Michael S. Kogan
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195112597
- eISBN:
- 9780199872275
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195112597.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
This chapter discusses the Israeli-Palestinian dispute's invasion of the Jewish Christian dialogue. Topics covered include the Presbyterian Church's (in the USA) issuance of “A Theological ...
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This chapter discusses the Israeli-Palestinian dispute's invasion of the Jewish Christian dialogue. Topics covered include the Presbyterian Church's (in the USA) issuance of “A Theological Understanding of the Relationship between Christians and Jews” in 1987, the General Assembly of the church's resolution to investigate divestment of the church's $8 billion portfolio in companies doing business with Israel, particularly those aiding in the occupation of the West Bank, in 2004; and the national assembly of 2006.Less
This chapter discusses the Israeli-Palestinian dispute's invasion of the Jewish Christian dialogue. Topics covered include the Presbyterian Church's (in the USA) issuance of “A Theological Understanding of the Relationship between Christians and Jews” in 1987, the General Assembly of the church's resolution to investigate divestment of the church's $8 billion portfolio in companies doing business with Israel, particularly those aiding in the occupation of the West Bank, in 2004; and the national assembly of 2006.
Ervin Staub
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195382044
- eISBN:
- 9780199864942
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195382044.001.0001
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
This book describes the origins or influences leading to genocide, violent conflict, and terrorism. It identifies principles and practices of prevention, and of reconciliation between groups after ...
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This book describes the origins or influences leading to genocide, violent conflict, and terrorism. It identifies principles and practices of prevention, and of reconciliation between groups after violence, or before violence thereby to prevent violence. It uses both past cases such as the Holocaust, and contemporary ones such as Rwanda, the Congo, the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, contemporary terrorism, and the relations between the Dutch and Muslim minorities, which also has relevance to other European countries, as examples. The book draws on work on all these issues, as well as on research in genocide studies, the study of conflict and of terrorism, and psychological research on group relations. It also describes the work conducted in real world settings, such as with promoting reconciliation in Rwanda, Burundi, and the Congo. The book considers what needs to be done to prevent impending or stop ongoing violence. It emphasizes early prevention, when violence generating conditions are present and a psychological and social evolution toward violence has begun, but not yet immediate danger of intense violence. The book considers the role of difficult social or life conditions, repression, culture, the institutions or structure of society, the psychology of individuals and groups, and the behavior of witnesses or bystanders within and outside societies. It emphasizes psychological processes, such as differentiation between us and them and devaluation of the “other”, past victimization and psychological woundedness, the power of ideas, and people's commitment to destructive ideologies. It considers humanizing the other, healing from past victimization, the creation of constructive ideologies and groups, and how these help people develop cultures and institutions that make violence less likely. The book asks what needs to be accomplished to prevent violence, how it can be done, and who can do it. It aims to promote knowledge, understanding, and “active bystandership” by leaders and government officials, members of the media and citizens to prevent violence and create harmonious societies.Less
This book describes the origins or influences leading to genocide, violent conflict, and terrorism. It identifies principles and practices of prevention, and of reconciliation between groups after violence, or before violence thereby to prevent violence. It uses both past cases such as the Holocaust, and contemporary ones such as Rwanda, the Congo, the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, contemporary terrorism, and the relations between the Dutch and Muslim minorities, which also has relevance to other European countries, as examples. The book draws on work on all these issues, as well as on research in genocide studies, the study of conflict and of terrorism, and psychological research on group relations. It also describes the work conducted in real world settings, such as with promoting reconciliation in Rwanda, Burundi, and the Congo. The book considers what needs to be done to prevent impending or stop ongoing violence. It emphasizes early prevention, when violence generating conditions are present and a psychological and social evolution toward violence has begun, but not yet immediate danger of intense violence. The book considers the role of difficult social or life conditions, repression, culture, the institutions or structure of society, the psychology of individuals and groups, and the behavior of witnesses or bystanders within and outside societies. It emphasizes psychological processes, such as differentiation between us and them and devaluation of the “other”, past victimization and psychological woundedness, the power of ideas, and people's commitment to destructive ideologies. It considers humanizing the other, healing from past victimization, the creation of constructive ideologies and groups, and how these help people develop cultures and institutions that make violence less likely. The book asks what needs to be accomplished to prevent violence, how it can be done, and who can do it. It aims to promote knowledge, understanding, and “active bystandership” by leaders and government officials, members of the media and citizens to prevent violence and create harmonious societies.
Nancy Gallagher
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774161056
- eISBN:
- 9781617970177
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774161056.003.0008
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
Before its involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the American Friends Service Committee had delivered relief and political and moral assistance to hundreds of thousands of refugees in ...
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Before its involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the American Friends Service Committee had delivered relief and political and moral assistance to hundreds of thousands of refugees in Europe and other parts of the world. When war loomed in Palestine, the United Nations looked to the AFSC to nominate a Quaker municipal commissioner for an internationalized Jerusalem, in the expectation that the nominee would be acceptable to both Jews and Arabs. The volunteers encountered numerous obstacles in Palestine and Israel but managed to learn from them and to adapt in ways that contain useful lessons for today's relief workers and peacemakers. In Gaza, the volunteers found themselves in a territory administered by the Egyptian army. The small-scale grassroots advocacy and unofficial diplomacy that the Quakers pioneered in the early years of the conflict remain for many activists—Israeli, Palestinian, and international—the best hope for reconciliation and resolution of the conflict.Less
Before its involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the American Friends Service Committee had delivered relief and political and moral assistance to hundreds of thousands of refugees in Europe and other parts of the world. When war loomed in Palestine, the United Nations looked to the AFSC to nominate a Quaker municipal commissioner for an internationalized Jerusalem, in the expectation that the nominee would be acceptable to both Jews and Arabs. The volunteers encountered numerous obstacles in Palestine and Israel but managed to learn from them and to adapt in ways that contain useful lessons for today's relief workers and peacemakers. In Gaza, the volunteers found themselves in a territory administered by the Egyptian army. The small-scale grassroots advocacy and unofficial diplomacy that the Quakers pioneered in the early years of the conflict remain for many activists—Israeli, Palestinian, and international—the best hope for reconciliation and resolution of the conflict.
Robert Eisen
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199751471
- eISBN:
- 9780199894833
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199751471.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
The Epilogue shares personal reflection on the practical ramifications of this study. Most important, if violent and peaceful readings of Judaism are both possible, can Judaism provide Jews with ...
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The Epilogue shares personal reflection on the practical ramifications of this study. Most important, if violent and peaceful readings of Judaism are both possible, can Judaism provide Jews with guidance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? The argument is made that guidance can indeed be found in the pragmatism of rabbinic Judaism that allowed Jews to survive and thrive for centuries. Pragmatism should encourage Jews to adopt a two-state solution that is in line with the peaceful reading of Judaism. Also shared here are personal, empirical reflections on relationships with non-Jews, Muslims, and Arabs that strengthen the argument for a peaceful understanding of Judaism.Less
The Epilogue shares personal reflection on the practical ramifications of this study. Most important, if violent and peaceful readings of Judaism are both possible, can Judaism provide Jews with guidance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? The argument is made that guidance can indeed be found in the pragmatism of rabbinic Judaism that allowed Jews to survive and thrive for centuries. Pragmatism should encourage Jews to adopt a two-state solution that is in line with the peaceful reading of Judaism. Also shared here are personal, empirical reflections on relationships with non-Jews, Muslims, and Arabs that strengthen the argument for a peaceful understanding of Judaism.
Lital Levy
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691162485
- eISBN:
- 9781400852574
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691162485.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
A Palestinian-Israeli poet declares a new state whose language, “Homelandic,” is a combination of Arabic and Hebrew. A Jewish-Israeli author imagines a “language plague” that infects young Hebrew ...
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A Palestinian-Israeli poet declares a new state whose language, “Homelandic,” is a combination of Arabic and Hebrew. A Jewish-Israeli author imagines a “language plague” that infects young Hebrew speakers with old world accents, and sends the narrator in search of his Arabic heritage. This book brings together such startling visions to offer the first in-depth study of the relationship between Hebrew and Arabic in the literature and culture of Israel/Palestine. More than that, the book presents a captivating portrait of the literary imagination's power to transgress political boundaries and transform ideas about language and belonging. Blending history and literature, the book traces the interwoven life of Arabic and Hebrew in Israel/Palestine from the turn of the twentieth century to the present, exposing the two languages' intimate entanglements in contemporary works of prose, poetry, film, and visual art by both Palestinian and Jewish citizens of Israel. In a context where intense political and social pressures work to identify Jews with Hebrew and Palestinians with Arabic, the book finds writers who have boldly crossed over this divide to create literature in the language of their “other,” as well as writers who bring the two languages into dialogue to rewrite them from within. Exploring such acts of poetic trespass, the book introduces new readings of canonical and lesser-known authors, including Emile Habiby, Hayyim Nahman Bialik, Anton Shammas, Saul Tchernichowsky, Samir Naqqash, Ronit Matalon, Salman Masalha, A. B. Yehoshua, and Almog Behar. By revealing uncommon visions of what it means to write in Arabic and Hebrew, the book will change the way we understand literature and culture in the shadow of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.Less
A Palestinian-Israeli poet declares a new state whose language, “Homelandic,” is a combination of Arabic and Hebrew. A Jewish-Israeli author imagines a “language plague” that infects young Hebrew speakers with old world accents, and sends the narrator in search of his Arabic heritage. This book brings together such startling visions to offer the first in-depth study of the relationship between Hebrew and Arabic in the literature and culture of Israel/Palestine. More than that, the book presents a captivating portrait of the literary imagination's power to transgress political boundaries and transform ideas about language and belonging. Blending history and literature, the book traces the interwoven life of Arabic and Hebrew in Israel/Palestine from the turn of the twentieth century to the present, exposing the two languages' intimate entanglements in contemporary works of prose, poetry, film, and visual art by both Palestinian and Jewish citizens of Israel. In a context where intense political and social pressures work to identify Jews with Hebrew and Palestinians with Arabic, the book finds writers who have boldly crossed over this divide to create literature in the language of their “other,” as well as writers who bring the two languages into dialogue to rewrite them from within. Exploring such acts of poetic trespass, the book introduces new readings of canonical and lesser-known authors, including Emile Habiby, Hayyim Nahman Bialik, Anton Shammas, Saul Tchernichowsky, Samir Naqqash, Ronit Matalon, Salman Masalha, A. B. Yehoshua, and Almog Behar. By revealing uncommon visions of what it means to write in Arabic and Hebrew, the book will change the way we understand literature and culture in the shadow of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.
Lisa Hajjar
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520241930
- eISBN:
- 9780520937987
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520241930.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Israel's military court system, a centerpiece of Israel's apparatus of control in the West Bank and Gaza since 1967, has prosecuted hundreds of thousands of Palestinians. This book provides a rare ...
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Israel's military court system, a centerpiece of Israel's apparatus of control in the West Bank and Gaza since 1967, has prosecuted hundreds of thousands of Palestinians. This book provides a rare look at an institution that lies both figuratively and literally at the center of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The book includes the results of in-depth interviews with dozens of Israelis and Palestinians—including judges, prosecutors, defense lawyers, defendants, and translators—about their experiences and practices to explain how this system functions, and how its functioning has affected the conflict. The study highlights the array of problems and debates that characterize Israel's military courts as it asks how the law is deployed to protect and further the interests of the Israeli state and how it has been used to articulate and defend the rights of Palestinians living under occupation.Less
Israel's military court system, a centerpiece of Israel's apparatus of control in the West Bank and Gaza since 1967, has prosecuted hundreds of thousands of Palestinians. This book provides a rare look at an institution that lies both figuratively and literally at the center of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The book includes the results of in-depth interviews with dozens of Israelis and Palestinians—including judges, prosecutors, defense lawyers, defendants, and translators—about their experiences and practices to explain how this system functions, and how its functioning has affected the conflict. The study highlights the array of problems and debates that characterize Israel's military courts as it asks how the law is deployed to protect and further the interests of the Israeli state and how it has been used to articulate and defend the rights of Palestinians living under occupation.
Daniel J. Levine
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199916061
- eISBN:
- 9780199980246
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199916061.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The conclusion undertakes two key tasks. Surveying the case studies of the previous three chapters, it argues that reification can be understood as a coherent phenomenon, affecting the course of ...
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The conclusion undertakes two key tasks. Surveying the case studies of the previous three chapters, it argues that reification can be understood as a coherent phenomenon, affecting the course of international theory across the decades. It then develops a series of concrete methodological research practices to check or critique it: operationalizing the notion of sustainable critique developed in the introduction. To that end, it uses the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as an example, showing how a sustainably critical research project would be undertaken in that context, and considering how such a project might contribute to both elite and popular policy discourses.Less
The conclusion undertakes two key tasks. Surveying the case studies of the previous three chapters, it argues that reification can be understood as a coherent phenomenon, affecting the course of international theory across the decades. It then develops a series of concrete methodological research practices to check or critique it: operationalizing the notion of sustainable critique developed in the introduction. To that end, it uses the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as an example, showing how a sustainably critical research project would be undertaken in that context, and considering how such a project might contribute to both elite and popular policy discourses.
Derek J. Penslar
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691138879
- eISBN:
- 9781400848577
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691138879.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter focuses on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, which emerges from and constantly returns to 1948. For over twenty-five years, ever since Israel's archives made sources from 1948 available ...
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This chapter focuses on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, which emerges from and constantly returns to 1948. For over twenty-five years, ever since Israel's archives made sources from 1948 available for historical research, scholars have striven to understand why Israel emerged victorious in its war against the Palestinians and Israel's neighboring Arab states. There is a broad consensus among scholars that Israel enjoyed relative military strength compared with its Arab foes. Although far smaller in population and land mass than the array of Arab states, Israel was able to field more soldiers, its army was better trained and had higher morale, and, although at a material disadvantage during the war's first months, in time it was able to acquire superior weaponry. In Israel, victory in 1948 was made possible by not only the tenacity and innovative spirit of its fighters, but also the marshaling of credit and capital, both within Israel and throughout the Jewish world.Less
This chapter focuses on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, which emerges from and constantly returns to 1948. For over twenty-five years, ever since Israel's archives made sources from 1948 available for historical research, scholars have striven to understand why Israel emerged victorious in its war against the Palestinians and Israel's neighboring Arab states. There is a broad consensus among scholars that Israel enjoyed relative military strength compared with its Arab foes. Although far smaller in population and land mass than the array of Arab states, Israel was able to field more soldiers, its army was better trained and had higher morale, and, although at a material disadvantage during the war's first months, in time it was able to acquire superior weaponry. In Israel, victory in 1948 was made possible by not only the tenacity and innovative spirit of its fighters, but also the marshaling of credit and capital, both within Israel and throughout the Jewish world.
Lisa Hajjar
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520241930
- eISBN:
- 9780520937987
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520241930.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter turns to Palestinians who are prosecuted and defended in the military court system. It specifically considers the carceral nature of government in the West Bank and Gaza as it affects ...
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This chapter turns to Palestinians who are prosecuted and defended in the military court system. It specifically considers the carceral nature of government in the West Bank and Gaza as it affects and is perceived by Palestinians who are prosecuted in the military court system. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is at the root of structural violence and social suffering in the West Bank and Gaza. The institutionally passive role of the defendant begins to take shape from the point after the interrogation is finished. Arrest and interrogation are two complementary and coordinated means for a state to exercise its law enforcement powers. Prison release poses another set of problems as ex-prisoners reintegrate with their families and society. Carceralism is premised on presumptions of Palestinian criminality and guilt.Less
This chapter turns to Palestinians who are prosecuted and defended in the military court system. It specifically considers the carceral nature of government in the West Bank and Gaza as it affects and is perceived by Palestinians who are prosecuted in the military court system. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is at the root of structural violence and social suffering in the West Bank and Gaza. The institutionally passive role of the defendant begins to take shape from the point after the interrogation is finished. Arrest and interrogation are two complementary and coordinated means for a state to exercise its law enforcement powers. Prison release poses another set of problems as ex-prisoners reintegrate with their families and society. Carceralism is premised on presumptions of Palestinian criminality and guilt.
Didier Fassin
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520271166
- eISBN:
- 9780520950481
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520271166.003.0009
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Medical Anthropology
This chapter presents a study on Médecins Sans Frontières and Médecins du Monde assistance programs in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to analyze the transformation of the status of witnesses in ...
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This chapter presents a study on Médecins Sans Frontières and Médecins du Monde assistance programs in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to analyze the transformation of the status of witnesses in humanitarianism. Humanitarian workers, on the basis of a moral imperative, are increasingly taking on the role of witness for those they assist and thus end up as spokespeople for the oppressed in order to make their suffering public. The process of humanitarian subjectivation has found psychiatry a key tool for giving form to the experience of victims of war, disaster, and famine. The presence of mental health specialists in Médecins Sans Frontières and Médecins du Monde in their Palestinain missions where the health services are fairly equipped indicates their aim to expose the consequences of a humanitarian crisis. The massive overrepresentation of young men among the Palestinians who fought and died during the Second Intifada and the prevalence of enuresis in them is also discussed.Less
This chapter presents a study on Médecins Sans Frontières and Médecins du Monde assistance programs in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to analyze the transformation of the status of witnesses in humanitarianism. Humanitarian workers, on the basis of a moral imperative, are increasingly taking on the role of witness for those they assist and thus end up as spokespeople for the oppressed in order to make their suffering public. The process of humanitarian subjectivation has found psychiatry a key tool for giving form to the experience of victims of war, disaster, and famine. The presence of mental health specialists in Médecins Sans Frontières and Médecins du Monde in their Palestinain missions where the health services are fairly equipped indicates their aim to expose the consequences of a humanitarian crisis. The massive overrepresentation of young men among the Palestinians who fought and died during the Second Intifada and the prevalence of enuresis in them is also discussed.
Dawne Moon
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199938629
- eISBN:
- 9780199980758
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199938629.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Projects known as dialogue or reconciliation build on the common ground between members of historically adversarial groups to help overcome vicious cycles of retaliation. This chapter compares ...
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Projects known as dialogue or reconciliation build on the common ground between members of historically adversarial groups to help overcome vicious cycles of retaliation. This chapter compares observations from two studies of religious and religio-ethnic communities. The more recent is a qualitative study of American Jews' understandings and experiences of anti-Semitism and how it relates to politics, particularly around the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. It compares some of the findings from this study with findings that emerged in earlier ethnographic research on debates about homosexuality within the United Methodist Church. The chapter explores the intersection of politics with the self, which sociological theories of the self have generally ignored.Less
Projects known as dialogue or reconciliation build on the common ground between members of historically adversarial groups to help overcome vicious cycles of retaliation. This chapter compares observations from two studies of religious and religio-ethnic communities. The more recent is a qualitative study of American Jews' understandings and experiences of anti-Semitism and how it relates to politics, particularly around the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. It compares some of the findings from this study with findings that emerged in earlier ethnographic research on debates about homosexuality within the United Methodist Church. The chapter explores the intersection of politics with the self, which sociological theories of the self have generally ignored.
Louis Kriesberg
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780190228668
- eISBN:
- 9780190228699
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190228668.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, American Politics
The chapter opens with an analysis of President George W. Bush’s foreign policy approach and the trends and views of the American public. A critical examination is made of the Global War on ...
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The chapter opens with an analysis of President George W. Bush’s foreign policy approach and the trends and views of the American public. A critical examination is made of the Global War on Terrorism. Then, the chapter gives a detailed analysis of how the decision to invade Iraq was made and carried out, including an analysis of how American resistance to that decision was overcome. The notion of an Axis of Evil and the confrontations with North Korea and with Iran are critically analyzed. The Bush administration’s effort to mediate the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is examined. The chapter concludes with an analysis of applications of the constructive conflict approach between 2001 and 2008.Less
The chapter opens with an analysis of President George W. Bush’s foreign policy approach and the trends and views of the American public. A critical examination is made of the Global War on Terrorism. Then, the chapter gives a detailed analysis of how the decision to invade Iraq was made and carried out, including an analysis of how American resistance to that decision was overcome. The notion of an Axis of Evil and the confrontations with North Korea and with Iran are critically analyzed. The Bush administration’s effort to mediate the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is examined. The chapter concludes with an analysis of applications of the constructive conflict approach between 2001 and 2008.
G. A. Cohen
Michael Otsuka (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691148809
- eISBN:
- 9781400845323
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691148809.003.0006
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter offers a response to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, though it makes no conclusions about it. At the same time the chapter asks who and who cannot have the right to criticize terrorist ...
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This chapter offers a response to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, though it makes no conclusions about it. At the same time the chapter asks who and who cannot have the right to criticize terrorist actions. It first lays out the various aspects of the act of criticism as well as the deflections thereof. It focuses in particular on two forms of deflections—the Tu quoque (“You, too”) argument and the “You're involved in it yourself” challenge. The central claim here is that one consequence of the difference between an expression of moral opinion and a condemnation is that it might be true both that terrorism is to be condemned (moral opinion) and that some particular person is not in a position to condemn it.Less
This chapter offers a response to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, though it makes no conclusions about it. At the same time the chapter asks who and who cannot have the right to criticize terrorist actions. It first lays out the various aspects of the act of criticism as well as the deflections thereof. It focuses in particular on two forms of deflections—the Tu quoque (“You, too”) argument and the “You're involved in it yourself” challenge. The central claim here is that one consequence of the difference between an expression of moral opinion and a condemnation is that it might be true both that terrorism is to be condemned (moral opinion) and that some particular person is not in a position to condemn it.
Nancy Gallagher
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774161056
- eISBN:
- 9781617970177
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774161056.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has resulted in the longest-standing refugee crisis in the world today. Based on new archival research and interviews with surviving participants, this book considers ...
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The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has resulted in the longest-standing refugee crisis in the world today. Based on new archival research and interviews with surviving participants, this book considers one early effort to resolve that crisis while offering helpful lessons for current efforts at conflict resolution in the Middle East and elsewhere. When war broke out in Palestine in 1948, the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), a Quaker service organization, had just won the Nobel Peace Prize for its peacemaking endeavors and its service to war refugees during the Second World War. On the basis of that experience, the United Nations invited the highly visible AFSC to provide humanitarian relief to Arab refugees in Gaza. The AFSC also sent volunteers to work in Israel, where they hoped to serve both Arabs and Jews. Its long-term goal was repatriation of the refugees and conciliation and coexistence between Israelis and Palestinians. As eyewitnesses to some of the major events of the conflict, the AFSC volunteers came to understand it better than most outsiders at the time.Less
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has resulted in the longest-standing refugee crisis in the world today. Based on new archival research and interviews with surviving participants, this book considers one early effort to resolve that crisis while offering helpful lessons for current efforts at conflict resolution in the Middle East and elsewhere. When war broke out in Palestine in 1948, the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), a Quaker service organization, had just won the Nobel Peace Prize for its peacemaking endeavors and its service to war refugees during the Second World War. On the basis of that experience, the United Nations invited the highly visible AFSC to provide humanitarian relief to Arab refugees in Gaza. The AFSC also sent volunteers to work in Israel, where they hoped to serve both Arabs and Jews. Its long-term goal was repatriation of the refugees and conciliation and coexistence between Israelis and Palestinians. As eyewitnesses to some of the major events of the conflict, the AFSC volunteers came to understand it better than most outsiders at the time.
Jerome Slater
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- November 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190459086
- eISBN:
- 9780190074609
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190459086.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Every nation has narratives or stories it tells itself about its history but which typically contain factually false or misleading mythologies that often result in devastating consequences for itself ...
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Every nation has narratives or stories it tells itself about its history but which typically contain factually false or misleading mythologies that often result in devastating consequences for itself and for others. In the case of Israel and its indispensable ally, the United States, the central mythology is “the Arabs never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity,” as the Israeli diplomat Abba Eban famously said in a 1973 statement that has been widely quoted ever since. However, the historical truth is very nearly the converse: it is Israel and the United States that have repeatedly lost or deliberately dismissed many opportunities to reach fair compromise settlements of the Arab-Israeli and Israeli-Palestinian conflicts. The book reexamines the entire history of the conflict from its onset at the end of World War I through today. Part I begins with a reconsideration of Zionism and then examines the origins and early years of the Arab-Israeli state conflict. One chapter is devoted to the question of what accounts for the nearly unconditional US support of Israel throughout the entire conflict. Part II focuses on war and peace in the Arab-Israeli state conflict from 1948 through today, arguing that all the major wars—in 1948, 1956, 1967, 1973—could and should have been avoided. This section also includes an examination of the Cold War and its impact on the Arab-Israeli conflict. Part III covers the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from 1917 through today, and examines the prospects for a two-state or other settlement of the conflict.Less
Every nation has narratives or stories it tells itself about its history but which typically contain factually false or misleading mythologies that often result in devastating consequences for itself and for others. In the case of Israel and its indispensable ally, the United States, the central mythology is “the Arabs never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity,” as the Israeli diplomat Abba Eban famously said in a 1973 statement that has been widely quoted ever since. However, the historical truth is very nearly the converse: it is Israel and the United States that have repeatedly lost or deliberately dismissed many opportunities to reach fair compromise settlements of the Arab-Israeli and Israeli-Palestinian conflicts. The book reexamines the entire history of the conflict from its onset at the end of World War I through today. Part I begins with a reconsideration of Zionism and then examines the origins and early years of the Arab-Israeli state conflict. One chapter is devoted to the question of what accounts for the nearly unconditional US support of Israel throughout the entire conflict. Part II focuses on war and peace in the Arab-Israeli state conflict from 1948 through today, arguing that all the major wars—in 1948, 1956, 1967, 1973—could and should have been avoided. This section also includes an examination of the Cold War and its impact on the Arab-Israeli conflict. Part III covers the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from 1917 through today, and examines the prospects for a two-state or other settlement of the conflict.
Nina Gren
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9789774166952
- eISBN:
- 9781617976568
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774166952.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
Media coverage of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict does not necessarily enhance one’s knowledge or understanding of the Palestinians; on the contrary, they are often reduced to either victims or ...
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Media coverage of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict does not necessarily enhance one’s knowledge or understanding of the Palestinians; on the contrary, they are often reduced to either victims or perpetrators. Similarly, while many academic studies devote considerable effort to analyzing the political situation in the occupied territories, there have been few sophisticated case studies of Palestinian refugees living under Israeli rule. An ethnographic study of Palestinian refugees in Dheisheh refugee camp, Occupied Lives looks closely at the attempts of the camp inhabitants to survive and bounce back from the profound effects of political violence and Israeli military occupation. Based on the author’s extensive fieldwork conducted inside the camp, this study examines the daily efforts of camp inhabitants to secure survival and meaning during the period of the al-Aqsa Intifada. It argues that the political developments and experiences of extensive violence at the time, which left most refugees outside of direct activism, caused many camp inhabitants to disengage from traditional forms of politics. Instead, they became involved in alternative practices aimed at maintaining their sense of social worth and integrity by focusing on processes to establish a ‘normal’ order, social continuity, and morality. Coming from Social Anthropology, Nina Gren explores these processes and the ambiguities and dilemmas that necessarily arose from them and the ways in which the political and the existential are often intertwined in Dheisheh.Less
Media coverage of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict does not necessarily enhance one’s knowledge or understanding of the Palestinians; on the contrary, they are often reduced to either victims or perpetrators. Similarly, while many academic studies devote considerable effort to analyzing the political situation in the occupied territories, there have been few sophisticated case studies of Palestinian refugees living under Israeli rule. An ethnographic study of Palestinian refugees in Dheisheh refugee camp, Occupied Lives looks closely at the attempts of the camp inhabitants to survive and bounce back from the profound effects of political violence and Israeli military occupation. Based on the author’s extensive fieldwork conducted inside the camp, this study examines the daily efforts of camp inhabitants to secure survival and meaning during the period of the al-Aqsa Intifada. It argues that the political developments and experiences of extensive violence at the time, which left most refugees outside of direct activism, caused many camp inhabitants to disengage from traditional forms of politics. Instead, they became involved in alternative practices aimed at maintaining their sense of social worth and integrity by focusing on processes to establish a ‘normal’ order, social continuity, and morality. Coming from Social Anthropology, Nina Gren explores these processes and the ambiguities and dilemmas that necessarily arose from them and the ways in which the political and the existential are often intertwined in Dheisheh.
Daphna Canetti, Carmit Rapaport, Carly Wayne, Brian J. Hall, and Stevan E. Hobfoll
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199925926
- eISBN:
- 9780199380664
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199925926.003.0011
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
Citizens in societies in conflict deal with daily exposure to war-related events. The stress and fear engendered by these events can play a critical role in determining how individual citizens ...
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Citizens in societies in conflict deal with daily exposure to war-related events. The stress and fear engendered by these events can play a critical role in determining how individual citizens perceive potential threats and in turn impact their political decisions regarding the conflict– namely, support for compromise and tolerance or militancy and exclusion. It is thus critical to examine this linkage between stress, threat perception and political attitudes in the context of protracted conflicts. This chapter proposes a stress-based model to help understand the political outcomes of exposure to terrorism and political violence. According to the model, there are three basic components in the causal chain leading to political outcomes: exposure to terrorism and political violence, stress, and threat perception. Through an extensive review of contemporary literature on political psychology in conflict zones, we examine these components, their buffers, the central role played by fear in this context and the fundamental importance of conducting research in war and conflict zones despite the objective methodological issues, in order to further our understanding of the unique psychological and political consequences for civilian populations of exposure to prolonged conflict environments. The current model, although examined in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict context, is widely applicable for other conflict zones around the world, and as such offers a strong basis for therapy, intervention and conflict resolution.Less
Citizens in societies in conflict deal with daily exposure to war-related events. The stress and fear engendered by these events can play a critical role in determining how individual citizens perceive potential threats and in turn impact their political decisions regarding the conflict– namely, support for compromise and tolerance or militancy and exclusion. It is thus critical to examine this linkage between stress, threat perception and political attitudes in the context of protracted conflicts. This chapter proposes a stress-based model to help understand the political outcomes of exposure to terrorism and political violence. According to the model, there are three basic components in the causal chain leading to political outcomes: exposure to terrorism and political violence, stress, and threat perception. Through an extensive review of contemporary literature on political psychology in conflict zones, we examine these components, their buffers, the central role played by fear in this context and the fundamental importance of conducting research in war and conflict zones despite the objective methodological issues, in order to further our understanding of the unique psychological and political consequences for civilian populations of exposure to prolonged conflict environments. The current model, although examined in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict context, is widely applicable for other conflict zones around the world, and as such offers a strong basis for therapy, intervention and conflict resolution.
Nancy Gallagher
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774161056
- eISBN:
- 9781617970177
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774161056.003.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
The Religious Society of Friends played a prescient role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from its very first years—albeit behind the scenes. The author of this book first became aware of Quaker ...
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The Religious Society of Friends played a prescient role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from its very first years—albeit behind the scenes. The author of this book first became aware of Quaker interest in the conflict when she came across a book entitled Search for Peace in the Middle East. Members of the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), a service organization founded by Quakers, had written it, and it had been translated into many languages and widely read. Many observers have hoped that NGOs such as the AFSC may offer new approaches to longstanding conflicts and that the high ideals and dedication of humanitarian and human rights activists, operating at grassroots levels, may find a way around the inflexibility of entrenched elites and narrowly nationalistic leaders. The nonviolent approach to peace making is also controversial. Quakers believe that violence almost never brings a permanent solution to a conflict.Less
The Religious Society of Friends played a prescient role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from its very first years—albeit behind the scenes. The author of this book first became aware of Quaker interest in the conflict when she came across a book entitled Search for Peace in the Middle East. Members of the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), a service organization founded by Quakers, had written it, and it had been translated into many languages and widely read. Many observers have hoped that NGOs such as the AFSC may offer new approaches to longstanding conflicts and that the high ideals and dedication of humanitarian and human rights activists, operating at grassroots levels, may find a way around the inflexibility of entrenched elites and narrowly nationalistic leaders. The nonviolent approach to peace making is also controversial. Quakers believe that violence almost never brings a permanent solution to a conflict.
Anne Marie Oliver and Paul F. Steinberg
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195305593
- eISBN:
- 9780199850815
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195305593.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
The authors of this book lived for six months with a Palestinian refugee family in Gaza at the beginning of the intifada, and this book offers a gritty, poetic portrait of the time. The book provides ...
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The authors of this book lived for six months with a Palestinian refugee family in Gaza at the beginning of the intifada, and this book offers a gritty, poetic portrait of the time. The book provides an unrivalled documentary of the underground media the authors collected during the course of their time spent in the area. Although they could not have surmised as much at the beginning, they soon found themselves led through these media into the world of the suicide bomber. Their early study, notably, anticipated the spread of suicide missions years in advance. Dispensing with the platitudes and dogma that typify discourse on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, this book shows that the suicide bomber is a complex, contradictory construction, and can be explained neither in terms of cold efficacy nor sheer evil.Less
The authors of this book lived for six months with a Palestinian refugee family in Gaza at the beginning of the intifada, and this book offers a gritty, poetic portrait of the time. The book provides an unrivalled documentary of the underground media the authors collected during the course of their time spent in the area. Although they could not have surmised as much at the beginning, they soon found themselves led through these media into the world of the suicide bomber. Their early study, notably, anticipated the spread of suicide missions years in advance. Dispensing with the platitudes and dogma that typify discourse on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, this book shows that the suicide bomber is a complex, contradictory construction, and can be explained neither in terms of cold efficacy nor sheer evil.
Maia Carter Hallward
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813036526
- eISBN:
- 9780813041797
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813036526.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
Beginning in 2004, after the mainstream peace movement collapsed due in part to the outbreak of the second intifada, the author of this book, Maia Hallward, spent most of a year observing the work of ...
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Beginning in 2004, after the mainstream peace movement collapsed due in part to the outbreak of the second intifada, the author of this book, Maia Hallward, spent most of a year observing the work of seven such groups on both sides of the conflict. She returned in 2008 to examine the progress they had made in working for a just and lasting peace. Although small, these grassroots organizations provide valuable lessons regarding how peacebuilding takes place in times of ongoing animosity and violence. Examining both the changing context for peace activism and the processes through which seven Israeli and Palestinian groups operated, this book explores the social, cultural, political, and geographic boundaries that affect people's daily lives and the possibility of building a just and lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians. The book goes beyond outlining potential peace settlements to investigate not only varying conceptions of peace held by players in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but also group processes that create the potential for a structural peace. Differentiating between “peace words” and “peace works,” the book analyzes observed group activities and patterns of behavior in addition to dozens of extended interviews. This text offers a critical look at the realities on the ground, one that focuses on what has been successful for groups engaged in working for peace in times of conflict, and how they have adapted to changing circumstances.Less
Beginning in 2004, after the mainstream peace movement collapsed due in part to the outbreak of the second intifada, the author of this book, Maia Hallward, spent most of a year observing the work of seven such groups on both sides of the conflict. She returned in 2008 to examine the progress they had made in working for a just and lasting peace. Although small, these grassroots organizations provide valuable lessons regarding how peacebuilding takes place in times of ongoing animosity and violence. Examining both the changing context for peace activism and the processes through which seven Israeli and Palestinian groups operated, this book explores the social, cultural, political, and geographic boundaries that affect people's daily lives and the possibility of building a just and lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians. The book goes beyond outlining potential peace settlements to investigate not only varying conceptions of peace held by players in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but also group processes that create the potential for a structural peace. Differentiating between “peace words” and “peace works,” the book analyzes observed group activities and patterns of behavior in addition to dozens of extended interviews. This text offers a critical look at the realities on the ground, one that focuses on what has been successful for groups engaged in working for peace in times of conflict, and how they have adapted to changing circumstances.
