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The Ivory Coast (Côte d'Ivoire)

Hugues Kone

in Telecommunications in Africa

The Ivory Coast's electronic communications system is very strong. This is manifested through the early introduction of a telecommunications industry; the practical application of that industry; and ... More

The Ivory Coast's electronic communications system is very strong. This is manifested through the early introduction of a telecommunications industry; the practical application of that industry; and the dominance of regional and local radio stations, telegraphs, and national television channels. All of this was eventually followed by the establishment of a sound international connections infrastructure. In the advent of technological penetration, equipment was installed in locations where raw materials were readily available. To date, most of the supplies have come from Western countries, especially France. Just after the colonial period, the telecommunications facilities of the Ivory Coast spread out, and became diversified and modernized. However, its management has always been under state monopoly and state administration rules. Policy modifications are suggested in this chapter in order to enhance the quality of domestic access, minimize invoicing errors, eradicate fraud and nonpayment of bills, and encourage effective transmission of information.Less

Kennedy, Felix Houphouët-Boigny, William Tubman, and Conservative African Nationalism

Philip E. Muehlenbeck

in Betting on the Africans: John F. Kennedy's Courting of African Nationalist Leaders

Chapter seven turns its focus to Kennedy’s relationship with conservative African nationalists William Tubman of Liberia and Felix Houphouët-Boigny of the Ivory Coast. It reveals that Kennedy was ... More

Chapter seven turns its focus to Kennedy’s relationship with conservative African nationalists William Tubman of Liberia and Felix Houphouët-Boigny of the Ivory Coast. It reveals that Kennedy was much more interested in courting the radical or Cold War nonaligned African leaders than those who were conservative, staunchly pro-Western, and already committed to the Western camp. Kennedy wagered that the conservative leaders were relics of the past who would soon be replaced by more nationalistic elements.Less

The Kennedy-de Gaulle Rivalry in Africa

Philip E. Muehlenbeck

in Betting on the Africans: John F. Kennedy's Courting of African Nationalist Leaders

Much of the history of US-French competition overlooks the intense rivalry between Kennedy and Charles de Gaulle in Africa. Chapter eight sheds light on this rivalry. Africa was an essential ... More

Much of the history of US-French competition overlooks the intense rivalry between Kennedy and Charles de Gaulle in Africa. Chapter eight sheds light on this rivalry. Africa was an essential component of de Gaulle’s plan to restore French grandeur. Although Washington had little to lose from such competition, which had the possibility of weakening France’s global power, Kennedy hoped to block de Gaulle’s plan as revenge for the frustration he was causing Kennedy in Europe.Less

African Trajectories

in The Perils of Belonging: Autochthony, Citizenship, and Exclusion in Africa and Europe

This chapter concentrates on the Ivory Coast, where local violence against allogènes has recently taken on particularly shocking forms. The segmentary nature of the African continent, the paradox ... More

This chapter concentrates on the Ivory Coast, where local violence against allogènes has recently taken on particularly shocking forms. The segmentary nature of the African continent, the paradox between apparent safety and deep insecurity, and the naturalizing purport that gives it such high mobilizing propensity are elaborated upon. The rapid rise and demise of the ivoirité notion might be revealing for the awkward and confusing implications of autochthony thinking. The Ivory Coast quickly became an extreme example of the an area where violent propensities of tensions over autochthony, belonging, and exclusion could occur. The Kivu is a striking example of how directly the vicissitudes of the idea of national citizenship during the proud period of nation-building impacted the subsequent autochthony backlash. The main implication of the African examples might be that autochthony's paradoxical combination of self-evidence and great uncertainty can be especially dangerous.Less

Lower Guinea: Ivory Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast/Bight of Benin

Gwendolyn Midlo Hall

in Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas: Restoring the Links

The Lower Guinea coasts named by maritime traders as the Ivory Coast, the Gold Coast, and the Slave Coast on the Bight of Benin were major sources of enslaved Africans brought to the Americas. This ... More

The Lower Guinea coasts named by maritime traders as the Ivory Coast, the Gold Coast, and the Slave Coast on the Bight of Benin were major sources of enslaved Africans brought to the Americas. This chapter discusses the transatlantic slave trade voyages from these regions of the Lower Guinea across the Atlantic. It demonstrates how using databases and traditional documents generated by transatlantic slave voyages can help us to explore the roots of African-descended peoples in the Americas.Less

Case Evidence: Conflict Trajectories in Indonesia, Ivory Coast, and Syria

Jaroslav Tir and Johannes Karreth

in Incentivizing Peace: How International Organizations Can Help Prevent Civil Wars in Member Countries

Two low-level armed conflicts, Indonesia’s East Timor and Ivory Coast’s post-2010 election crises, provide detailed qualitative evidence of highly structured intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) ... More

Two low-level armed conflicts, Indonesia’s East Timor and Ivory Coast’s post-2010 election crises, provide detailed qualitative evidence of highly structured intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) engaging in effective civil warpreventing activities in member-states. Highly structured IGOs threatened and sanctioned each of these states and offered (long-term) benefits conditional on successful crisis resolution. The governments were aware of and responded to these IGOs’ concerns, as did the rebels in these respective cases. The early stages of the conflict in Syria in 2011 provide a counterpoint. With Syria’s limited engagement in only few highly structured IGOs, the Syrian government ignored international calls for peace. And, without highly structured IGOs’ counterweight to curtail the government, the rebels saw little reason to stop their armed resistance. The result was a brutal and deadly civil war that continues today.Less

Dreams of Black and White

in The Adventure of the Real: Jean Rouch and the Craft of Ethnographic Cinema

In November 1956, Jean Rouch moved to the French colony on the Ivory Coast to begin a new phase of his migration research. Over the next four years, Abidjan, the capital, would become the principal ... More

In November 1956, Jean Rouch moved to the French colony on the Ivory Coast to begin a new phase of his migration research. Over the next four years, Abidjan, the capital, would become the principal location of his filmmaking activities. This chapter focuses on two major films that Rouch made in Abidjan, which were his most significant works. Both were ethnofictions, involving a further development of the improvisational techniques that he had employed in Jaguar. The first, Moi, un Noir, was shot over the course of six months in 1957, though it was not released in its definitive form until 1960. The other, La Pyramide humaine, was shot in 1959–1960 and was not finally released until 1961. If Les Maîtres fous had confirmed Rouch's reputation as a documentarist, it would be these two films that would establish him as a major figure of French fictional cinema and one whose methods would have a major impact on the emergent New Wave.Less

Ivory Coast

Marius Schneider and Vanessa Ferguson

in Enforcement of Intellectual Property Rights in Africa

Located in West Africa, Ivory Coast covers an area of 322,462 square kilometres (km) and has a population of about 23 million. It borders Burkina Faso, Ghana, Guinea, Liberia, and Mali. Its capital ... More

Located in West Africa, Ivory Coast covers an area of 322,462 square kilometres (km) and has a population of about 23 million. It borders Burkina Faso, Ghana, Guinea, Liberia, and Mali. Its capital city is Yamoussoukro, but the economic capital and largest city is the port city of Abidjan. As a former French colony, its official language is French. Its currency is the CFA franc (CFA). Following a decade of political turmoil and incidents of civil unrest and violent conflict, business has been booming in this West African country in recent years. Ivory Coast is the largest economy in the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WEAMU). It is the world’s top exporter of cocoa and raw cashew nuts, an offshore oil producer, and has a significant manufacturing sector. Its GDP in 2016 amounted to US$36.37 billion, making it the fourteenth largest economy in Africa. The three main imports are crude petroleum, rice, and refined petroleum. Goods imported outside of the Economic Community of West African States cannot be imported by land and can only go through Customs at Abidjan or San-Pédro after being brought in either by air or by sea. Abidjan, the economic capital, hosts the autonomous port Less

Cohesion and Misconduct: The French Army and the Mahé Affair

Pascal Vennesson

in Frontline: Combat and Cohesion in Twenty-First Century

In complex peace operations, why and how does cohesion, a key factor that helps soldiers fight together and risk themselves for their comrades, lead them to unethical and unlawful behaviour? The ... More

In complex peace operations, why and how does cohesion, a key factor that helps soldiers fight together and risk themselves for their comrades, lead them to unethical and unlawful behaviour? The chapter seeks to address two gaps in the military cohesion literature. First, it shows empirically how command affects military performance—both collective action and cohesion—during the course of an operation. Second, deviant cohesion commonly refers to situations in which subgroup solidarities overturn organizational goals. By contrast, the chapter explores a situation in which deviant cohesion supports organizational goals at the tactical and operational levels but generate a misconduct with important consequences at the strategic and political levels. These arguments are assessed by using fresh empirical evidence to examine the ‘Mahé affair’, in which French military personnel were found guilty of murder of an Ivorian man accused of robbery and abuses.Less

Introductory Note: The International Criminal Court in 2012

Geert-Jan Alexander Knoops

in The Global Community Yearbook of International Law and Jurisprudence 2013, Volume I

This chapter discusses the work of the ICC for the year 2012 on a case by case basis, as well as several important developments since its inception in 2002. An important achievement in 2012 was the ... More

This chapter discusses the work of the ICC for the year 2012 on a case by case basis, as well as several important developments since its inception in 2002. An important achievement in 2012 was the first final judgment reached by the ICC in the case of Lubanga. The ICC’s relation with African states is illuminated, since all situations under investigation by the ICC concern African states. Consequently, the prosecutorial policy of the ICC was subjected to criticism, which also featured in the case of Laurent Gbagbo in the Ivory Coast situation, the case of Saif al Islam in the Libya situation and the case against the four accused in the Kenyan situation.Less

Power and the City

Harm De Blij

in The Power of Place: Geography, Destiny, and Globalization's Rough Landscape

The city is humanity’s most enduring symbol of power. States and empires rise and fall, armies conquer and collapse, ideologies come and go, but the world’s great ... More

The city is humanity’s most enduring symbol of power. States and empires rise and fall, armies conquer and collapse, ideologies come and go, but the world’s great cities endure. If there is a force that can vanquish a city, it is natural, not artificial. Ancient cities that anchored early states in Southwest, South, and East Asia fell victim to climate change as deserts encroached on their hinterlands. Modern cities on low ground at the water’s edge would not survive the sea-level rise that could accompany sustained global warming. But no political upheaval or economic breakdown would end the life of a major city—not even destruction by atomic bombs. Hiroshima and Nagasaki were rebuilt because the advantages and opportunities offered by their sites and situations were unaltered by the catastrophes that struck them. Silk route terminal Chang’an morphed into Xian and Tenochtitlan became Mexico City because their locational benefits, sites, and regional networks outlasted their violent transitions. Not for nothing is Rome known as the Eternal City. With the maturation of the modern state came the notion of the “capital” city, focus of its administrative system and emblematic of its power. Cities had always dominated their hinterlands, but now their power radiated far afield. From Athens to Amsterdam and from Madrid to Moscow, these national capitals became imperial headquarters that launched colonial campaigns near and far. London was synonymous with this early wave of globalization, but Paris also lay at the heart of a global network of power and influence. In these capitals, cityscapes substantiated national achievements through elaborate palaces, columned government buildings, decorative triumphal arches, spacious parade routes, and commemorative statuary. Museums bulging with treasure attested further to the primacy of the culture, leading one observer, long ago but memorably, to designate such centers as “primate” cities (Jefferson, 1939). The trappings of this primacy reappeared in the architecture of colonial headquarters from Dakar to Delhi and from Luanda to Lima, incongruous Greco- Roman-Victorian-Iberian imprints on administrative offices, railroad stations, post offices, even prisons half a world away from Europe. More than ever before, the city in the global periphery was the locus of authority and transculturation. Less

The Implementation of the Proprio Motu Authority of the Prosecutor in Africa

Manisuli Ssenyonjo

in The International Criminal Court and Africa

The chapter argues that some of the criticism against the use of proprio motu powers is justified, particularly in respect of selectivity, given that other situations outside Africa were not ... More

The chapter argues that some of the criticism against the use of proprio motu powers is justified, particularly in respect of selectivity, given that other situations outside Africa were not investigated in equal manner. Equally, the evidence by which the Prosecutor initiated proprio motu prosecutions was generally weak and, despite some dissenting voices, it was never turned down by the ICC’s pre-trial chambers. This is particularly interesting if one considers that the situation in Kenya, at least, was politically charged. Although the chapter largely discusses the legal contours of the Prosecutor’s proprio motu powers and their application in the two African situations, it also assesses the impact of these prosecutions on local proceedings and the potential for suffocating the investigated nations’ relations with the ICC. To avoid similar conflicts in the future, the author argues that the politicization of prosecutorial discretion could be assessed by considering comparable situations in which the Prosecutor is not attempting to proceed.Less