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198078944.003.0029
- Subject:
- Law, Family Law
Alongside the communicative processes in the public sphere, the Hindu Code Bill entered the legislative domain in a significant way in 1948. The fifth chapter reviews the nature of the debate that ...
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Alongside the communicative processes in the public sphere, the Hindu Code Bill entered the legislative domain in a significant way in 1948. The fifth chapter reviews the nature of the debate that took place in the political sphere over the Hindu Code Bill. Based on the records of legislative debates, the account narrates the patriarchal and feminist concerns in the Legislature. It probes the debates that took place between the liberal forces, the conservative segments, and the viewpoint of women legislators. The focus of this segment is on the involvement of B.R. Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru in the debate over the Hindu Code Bill. While it is central to the understanding of the process of communicative action in the Legislature, it also revealed that even within the Congress party, as also in other political parties, unified feminist consciousness failed to emerge.Less
Alongside the communicative processes in the public sphere, the Hindu Code Bill entered the legislative domain in a significant way in 1948. The fifth chapter reviews the nature of the debate that took place in the political sphere over the Hindu Code Bill. Based on the records of legislative debates, the account narrates the patriarchal and feminist concerns in the Legislature. It probes the debates that took place between the liberal forces, the conservative segments, and the viewpoint of women legislators. The focus of this segment is on the involvement of B.R. Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru in the debate over the Hindu Code Bill. While it is central to the understanding of the process of communicative action in the Legislature, it also revealed that even within the Congress party, as also in other political parties, unified feminist consciousness failed to emerge.
B. R. Nanda
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195645866
- eISBN:
- 9780199081363
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195645866.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
Next to Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Bose were the most charismatic figures among India’s nationalist leaders in the inter-war years. They seemed to have many similarities. Both came ...
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Next to Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Bose were the most charismatic figures among India’s nationalist leaders in the inter-war years. They seemed to have many similarities. Both came from westernized homes and were educated at the University of Cambridge in England. Both displayed fervent nationalism while still in their teens. Nehru’s letters from Harrow and Cambridge indicate a profound nationalist streak, as well as deep sympathy with the Tilak school of extremist politics. Bose’s passionate patriotism had led to a conflict with his British professors and his rustication from Calcutta’s Presidency College for two years. Both Nehru and Bose entered politics at a high level, with young Nehru at once becoming a favourite disciple of the Mahatma and Bose becoming the political heir apparent of C.R. Das, considered the uncrowned king of Bengal.Less
Next to Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Bose were the most charismatic figures among India’s nationalist leaders in the inter-war years. They seemed to have many similarities. Both came from westernized homes and were educated at the University of Cambridge in England. Both displayed fervent nationalism while still in their teens. Nehru’s letters from Harrow and Cambridge indicate a profound nationalist streak, as well as deep sympathy with the Tilak school of extremist politics. Bose’s passionate patriotism had led to a conflict with his British professors and his rustication from Calcutta’s Presidency College for two years. Both Nehru and Bose entered politics at a high level, with young Nehru at once becoming a favourite disciple of the Mahatma and Bose becoming the political heir apparent of C.R. Das, considered the uncrowned king of Bengal.
Sarvepalli Gopal
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202417
- eISBN:
- 9780191675348
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202417.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Middle East History
This chapter relates that Jawaharlal Nehru of India met Nasser in Yugoslavia shortly before the latter's nationalization of the Suez Canal Company. Nehru did not have a high regard for Nasser's ...
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This chapter relates that Jawaharlal Nehru of India met Nasser in Yugoslavia shortly before the latter's nationalization of the Suez Canal Company. Nehru did not have a high regard for Nasser's intellect. He did not deny Egypt's right to nationalize; but he regretted Nasser's method as ‘intemperate and even warmongering’. Conversely, Nehru respected Eden's achievement at the Geneva conference on Indo-China and generally regarded him as a judicious statesman. During the part of the Suez crisis up to the invasion, Nehru worked with the British to reduce tension and to find a peaceful solution, though to Eden it may have appeared as untoward interference.Less
This chapter relates that Jawaharlal Nehru of India met Nasser in Yugoslavia shortly before the latter's nationalization of the Suez Canal Company. Nehru did not have a high regard for Nasser's intellect. He did not deny Egypt's right to nationalize; but he regretted Nasser's method as ‘intemperate and even warmongering’. Conversely, Nehru respected Eden's achievement at the Geneva conference on Indo-China and generally regarded him as a judicious statesman. During the part of the Suez crisis up to the invasion, Nehru worked with the British to reduce tension and to find a peaceful solution, though to Eden it may have appeared as untoward interference.
Latha Varadarajan
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199733910
- eISBN:
- 9780199866205
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199733910.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter is the first of three chapters explaining the production of the Indian domestic abroad. At the moment of independence in 1947, the postcolonial Indian state very deliberately adopted a ...
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This chapter is the first of three chapters explaining the production of the Indian domestic abroad. At the moment of independence in 1947, the postcolonial Indian state very deliberately adopted a policy of distancing itself from the emigrant communities identified variously as “Indians abroad” or “Overseas Indians.” What made this move puzzling was that these very groups had not too long ago been identified by the Indian nationalist movement as an essential part of the Indian nation that had been involved in an epic struggle against British colonial rule. The chapter sets up the puzzle of the shift from the transnational nationalism that prevailed during colonialism, and the nature of the more territorially based nationalism that replaced it following independence. Following postcolonial scholarship, it begins by situating the contestations regarding the meaning and extent of the modern Indian nation and state in the context of the historical experience of colonialism.Less
This chapter is the first of three chapters explaining the production of the Indian domestic abroad. At the moment of independence in 1947, the postcolonial Indian state very deliberately adopted a policy of distancing itself from the emigrant communities identified variously as “Indians abroad” or “Overseas Indians.” What made this move puzzling was that these very groups had not too long ago been identified by the Indian nationalist movement as an essential part of the Indian nation that had been involved in an epic struggle against British colonial rule. The chapter sets up the puzzle of the shift from the transnational nationalism that prevailed during colonialism, and the nature of the more territorially based nationalism that replaced it following independence. Following postcolonial scholarship, it begins by situating the contestations regarding the meaning and extent of the modern Indian nation and state in the context of the historical experience of colonialism.
Mushirul Hasan
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199458837
- eISBN:
- 9780199087020
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199458837.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
This chapter focuses on the imprisonment of Jawaharlal Nehru and other members of his family during the colonial period. It considers the composite identity of the Nehrus through their experiences in ...
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This chapter focuses on the imprisonment of Jawaharlal Nehru and other members of his family during the colonial period. It considers the composite identity of the Nehrus through their experiences in and outside of colonial jails. It explores whether Jawaharlal’s scepticism on religion and faith could have deepened as he moved from one prison to another, and what insights he would have gained from his historical explorations that resulted in the publication of several books. The chapter also examines what Jawaharlal made of the friendships in jails and discusses his ties with individuals like Mohamed Ali, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Sarojini Naidu, and Rabindranath Tagore, among others. Despite the discussion being centred on Motilal Nehru and Jawaharlal Nehru, the political fortunes of other members of the Nehru family are also looked at.Less
This chapter focuses on the imprisonment of Jawaharlal Nehru and other members of his family during the colonial period. It considers the composite identity of the Nehrus through their experiences in and outside of colonial jails. It explores whether Jawaharlal’s scepticism on religion and faith could have deepened as he moved from one prison to another, and what insights he would have gained from his historical explorations that resulted in the publication of several books. The chapter also examines what Jawaharlal made of the friendships in jails and discusses his ties with individuals like Mohamed Ali, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Sarojini Naidu, and Rabindranath Tagore, among others. Despite the discussion being centred on Motilal Nehru and Jawaharlal Nehru, the political fortunes of other members of the Nehru family are also looked at.
B. R. Nanda
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195645866
- eISBN:
- 9780199081363
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195645866.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
Winston Churchill described Jawaharlal Nehru in 1937 as a ‘Communist, revolutionary, most capable and most implacable of the enemies of the British connection with India’. Ironically, what the ...
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Winston Churchill described Jawaharlal Nehru in 1937 as a ‘Communist, revolutionary, most capable and most implacable of the enemies of the British connection with India’. Ironically, what the British Raj considered an enemy belonged to one of the most anglicized families in India at the turn of the century. His father, Motilal Nehru, had built up a profitable practice at the bar of the Allahabad High Court, disputed with Hindu orthodoxy, and defied the caste taboo on foreign travel. He dressed, lived, and even looked an Englishman. His son Jawaharlal was attracted by Fabian socialism and other radical ideas of pre-1914 England. Mahatma Gandhi’s emergence on the Indian scene early in 1919 radically altered the course of Jawaharlal’s life. Jawaharlal’s visit to Europe in 1926–7 imparted a sharp political and economic edge to his policies which he used on his return to India to organize students and industrial workers. Jawaharlal Nehru became the champion of a passionate and defiant nationalism and an influential figure in Indian politics.Less
Winston Churchill described Jawaharlal Nehru in 1937 as a ‘Communist, revolutionary, most capable and most implacable of the enemies of the British connection with India’. Ironically, what the British Raj considered an enemy belonged to one of the most anglicized families in India at the turn of the century. His father, Motilal Nehru, had built up a profitable practice at the bar of the Allahabad High Court, disputed with Hindu orthodoxy, and defied the caste taboo on foreign travel. He dressed, lived, and even looked an Englishman. His son Jawaharlal was attracted by Fabian socialism and other radical ideas of pre-1914 England. Mahatma Gandhi’s emergence on the Indian scene early in 1919 radically altered the course of Jawaharlal’s life. Jawaharlal’s visit to Europe in 1926–7 imparted a sharp political and economic edge to his policies which he used on his return to India to organize students and industrial workers. Jawaharlal Nehru became the champion of a passionate and defiant nationalism and an influential figure in Indian politics.
J.S. Grewal
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- March 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780199467099
- eISBN:
- 9780199089840
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199467099.003.0021
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
Authorized by a convention of all Sikh parties, Master Tara Singh, with four other Sikh leaders, met Jawaharlal Nehru on 24 October 1955. Maulana Azad and G.B. Pant were also present. The talks were ...
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Authorized by a convention of all Sikh parties, Master Tara Singh, with four other Sikh leaders, met Jawaharlal Nehru on 24 October 1955. Maulana Azad and G.B. Pant were also present. The talks were ‘friendly but rather vague’. On 8 February 1956, a plan, generally known as the Regional Formula, was discussed by the Sikh leaders. In his address to the All-India Akali Conference on 11 February, Master Tara Singh dwelt on Punjabi Suba as the real solution for the Punjab problem. But the Akali Dal accepted the Regional Formula in March 1956. Furthermore, the Akali Dal Working Committee resolved in September 1956 to implement the Formula. The constitution of the Akali Dal was suitably amended and the Akali legislators joined the Congress party.Less
Authorized by a convention of all Sikh parties, Master Tara Singh, with four other Sikh leaders, met Jawaharlal Nehru on 24 October 1955. Maulana Azad and G.B. Pant were also present. The talks were ‘friendly but rather vague’. On 8 February 1956, a plan, generally known as the Regional Formula, was discussed by the Sikh leaders. In his address to the All-India Akali Conference on 11 February, Master Tara Singh dwelt on Punjabi Suba as the real solution for the Punjab problem. But the Akali Dal accepted the Regional Formula in March 1956. Furthermore, the Akali Dal Working Committee resolved in September 1956 to implement the Formula. The constitution of the Akali Dal was suitably amended and the Akali legislators joined the Congress party.
Kama Maclean
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780190217150
- eISBN:
- 9780190247447
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190217150.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter argues that the escalation of the Congress demand from Dominion Status to Complete Independence at the end of 1929 was greatly influenced by the politics of the HSRA. It shows the close ...
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This chapter argues that the escalation of the Congress demand from Dominion Status to Complete Independence at the end of 1929 was greatly influenced by the politics of the HSRA. It shows the close interactions between the HSRA and leadership of the Indian National Congress, especially Motilal and Jawaharlal Nehru — Congress Presidents in 1928 and 1929, respectively — indicative of a willingness on the part of both Nehrus to juxtapose the threat of revolutionary violence against the nonviolence of Gandhi in their negotiations with the British. Moreover, it is demonstrated that the revolutionaries invited Motilal Nehru to capitalise on instances of political violence; and that the senior Nehru responded, covertly proving legal advice, as well as financial and moral support to the revolutionaries. The chapter analyses in some detail the debates within the HSRA around their attempt to assassinate the Viceroy, Lord Irwin, in late 1929; the effect of this action on the conduct of the Lahore Congress; and on Gandhi, who responded by re-asserting himself in Congress politics, and directed the Civil Disobedience movement in 1930, before coming to an agreement with Irwin in early 1931.Less
This chapter argues that the escalation of the Congress demand from Dominion Status to Complete Independence at the end of 1929 was greatly influenced by the politics of the HSRA. It shows the close interactions between the HSRA and leadership of the Indian National Congress, especially Motilal and Jawaharlal Nehru — Congress Presidents in 1928 and 1929, respectively — indicative of a willingness on the part of both Nehrus to juxtapose the threat of revolutionary violence against the nonviolence of Gandhi in their negotiations with the British. Moreover, it is demonstrated that the revolutionaries invited Motilal Nehru to capitalise on instances of political violence; and that the senior Nehru responded, covertly proving legal advice, as well as financial and moral support to the revolutionaries. The chapter analyses in some detail the debates within the HSRA around their attempt to assassinate the Viceroy, Lord Irwin, in late 1929; the effect of this action on the conduct of the Lahore Congress; and on Gandhi, who responded by re-asserting himself in Congress politics, and directed the Civil Disobedience movement in 1930, before coming to an agreement with Irwin in early 1931.
B. R. Nanda
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195645866
- eISBN:
- 9780199081363
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195645866.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
Jawaharlal Nehru was very vocal about his views on religion. In his presidential address to the Lahore Congress in 1929, Nehru admitted that although he was born a Hindu, he does not know how far he ...
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Jawaharlal Nehru was very vocal about his views on religion. In his presidential address to the Lahore Congress in 1929, Nehru admitted that although he was born a Hindu, he does not know how far he is justified in calling himself one, or speaking on behalf of the Hindus. Nehru was hostile to the caste system, which is not surprising considering that his father, Motilal Nehru, had clashed with the orthodox section of the Kashmiri community in the 1890s. Motilal’s rationalism saved him from a possible disaster caused by Hindu revivalism at the turn of the century. After the collapse of the non-cooperation movement, Nehru was distressed by the religious tension and discord which wreaked havoc in India. While in prison, he read the problems of religion, culture, and politics, and sought to fill gaps in his own early education. Nehru openly criticized communalism and strongly denounced Hindu communal groups.Less
Jawaharlal Nehru was very vocal about his views on religion. In his presidential address to the Lahore Congress in 1929, Nehru admitted that although he was born a Hindu, he does not know how far he is justified in calling himself one, or speaking on behalf of the Hindus. Nehru was hostile to the caste system, which is not surprising considering that his father, Motilal Nehru, had clashed with the orthodox section of the Kashmiri community in the 1890s. Motilal’s rationalism saved him from a possible disaster caused by Hindu revivalism at the turn of the century. After the collapse of the non-cooperation movement, Nehru was distressed by the religious tension and discord which wreaked havoc in India. While in prison, he read the problems of religion, culture, and politics, and sought to fill gaps in his own early education. Nehru openly criticized communalism and strongly denounced Hindu communal groups.
B. R. Nanda
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195645866
- eISBN:
- 9780199081363
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195645866.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
During the twelve years prior to the Partition of India, Jawaharlal Nehru was one of the foremost leaders of the Indian National Congress and wielded considerable influence over the politics of the ...
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During the twelve years prior to the Partition of India, Jawaharlal Nehru was one of the foremost leaders of the Indian National Congress and wielded considerable influence over the politics of the organization. However, he did not by any means dictate its members. The Congress organization was collective in its leadership, rather than monolithic. Nehru’s views on the communal problem can be understood by analysing the changing pattern of Indian politics, the pressures operating within and on the Congress, and the persistent conflict between the Congress and the Indian government. Nehru considered the communal problem part of the challenge of the All India Muslim League; for him, communalism was one aspect of the total situation which nationalist India had to address. This chapter examines the attitudes and actions of Nehru, as well as the Congress leadership, to the challenge of Muslim separatism in the context of the relationship between Congress and the All India Muslim League, and that between Congress and the government.Less
During the twelve years prior to the Partition of India, Jawaharlal Nehru was one of the foremost leaders of the Indian National Congress and wielded considerable influence over the politics of the organization. However, he did not by any means dictate its members. The Congress organization was collective in its leadership, rather than monolithic. Nehru’s views on the communal problem can be understood by analysing the changing pattern of Indian politics, the pressures operating within and on the Congress, and the persistent conflict between the Congress and the Indian government. Nehru considered the communal problem part of the challenge of the All India Muslim League; for him, communalism was one aspect of the total situation which nationalist India had to address. This chapter examines the attitudes and actions of Nehru, as well as the Congress leadership, to the challenge of Muslim separatism in the context of the relationship between Congress and the All India Muslim League, and that between Congress and the government.
Mushirul Hasan
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199466894
- eISBN:
- 9780199087396
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199466894.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Indian History, Social History
Millions in India have long been obsessed with the vicissitudes of the Nehru–Gandhi family’s fate. Inextricably linked to the ups and downs of their lives was the future of the nation itself. It was ...
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Millions in India have long been obsessed with the vicissitudes of the Nehru–Gandhi family’s fate. Inextricably linked to the ups and downs of their lives was the future of the nation itself. It was Jawaharlal Nehru’s leadership that guided India onto the world stage as a modern nation. Despite the varied scholarship of Nehruvian studies, one important aspect—the experiences of the Nehrus in prison during the national movement—has received only scant consideration. This book addresses that omission by highlighting the significance of prison time in shaping the lives of the members of this illustrious family. For Motilal and Jawaharlal Nehru, Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit, and Krishna Hutheesing, among others, serving prison time was much more than just a marker of participation in the Independence movement. The grim walls of jail provided the place and time to the Nehrus to reflect on and give direction to the nationalist struggle. Such important literary works as Glimpses of World History and The Discovery of India, which remain timeless in their appeal, were crafted in gaol. In tracing the intellectual biography of the Nehru–Gandhi family, this book documents the ethos of an entire era during the colonial period.Less
Millions in India have long been obsessed with the vicissitudes of the Nehru–Gandhi family’s fate. Inextricably linked to the ups and downs of their lives was the future of the nation itself. It was Jawaharlal Nehru’s leadership that guided India onto the world stage as a modern nation. Despite the varied scholarship of Nehruvian studies, one important aspect—the experiences of the Nehrus in prison during the national movement—has received only scant consideration. This book addresses that omission by highlighting the significance of prison time in shaping the lives of the members of this illustrious family. For Motilal and Jawaharlal Nehru, Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit, and Krishna Hutheesing, among others, serving prison time was much more than just a marker of participation in the Independence movement. The grim walls of jail provided the place and time to the Nehrus to reflect on and give direction to the nationalist struggle. Such important literary works as Glimpses of World History and The Discovery of India, which remain timeless in their appeal, were crafted in gaol. In tracing the intellectual biography of the Nehru–Gandhi family, this book documents the ethos of an entire era during the colonial period.
Priya Joshi (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231169615
- eISBN:
- 9780231539074
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231169615.003.0002
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This chapter explores the particular public fantasies embedded in Hindi cinema. Public fantasies are tools for managing desire—either to conceal, reveal, revise, or renew them—sometimes, all at the ...
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This chapter explores the particular public fantasies embedded in Hindi cinema. Public fantasies are tools for managing desire—either to conceal, reveal, revise, or renew them—sometimes, all at the same time. The Hindi film blockbusters in this chapter convey a set of public fantasies that condense into the idea of India. The first of these Hindi film blockbusters comes from Bombay legendary filmmaker, Raj Kapoor. His films, which span the period of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehrus’ administration, address his engagement and disengagement with Nehru’s beautiful dream. Secondly, film director Ramesh Sippy’s Sholay (1975) examines popular cinema’s depiction of crime and justice during the 1970s. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the ways in which Hindi popular cinema exposes public fantasies and revises the notion of “India” across the first quarter century following India’s Independence.Less
This chapter explores the particular public fantasies embedded in Hindi cinema. Public fantasies are tools for managing desire—either to conceal, reveal, revise, or renew them—sometimes, all at the same time. The Hindi film blockbusters in this chapter convey a set of public fantasies that condense into the idea of India. The first of these Hindi film blockbusters comes from Bombay legendary filmmaker, Raj Kapoor. His films, which span the period of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehrus’ administration, address his engagement and disengagement with Nehru’s beautiful dream. Secondly, film director Ramesh Sippy’s Sholay (1975) examines popular cinema’s depiction of crime and justice during the 1970s. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the ways in which Hindi popular cinema exposes public fantasies and revises the notion of “India” across the first quarter century following India’s Independence.
Francine R. Frankel
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- December 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190064341
- eISBN:
- 9780190064372
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190064341.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Comparative Politics
Nehru considered the establishment of Mao’s People’s Republic of China an event of historical importance, transcending the Cold War and signaling the resurgence of free Asia. But China had never ...
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Nehru considered the establishment of Mao’s People’s Republic of China an event of historical importance, transcending the Cold War and signaling the resurgence of free Asia. But China had never accepted the northern boundary with India, known as the McMahon Line, asserting it had been drawn by British imperialists intent on diminishing its control over Tibet. India, militarily much weaker than China, adopted a policy of unwavering friendship toward China as the best approach to securing a diplomatic solution to the border dispute. Once China entered an alliance with the Soviet Union, the United States perceived an expanded communist threat. Nehru, reiterating India’s nonalignment, advanced the notion of Asianism to consolidate Indian-China solidarity.Less
Nehru considered the establishment of Mao’s People’s Republic of China an event of historical importance, transcending the Cold War and signaling the resurgence of free Asia. But China had never accepted the northern boundary with India, known as the McMahon Line, asserting it had been drawn by British imperialists intent on diminishing its control over Tibet. India, militarily much weaker than China, adopted a policy of unwavering friendship toward China as the best approach to securing a diplomatic solution to the border dispute. Once China entered an alliance with the Soviet Union, the United States perceived an expanded communist threat. Nehru, reiterating India’s nonalignment, advanced the notion of Asianism to consolidate Indian-China solidarity.
Elleke Boehmer
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719068782
- eISBN:
- 9781781701898
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719068782.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
Narratives give form to and legitimate the process of post-colonial and national coming-into-being. In nationalist movements in India and Africa, leaders' tales operate as inaugural symbolic texts ...
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Narratives give form to and legitimate the process of post-colonial and national coming-into-being. In nationalist movements in India and Africa, leaders' tales operate as inaugural symbolic texts shaping and justifying configurations of status and power in the post-colonial nation(-to-be), including the interconnection of nationalist ideology and gender politics. Looked at more closely, the leader's autobiography effectively sets in motion a process of reciprocal, even circular, legitimation. This chapter looks at the independence autobiographies by national leaders such as Jawaharlal Nehru, Nelson Mandela, Kwame Nkrumah and Jomo Kenyatta. Where the story of the growth to self-consciousness of the independence leader presents as a synonym for the rise of the nation, and where that leader has historically been male, it follows that national-son figures become the inheritors of the nation's future. Throughout his autobiography, Nehru is strongly aware of the symbol-making power of nationalism; of that way in which national movements are constituted out of compelling images. The chapter also mentions the self-representation of Sarojini Naidu as a political leader.Less
Narratives give form to and legitimate the process of post-colonial and national coming-into-being. In nationalist movements in India and Africa, leaders' tales operate as inaugural symbolic texts shaping and justifying configurations of status and power in the post-colonial nation(-to-be), including the interconnection of nationalist ideology and gender politics. Looked at more closely, the leader's autobiography effectively sets in motion a process of reciprocal, even circular, legitimation. This chapter looks at the independence autobiographies by national leaders such as Jawaharlal Nehru, Nelson Mandela, Kwame Nkrumah and Jomo Kenyatta. Where the story of the growth to self-consciousness of the independence leader presents as a synonym for the rise of the nation, and where that leader has historically been male, it follows that national-son figures become the inheritors of the nation's future. Throughout his autobiography, Nehru is strongly aware of the symbol-making power of nationalism; of that way in which national movements are constituted out of compelling images. The chapter also mentions the self-representation of Sarojini Naidu as a political leader.
