Benjamin Gidron, Stanley N. Katz, and Yeheskel Hasenfeld (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) are civil society organizations dedicated to resolving protracted conflicts. Teams of local researchers coordinated by an international advisory ...
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Peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) are civil society organizations dedicated to resolving protracted conflicts. Teams of local researchers coordinated by an international advisory board, investigate the characteristics, roles, similarities, and differences of P/CROs in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine in the last third of the twentieth century. Comparative research of this sort throws up definitional, conceptual, and methodological difficulties. A historical overview of the three conflicts reveals shared features: disputes over land; forced settlements; ethnonational divisions; and the intersection of class and race. In South Africa, P/CROs engaged in antimilitarization activities, mediation, promoting contact between white and black communities, encouraging dialog between elites, and research, and with other antiapartheid nongovernmental organizations and the mass‐based resistance movements formed a “multiorganizational field.” In Israel, P/CRO activities included consciousness raising and protest, dialog promotion, some professional service provision, and the articulation of propeace arguments, but received little credit for any contributions they made to the peace process. Palestinian P/CROs were few and weakly developed as a result of Palestine's sociopolitical culture, although they performed human rights advocacy, international diplomacy, and domestic consciousness raising. Northern Ireland's voluntary sector was large, and included many P/CROs, which tended to focus on the symptoms of the conflict rather than the cause, and had little impact on the peace process beyond bringing an “inclusivist” philosophy to the political arena, fostering political debate, and providing some progressive leadership. Across the three regions, some P/CRO similarities emerged: foreign funding was crucial; charismatic leadership was important; almost all P/CROs became more professional and formal over time; and most P/CROs employed the same sorts of tactics, with some variation according to political context, but framed their conflicts differently. In general, it seems P/CRO impact was minimal: they played no direct role in the resolution of their respective conflicts but made indirect contributions.Less
Peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) are civil society organizations dedicated to resolving protracted conflicts. Teams of local researchers coordinated by an international advisory board, investigate the characteristics, roles, similarities, and differences of P/CROs in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine in the last third of the twentieth century. Comparative research of this sort throws up definitional, conceptual, and methodological difficulties. A historical overview of the three conflicts reveals shared features: disputes over land; forced settlements; ethnonational divisions; and the intersection of class and race. In South Africa, P/CROs engaged in antimilitarization activities, mediation, promoting contact between white and black communities, encouraging dialog between elites, and research, and with other antiapartheid nongovernmental organizations and the mass‐based resistance movements formed a “multiorganizational field.” In Israel, P/CRO activities included consciousness raising and protest, dialog promotion, some professional service provision, and the articulation of propeace arguments, but received little credit for any contributions they made to the peace process. Palestinian P/CROs were few and weakly developed as a result of Palestine's sociopolitical culture, although they performed human rights advocacy, international diplomacy, and domestic consciousness raising. Northern Ireland's voluntary sector was large, and included many P/CROs, which tended to focus on the symptoms of the conflict rather than the cause, and had little impact on the peace process beyond bringing an “inclusivist” philosophy to the political arena, fostering political debate, and providing some progressive leadership. Across the three regions, some P/CRO similarities emerged: foreign funding was crucial; charismatic leadership was important; almost all P/CROs became more professional and formal over time; and most P/CROs employed the same sorts of tactics, with some variation according to political context, but framed their conflicts differently. In general, it seems P/CRO impact was minimal: they played no direct role in the resolution of their respective conflicts but made indirect contributions.
Benjamin Gidron, Stanley N. Katz, and Yeheskel Hasenfeld
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This study of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine faced several methodological challenges: it had to define P/CROs, draw on ...
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This study of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine faced several methodological challenges: it had to define P/CROs, draw on both social movement and third‐sector theory, develop research tools to obtain data about P/CROs valid for regional and international analyses, and simultaneously understand P/CROs as a class with common attributes and appreciate differences amongst them. P/CROs are a new organizational classification, different from “peace movement organizations,” an existing classification. The study analyzed P/CROs from three perspectives: social movement theory, third‐sector theory, and the institutional theory of organizations. Four main findings emerged: (1) foreign funding was central to all P/CROs; (2) charismatic leadership was crucial; (3) almost all P/CROs became more professional and formal over time; and (4) while P/CROs played no direct role in the resolution of their respective conflicts, they made important indirect contributions. In particular, P/CROs helped to “sell” future settlements and agreements to their populations. Issues for further research include the preconditions for the emergence of P/CROs, and the assimilation of social movement and third‐sector research.Less
This study of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine faced several methodological challenges: it had to define P/CROs, draw on both social movement and third‐sector theory, develop research tools to obtain data about P/CROs valid for regional and international analyses, and simultaneously understand P/CROs as a class with common attributes and appreciate differences amongst them. P/CROs are a new organizational classification, different from “peace movement organizations,” an existing classification. The study analyzed P/CROs from three perspectives: social movement theory, third‐sector theory, and the institutional theory of organizations. Four main findings emerged: (1) foreign funding was central to all P/CROs; (2) charismatic leadership was crucial; (3) almost all P/CROs became more professional and formal over time; and (4) while P/CROs played no direct role in the resolution of their respective conflicts, they made important indirect contributions. In particular, P/CROs helped to “sell” future settlements and agreements to their populations. Issues for further research include the preconditions for the emergence of P/CROs, and the assimilation of social movement and third‐sector research.
Benjamin Gidron, Stanley N. Katz, and Yeheskel Hasenfeld
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Increasingly, scholars are recognizing that civil society is important to the prevention of conflict and peace keeping. Peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) are a form of civil ...
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Increasingly, scholars are recognizing that civil society is important to the prevention of conflict and peace keeping. Peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) are a form of civil society or nongovernmental organizations dedicated to promoting peace and ending violence. This chapter introduces an international comparative study of P/CROs in three protracted conflicts in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine, and justifies the choice of these conflicts. It describes the range of P/CROs studied, difficulties encountered during the study, and study issues, which include: the organizational characteristics of the P/CROs; the methods P/CROs employed; comparisons of P/CROs in the four countries; and the contributions P/CROs made to peace in their regions.Less
Increasingly, scholars are recognizing that civil society is important to the prevention of conflict and peace keeping. Peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) are a form of civil society or nongovernmental organizations dedicated to promoting peace and ending violence. This chapter introduces an international comparative study of P/CROs in three protracted conflicts in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine, and justifies the choice of these conflicts. It describes the range of P/CROs studied, difficulties encountered during the study, and study issues, which include: the organizational characteristics of the P/CROs; the methods P/CROs employed; comparisons of P/CROs in the four countries; and the contributions P/CROs made to peace in their regions.
Benjamin Gidron, Stanley N. Katz, and Yeheskel Hasenfeld
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This study investigated peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in three protracted conflicts in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine. P/CROs are citizen‐initiated ...
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This study investigated peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in three protracted conflicts in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine. P/CROs are citizen‐initiated voluntary organizations that promote peace, reconciliation, and coexistence between parties to their conflicts, and the mutual recognition of the rights of each side. Comparative research on P/CROs faces theoretical and methodological challenges. They can be analyzed as elements of civil society, as social movement organizations, and as organizations focused on the resolution of conflict. P/CROs activities include service delivery, advocacy, dialog promotion, and consciousness raising. The study examined P/CRO characteristics such as membership, ideology, structure, financial and human resources, relations with other organizations, risks encountered, and impact on the conflict. Study methodology was evolutionary and iterative, and involved a three‐phase selection procedure, research by local teams, and oversight by an international advisory board.Less
This study investigated peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in three protracted conflicts in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine. P/CROs are citizen‐initiated voluntary organizations that promote peace, reconciliation, and coexistence between parties to their conflicts, and the mutual recognition of the rights of each side. Comparative research on P/CROs faces theoretical and methodological challenges. They can be analyzed as elements of civil society, as social movement organizations, and as organizations focused on the resolution of conflict. P/CROs activities include service delivery, advocacy, dialog promotion, and consciousness raising. The study examined P/CRO characteristics such as membership, ideology, structure, financial and human resources, relations with other organizations, risks encountered, and impact on the conflict. Study methodology was evolutionary and iterative, and involved a three‐phase selection procedure, research by local teams, and oversight by an international advisory board.
Megan Meyer
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Most peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) were founded between 1980 and 1990, in response to heightened conflict in their regions; charismatic leaders – usually highly educated and ...
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Most peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) were founded between 1980 and 1990, in response to heightened conflict in their regions; charismatic leaders – usually highly educated and politically astute – and local networks played instrumental roles. Most P/CROs relied on international funding. South African P/CROs received funding from foreign governments, international multilateral agencies, and religious institutions, Israeli/Palestinian P/CROs from private foreign donors and foundations, and Northern Irish P/CROs mainly from the UK and the European Union. All P/CROs used a variety of tactics, but emphasized a package of tactics that fit their members’ beliefs, interests, and skills; there was only slight variation in tactics across regions, but political context did play a small role in determining “tastes in tactics.” Almost all P/CROs, whatever their initial aspirations, became somewhat formalized as they aged. P/CROs in Northern Ireland tended to frame the conflict in terms of personal attitudes; in South Africa and Israel/Palestine, P/CRO frames emphasized systemic factors.Less
Most peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) were founded between 1980 and 1990, in response to heightened conflict in their regions; charismatic leaders – usually highly educated and politically astute – and local networks played instrumental roles. Most P/CROs relied on international funding. South African P/CROs received funding from foreign governments, international multilateral agencies, and religious institutions, Israeli/Palestinian P/CROs from private foreign donors and foundations, and Northern Irish P/CROs mainly from the UK and the European Union. All P/CROs used a variety of tactics, but emphasized a package of tactics that fit their members’ beliefs, interests, and skills; there was only slight variation in tactics across regions, but political context did play a small role in determining “tastes in tactics.” Almost all P/CROs, whatever their initial aspirations, became somewhat formalized as they aged. P/CROs in Northern Ireland tended to frame the conflict in terms of personal attitudes; in South Africa and Israel/Palestine, P/CRO frames emphasized systemic factors.
Benjamin Gidron, Stanley N. Katz, and Yeheskel Hasenfeld
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Assessing the efficacy of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine was difficult because the regions shared no common definition of ...
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Assessing the efficacy of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine was difficult because the regions shared no common definition of peace, the political situation in each was constantly evolving, and it was generally difficult to determine causality in complex social processes. Researchers in each region were asked to interview knowledgeable individuals about whether P/CROs had political or cultural influence on their conflicts. Across all regions, there was a consensus that P/CROs had little direct political impact, although Israeli P/CROs played a role in the Oslo process, and South African P/CROs in the Dakar meetings. Political contexts in Israel and South Africa also allowed P/CROs in these countries more access to political parties, and therefore somewhat more influence on the political system. Culturally, P/CROS in all regions were effective in promoting nonmainstream analyses of their conflicts, in introducing new tactics of social action, and in attracting media attention and so a measure of public acceptance. Although they may not have hastened peace, P/CROs probably slowed the course of violence.Less
Assessing the efficacy of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine was difficult because the regions shared no common definition of peace, the political situation in each was constantly evolving, and it was generally difficult to determine causality in complex social processes. Researchers in each region were asked to interview knowledgeable individuals about whether P/CROs had political or cultural influence on their conflicts. Across all regions, there was a consensus that P/CROs had little direct political impact, although Israeli P/CROs played a role in the Oslo process, and South African P/CROs in the Dakar meetings. Political contexts in Israel and South Africa also allowed P/CROs in these countries more access to political parties, and therefore somewhat more influence on the political system. Culturally, P/CROS in all regions were effective in promoting nonmainstream analyses of their conflicts, in introducing new tactics of social action, and in attracting media attention and so a measure of public acceptance. Although they may not have hastened peace, P/CROs probably slowed the course of violence.
Peter Loizos and Tobias Kelly
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264591
- eISBN:
- 9780191734397
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264591.003.0011
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
In the early years of the twenty-first century, two peace processes that were deemed promising came to a halt. In Cyprus, the Annan Plan was rejected by the majority of Greek-Cypriots and in ...
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In the early years of the twenty-first century, two peace processes that were deemed promising came to a halt. In Cyprus, the Annan Plan was rejected by the majority of Greek-Cypriots and in Israel/Palestine, the Oslo Peace Process collapsed in the second intifada. This chapter provides a comparative exploration of the roles the refugees played as individuals and as groups in the eventual failure of various peace processes as well as the political issues that have contributed to such failure. It focuses on the Greek-Cypriot refugees and the Palestinian refugees as the treatment of the rights of these groups of refugees were deemed the most controversial issue in the peace processes. In this chapter, the historical conditions, legal statuses, access to political representations and the geopolitical factors that have influenced the manner with which the conflict and refugees are dealt with are explored and examined. The various sections of the chapter are devoted to the rationale behind the failure of the Annan Plan and the Oslo Peace Process and the role of the refugees in this failure. The chapter concludes with some suggestions about the implications of refugee issues in order to settle long-term conflict.Less
In the early years of the twenty-first century, two peace processes that were deemed promising came to a halt. In Cyprus, the Annan Plan was rejected by the majority of Greek-Cypriots and in Israel/Palestine, the Oslo Peace Process collapsed in the second intifada. This chapter provides a comparative exploration of the roles the refugees played as individuals and as groups in the eventual failure of various peace processes as well as the political issues that have contributed to such failure. It focuses on the Greek-Cypriot refugees and the Palestinian refugees as the treatment of the rights of these groups of refugees were deemed the most controversial issue in the peace processes. In this chapter, the historical conditions, legal statuses, access to political representations and the geopolitical factors that have influenced the manner with which the conflict and refugees are dealt with are explored and examined. The various sections of the chapter are devoted to the rationale behind the failure of the Annan Plan and the Oslo Peace Process and the role of the refugees in this failure. The chapter concludes with some suggestions about the implications of refugee issues in order to settle long-term conflict.
Joyce Dalsheim
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199751204
- eISBN:
- 9780199895014
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199751204.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
This ethnographic study takes a unique approach to one of the most contentious issues in the Middle East—the Israeli settlement project. The book’s work intercedes in the conflict between religiously ...
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This ethnographic study takes a unique approach to one of the most contentious issues in the Middle East—the Israeli settlement project. The book’s work intercedes in the conflict between religiously motivated Jewish settlers and their liberal and secular opponents and asks the reader to suspend judgment just long enough to gain fresh insight. The book shows that the intense antagonism between these groups disguises their fundamental similarities and reveals the social and cultural work achieved through a politics of mutual denunciation. While previous studies have examined settlers and other so-called fundamentalists in Israel, this is the first to place radical, right-wing settlers and their left-wing and secular opposition in a single analytical frame, moving between places and across borders, carrying stories, questions, and insights from one side to the other. Based on fieldwork in the settlements of the Gaza Strip and surrounding communities during the year prior to the Israeli withdrawal, the book presents unique ethnographic data and poses controversial questions about the contentious issue of settlement in Israeli-occupied territories in ways that move beyond the usual categories of politics, religion, and culture. It critically examines how religiously motivated settlers think about living with Palestinians, express theological uncertainty, and imagine the future beyond the confines of territorial nationalism. Attending to the complexities of different ways of being Israeli, the book holds up a mirror in which both the liberal Left and the radical Right find themselves reflected in the face of the other. With theoretical implications stretching far beyond the boundaries of Israel/Palestine, the book’s findings shed fresh light on politics, identity among Israelis, and the troubling conflicts in Israel/Palestine and provide both challenges and insight to broader questions at the interface between religiosity and formations of the secular.Less
This ethnographic study takes a unique approach to one of the most contentious issues in the Middle East—the Israeli settlement project. The book’s work intercedes in the conflict between religiously motivated Jewish settlers and their liberal and secular opponents and asks the reader to suspend judgment just long enough to gain fresh insight. The book shows that the intense antagonism between these groups disguises their fundamental similarities and reveals the social and cultural work achieved through a politics of mutual denunciation. While previous studies have examined settlers and other so-called fundamentalists in Israel, this is the first to place radical, right-wing settlers and their left-wing and secular opposition in a single analytical frame, moving between places and across borders, carrying stories, questions, and insights from one side to the other. Based on fieldwork in the settlements of the Gaza Strip and surrounding communities during the year prior to the Israeli withdrawal, the book presents unique ethnographic data and poses controversial questions about the contentious issue of settlement in Israeli-occupied territories in ways that move beyond the usual categories of politics, religion, and culture. It critically examines how religiously motivated settlers think about living with Palestinians, express theological uncertainty, and imagine the future beyond the confines of territorial nationalism. Attending to the complexities of different ways of being Israeli, the book holds up a mirror in which both the liberal Left and the radical Right find themselves reflected in the face of the other. With theoretical implications stretching far beyond the boundaries of Israel/Palestine, the book’s findings shed fresh light on politics, identity among Israelis, and the troubling conflicts in Israel/Palestine and provide both challenges and insight to broader questions at the interface between religiosity and formations of the secular.
Chana Kronfeld
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780804782951
- eISBN:
- 9780804797214
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804782951.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Jewish Studies
Yehuda Amichai (1924-2000) was the foremost Israeli poet of the 20th century and an internationally influential literary figure. The Full Severity of Compassion is a modular retrospective of ...
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Yehuda Amichai (1924-2000) was the foremost Israeli poet of the 20th century and an internationally influential literary figure. The Full Severity of Compassion is a modular retrospective of Amichai's poetic project. It depicts the poet's life-long struggle against all hierarchical systems of privilege and exclusion, and his search for an alternative “language of love,” as he calls it. The book explores Amichai's fierce avant-garde egalitarianism at it is expressed in a commitment to both accessibility and daring experimentation. Through a series of close readings, the book discusses issues in contemporary literary studies, always theorizing from, rather than into, Amichai's poetry.Less
Yehuda Amichai (1924-2000) was the foremost Israeli poet of the 20th century and an internationally influential literary figure. The Full Severity of Compassion is a modular retrospective of Amichai's poetic project. It depicts the poet's life-long struggle against all hierarchical systems of privilege and exclusion, and his search for an alternative “language of love,” as he calls it. The book explores Amichai's fierce avant-garde egalitarianism at it is expressed in a commitment to both accessibility and daring experimentation. Through a series of close readings, the book discusses issues in contemporary literary studies, always theorizing from, rather than into, Amichai's poetry.
Olivia C. Harrison (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780804794213
- eISBN:
- 9780804796859
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804794213.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
Imagining Palestine in the Era of Decolonization offers the first thorough analysis of the ways in which Moroccan, Algerian, and Tunisian writers have engaged with the Palestinian question and the ...
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Imagining Palestine in the Era of Decolonization offers the first thorough analysis of the ways in which Moroccan, Algerian, and Tunisian writers have engaged with the Palestinian question and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict for the past fifty years. Reframing the field of Maghrebi literature to account for transversal political and aesthetic exchanges—exchanges whose importance is evidenced today in the still unfolding social and political upheavals in North Africa and the Middle East—Transcolonial Maghreb reveals that writers such as Abdellatif Laâbi, Kateb Yacine, Ahlam Mosteghanemi, Albert Memmi, Abdelkebir Khatibi, Jacques Derrida, and Edmond El Maleh have been concerned with the Palestinian question for decades, with lasting effects on the ways in which they write and imagine the Maghreb, France, and Palestine-Israel. Through a series of contextualized close readings of texts that are, for the most part, unavailable in English translation—popular theater, literary magazines, television series, feminist texts, novels, essays, unpublished manuscripts, letters, and pamphlets written in the three major languages of North Africa, Arabic, French, and Tamazight or Berber—Transcolonial Maghreb demonstrates that Palestine has come to signify the colonial, broadly conceived, in the Maghreb and in the decolonizing world, with wide implications for the study of transcolonial relations across the Global South.Less
Imagining Palestine in the Era of Decolonization offers the first thorough analysis of the ways in which Moroccan, Algerian, and Tunisian writers have engaged with the Palestinian question and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict for the past fifty years. Reframing the field of Maghrebi literature to account for transversal political and aesthetic exchanges—exchanges whose importance is evidenced today in the still unfolding social and political upheavals in North Africa and the Middle East—Transcolonial Maghreb reveals that writers such as Abdellatif Laâbi, Kateb Yacine, Ahlam Mosteghanemi, Albert Memmi, Abdelkebir Khatibi, Jacques Derrida, and Edmond El Maleh have been concerned with the Palestinian question for decades, with lasting effects on the ways in which they write and imagine the Maghreb, France, and Palestine-Israel. Through a series of contextualized close readings of texts that are, for the most part, unavailable in English translation—popular theater, literary magazines, television series, feminist texts, novels, essays, unpublished manuscripts, letters, and pamphlets written in the three major languages of North Africa, Arabic, French, and Tamazight or Berber—Transcolonial Maghreb demonstrates that Palestine has come to signify the colonial, broadly conceived, in the Maghreb and in the decolonizing world, with wide implications for the study of transcolonial relations across the Global South.
Olivia C. Harrison
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780804794213
- eISBN:
- 9780804796859
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804794213.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
Chapter Two analyzes the figure of Palestine in Kateb Yacine’s Algerian Arabic play, “Mohamed arfad valiztek” (Mohamed pack your bags) as the vehicle of a two-pronged critique of the postcolonial ...
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Chapter Two analyzes the figure of Palestine in Kateb Yacine’s Algerian Arabic play, “Mohamed arfad valiztek” (Mohamed pack your bags) as the vehicle of a two-pronged critique of the postcolonial Algerian state and of French and Israeli colonial discourses. The play compares France-Algeria and Israel-Palestine to condemn both anti-immigrant racism in France and Israel’s treatment of its Palestinian subjects. Aimed at a popular Algerian public, it also satirizes the Algerian state’s instrumentalization of the Algerian and Palestinian revolutions to rally popular support. Kateb’s popular theater begins to make evident the convergences and overlaps between two apparently antithetical discourses, which will be the focus of the final three chapters of Transcolonial Maghreb: the discourse of assimilation, characteristic of French colonial discourse (Algeria is France), and the principle of separation that undergirds Zionism and the Israeli state (Jews/Arabs).Less
Chapter Two analyzes the figure of Palestine in Kateb Yacine’s Algerian Arabic play, “Mohamed arfad valiztek” (Mohamed pack your bags) as the vehicle of a two-pronged critique of the postcolonial Algerian state and of French and Israeli colonial discourses. The play compares France-Algeria and Israel-Palestine to condemn both anti-immigrant racism in France and Israel’s treatment of its Palestinian subjects. Aimed at a popular Algerian public, it also satirizes the Algerian state’s instrumentalization of the Algerian and Palestinian revolutions to rally popular support. Kateb’s popular theater begins to make evident the convergences and overlaps between two apparently antithetical discourses, which will be the focus of the final three chapters of Transcolonial Maghreb: the discourse of assimilation, characteristic of French colonial discourse (Algeria is France), and the principle of separation that undergirds Zionism and the Israeli state (Jews/Arabs).
Ervin Staub
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195382044
- eISBN:
- 9780199864942
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195382044.003.0023
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
This chapter summarizes actions to take in the primary cases in this book. It then discusses what is required to create a harmonious world with less, little, perhaps someday no mass violence. It also ...
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This chapter summarizes actions to take in the primary cases in this book. It then discusses what is required to create a harmonious world with less, little, perhaps someday no mass violence. It also considers the what, how, and who of prevention.Less
This chapter summarizes actions to take in the primary cases in this book. It then discusses what is required to create a harmonious world with less, little, perhaps someday no mass violence. It also considers the what, how, and who of prevention.
Nathalie Tocci
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199552894
- eISBN:
- 9780191720741
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199552894.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, EU Law
This chapter assesses the EU's impact and effectiveness in promoting peacemaking in its neighbourhood through its contractual relations with conflict parties. It does so by focusing on five conflicts ...
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This chapter assesses the EU's impact and effectiveness in promoting peacemaking in its neighbourhood through its contractual relations with conflict parties. It does so by focusing on five conflicts in the European neighbourhood: the conflicts in Cyprus, Turkey (and the Kurds), Serbia and Montenegro, Israel-Palestine, and Georgia (Abkhazia and South Ossetia). It establishes three ‘channels of influence’ through which, in the context of contractual relations, the EU may impact on these neighbourhood conflicts. The first is conditionality (both positive and negative); the second is social learning; and the third channel of influence is termed passive enforcement. It is argued that the process of experiential learning which passive enforcement implies gives rise to a subtler process of influence and change than conditionality, and may be perceived as less of an external imposition, embedded as it is in legal commitments voluntarily undertaken.Less
This chapter assesses the EU's impact and effectiveness in promoting peacemaking in its neighbourhood through its contractual relations with conflict parties. It does so by focusing on five conflicts in the European neighbourhood: the conflicts in Cyprus, Turkey (and the Kurds), Serbia and Montenegro, Israel-Palestine, and Georgia (Abkhazia and South Ossetia). It establishes three ‘channels of influence’ through which, in the context of contractual relations, the EU may impact on these neighbourhood conflicts. The first is conditionality (both positive and negative); the second is social learning; and the third channel of influence is termed passive enforcement. It is argued that the process of experiential learning which passive enforcement implies gives rise to a subtler process of influence and change than conditionality, and may be perceived as less of an external imposition, embedded as it is in legal commitments voluntarily undertaken.
Katherine Natanel
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780520285255
- eISBN:
- 9780520960794
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520285255.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
In the wake of continuing violence in Israel-Palestine, Sustaining Conflict examines how occupation, colonization, and domination are maintained not only through social sanction and popular support ...
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In the wake of continuing violence in Israel-Palestine, Sustaining Conflict examines how occupation, colonization, and domination are maintained not only through social sanction and popular support but also through the production of political apathy. Exploring the attitudes and experiences of self-defined leftist Jewish Israelis living in Tel Aviv and West Jerusalem, Katherine Natanel reveals how political depression, disengagement, and inaction serve to normalize the reality of violence and control. However, rather than signaling a state of passivity or an absence of care, here apathy takes shape as a form of active disengagement—a kind of hoping, trying, building, believing, knowing, relating, engaging, and acting oriented toward self-preservation. By shifting focus from violence to normalcy, Sustaining Conflict highlights how micro-political logics and social mechanisms maintain macro-political power in Israel-Palestine. Importantly, Natanel’s account argues that gender uniquely structures the expression and practice of apathy among leftist Jewish Israelis, sewing conflict deep into everyday life and shaping political action. Through a combination of ethnographic material, narrative, and political, cultural, and feminist theory, Natanel develops a groundbreaking theory that opens a new conversation about Israel-Palestine, one in which political apathy is taken seriously and regarded as significant to the future of the region.Less
In the wake of continuing violence in Israel-Palestine, Sustaining Conflict examines how occupation, colonization, and domination are maintained not only through social sanction and popular support but also through the production of political apathy. Exploring the attitudes and experiences of self-defined leftist Jewish Israelis living in Tel Aviv and West Jerusalem, Katherine Natanel reveals how political depression, disengagement, and inaction serve to normalize the reality of violence and control. However, rather than signaling a state of passivity or an absence of care, here apathy takes shape as a form of active disengagement—a kind of hoping, trying, building, believing, knowing, relating, engaging, and acting oriented toward self-preservation. By shifting focus from violence to normalcy, Sustaining Conflict highlights how micro-political logics and social mechanisms maintain macro-political power in Israel-Palestine. Importantly, Natanel’s account argues that gender uniquely structures the expression and practice of apathy among leftist Jewish Israelis, sewing conflict deep into everyday life and shaping political action. Through a combination of ethnographic material, narrative, and political, cultural, and feminist theory, Natanel develops a groundbreaking theory that opens a new conversation about Israel-Palestine, one in which political apathy is taken seriously and regarded as significant to the future of the region.
Sorana Jude
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474446181
- eISBN:
- 9781474480598
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474446181.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter studies the testimonies of violence published by the Israeli veteran organisation Breaking the Silence (Shovrim Shtika) and explores the role of embodiment as a means of military dissent ...
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This chapter studies the testimonies of violence published by the Israeli veteran organisation Breaking the Silence (Shovrim Shtika) and explores the role of embodiment as a means of military dissent within the Israel/Palestine conflict. These testimonies represent aesthetic practices that describe the violent behaviour of the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (oPt) and illustrate soldiers’ embodied experiences of fear, shame, remorse, or empathy for Palestinians during their military service under the occupation. Interested in the political power of emotions within military dissent, this chapter shows that the activism of Breaking the Silence (BtS) is in fact interweaved with the same ideas of power, hierarchy, and violence that it seeks to challenge. It argues that dissenting military practices are fraught with contradictions, ambivalences, and ambiguities that may actually reinforce, rather than destabilise, the militarised discourses that sustain the Israel/Palestine conflict. Despite the best efforts of this organisation in intervening in the dynamics of Israeli militarisation, the aesthetics of BtS activism show that military dissent draws on and discloses embodied experiences which reproduce military masculinity, validate militarism, and may legitimise the further enactment of violence within the Israel/Palestine conflict.Less
This chapter studies the testimonies of violence published by the Israeli veteran organisation Breaking the Silence (Shovrim Shtika) and explores the role of embodiment as a means of military dissent within the Israel/Palestine conflict. These testimonies represent aesthetic practices that describe the violent behaviour of the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (oPt) and illustrate soldiers’ embodied experiences of fear, shame, remorse, or empathy for Palestinians during their military service under the occupation. Interested in the political power of emotions within military dissent, this chapter shows that the activism of Breaking the Silence (BtS) is in fact interweaved with the same ideas of power, hierarchy, and violence that it seeks to challenge. It argues that dissenting military practices are fraught with contradictions, ambivalences, and ambiguities that may actually reinforce, rather than destabilise, the militarised discourses that sustain the Israel/Palestine conflict. Despite the best efforts of this organisation in intervening in the dynamics of Israeli militarisation, the aesthetics of BtS activism show that military dissent draws on and discloses embodied experiences which reproduce military masculinity, validate militarism, and may legitimise the further enactment of violence within the Israel/Palestine conflict.
Christine Bell
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199270965
- eISBN:
- 9780191707612
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270965.003.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This introductory chapter begins with a brief description of the purpose of the book, which is to analyze the human rights component of the peace agreements signed in four conflicts with an ‘ethnic’ ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a brief description of the purpose of the book, which is to analyze the human rights component of the peace agreements signed in four conflicts with an ‘ethnic’ dimension: South Africa, Israel/Palestine, Northern Ireland, and Bosnia Herzegovina. It then discusses the background to the study and the scope of the book. An overview of the subsequent chapters is presented.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a brief description of the purpose of the book, which is to analyze the human rights component of the peace agreements signed in four conflicts with an ‘ethnic’ dimension: South Africa, Israel/Palestine, Northern Ireland, and Bosnia Herzegovina. It then discusses the background to the study and the scope of the book. An overview of the subsequent chapters is presented.
Hillel Cohen
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520252219
- eISBN:
- 9780520933989
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520252219.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Inspired by stories he heard in the West Bank as a child, the author of this biook uncovers here a hidden history central to the narrative of the Israel-Palestine conflict but for the most part ...
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Inspired by stories he heard in the West Bank as a child, the author of this biook uncovers here a hidden history central to the narrative of the Israel-Palestine conflict but for the most part willfully ignored until now. This book was initially published in Israel to high acclaim and intense controversy and tells the story of Arabs who, from the very beginning of the Arab-Israeli encounter, sided with the Zionists and aided them politically, economically, and in security matters. Based on newly declassified documents and research in Zionist, Arab, and British sources, the book follows Bedouins who hosted Jewish neighbors, weapons dealers, pro-Zionist propagandists, and informers and local leaders who cooperated with the Zionists, and others to reveal an alternate history of the mandate period with repercussions extending to this day. The book illuminates the Palestinian nationalist movement, which branded these “collaborators” as traitors and persecuted them; the Zionist movement, which used them to undermine Palestinian society from within and betrayed them; and the collaborators themselves, who held an alternate view of Palestinian nationalism. This book offers a new view of history from below and raises profound questions about the roots of the Israel-Palestine conflict.Less
Inspired by stories he heard in the West Bank as a child, the author of this biook uncovers here a hidden history central to the narrative of the Israel-Palestine conflict but for the most part willfully ignored until now. This book was initially published in Israel to high acclaim and intense controversy and tells the story of Arabs who, from the very beginning of the Arab-Israeli encounter, sided with the Zionists and aided them politically, economically, and in security matters. Based on newly declassified documents and research in Zionist, Arab, and British sources, the book follows Bedouins who hosted Jewish neighbors, weapons dealers, pro-Zionist propagandists, and informers and local leaders who cooperated with the Zionists, and others to reveal an alternate history of the mandate period with repercussions extending to this day. The book illuminates the Palestinian nationalist movement, which branded these “collaborators” as traitors and persecuted them; the Zionist movement, which used them to undermine Palestinian society from within and betrayed them; and the collaborators themselves, who held an alternate view of Palestinian nationalism. This book offers a new view of history from below and raises profound questions about the roots of the Israel-Palestine conflict.
Lutz Fiedler
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781474451161
- eISBN:
- 9781474495462
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474451161.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This book explores the history of the Israeli Socialist Organization – Matzpen (compass) – that splintered off from the Communist Party of Israel in 1962. After the Six Day War of June 1967, Matzpen ...
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This book explores the history of the Israeli Socialist Organization – Matzpen (compass) – that splintered off from the Communist Party of Israel in 1962. After the Six Day War of June 1967, Matzpen shook Israeli society, calling for a withdrawal from the recently occupied territories, and placing itself outside the national consensus. Even before the war, the group emphasised the colonial dimension of the conflict between Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs, which was irresolvable within the paradigm of the nation-state. Matzpen instead advocated for Israel’s de-Zionisation and a socialist revolution in the Middle East in order to both restore the rights of Palestinian Arabs and guarantee the existence of Israeli Jews as a new Hebrew nation. However, in the era after Auschwitz, when the Jewish world stood in almost unanimous solidarity with the Jewish state, Matzpen’s radical perspective was at odds with the history and memory of the Holocaust. Against this backdrop, this study places Matzpen’s political stance in its historical context and sheds new light on the political culture of Israel.Less
This book explores the history of the Israeli Socialist Organization – Matzpen (compass) – that splintered off from the Communist Party of Israel in 1962. After the Six Day War of June 1967, Matzpen shook Israeli society, calling for a withdrawal from the recently occupied territories, and placing itself outside the national consensus. Even before the war, the group emphasised the colonial dimension of the conflict between Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs, which was irresolvable within the paradigm of the nation-state. Matzpen instead advocated for Israel’s de-Zionisation and a socialist revolution in the Middle East in order to both restore the rights of Palestinian Arabs and guarantee the existence of Israeli Jews as a new Hebrew nation. However, in the era after Auschwitz, when the Jewish world stood in almost unanimous solidarity with the Jewish state, Matzpen’s radical perspective was at odds with the history and memory of the Holocaust. Against this backdrop, this study places Matzpen’s political stance in its historical context and sheds new light on the political culture of Israel.
Noam Chomsky
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9789774167706
- eISBN:
- 9781617975486
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774167706.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
In September 1993, United States President Bill Clinton presided over a handshake between Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization Chairman Yasser Arafat on the ...
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In September 1993, United States President Bill Clinton presided over a handshake between Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization Chairman Yasser Arafat on the White House lawn—capping off a “day of awe,” as the press described it with reverence. The occasion was the announcement of the Declaration of Principles (DOP) for political settlement of the Israel–Palestine conflict, which resulted from secret meetings in Oslo sponsored by the Norwegian government. This chapter examines the nature and significance of the Oslo Accords, and the consequences that flowed from them. It begins by reviewing highlights of the immediate background that set the context for the negotiations. It then turns to the DOP and the consequences of the Oslo process, which extends to the present, adding a few words on lessons that should be learned.Less
In September 1993, United States President Bill Clinton presided over a handshake between Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization Chairman Yasser Arafat on the White House lawn—capping off a “day of awe,” as the press described it with reverence. The occasion was the announcement of the Declaration of Principles (DOP) for political settlement of the Israel–Palestine conflict, which resulted from secret meetings in Oslo sponsored by the Norwegian government. This chapter examines the nature and significance of the Oslo Accords, and the consequences that flowed from them. It begins by reviewing highlights of the immediate background that set the context for the negotiations. It then turns to the DOP and the consequences of the Oslo process, which extends to the present, adding a few words on lessons that should be learned.
Elisabeth Weber (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780823249923
- eISBN:
- 9780823252626
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823249923.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
For Jacques Derrida, the notions and experiences of “community,” “living,” “together” never ceased to harbor radical interrogations. The often anguished question of how to “live together” moved ...
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For Jacques Derrida, the notions and experiences of “community,” “living,” “together” never ceased to harbor radical interrogations. The often anguished question of how to “live together” moved Derrida throughout his oeuvre, animating his sustained reflection on hospitality, friendship, responsibility, justice, forgiving, mourning as well as his interventions as an outspoken critic of South Africa's Apartheid, the Israel/Palestine conflict, the bloody civil war in his native Algeria, human rights abuses, French immigration laws, the death penalty, and the so-called war on terror. The paradoxes, impossibilities and singular chances that haunt the necessity of “living together” are evoked in Derrida's essay “Avowing - The Impossible: ‘Returns,’ Repentance and Reconciliation” around which this collection is gathered. Written by scholars in literary criticism, philosophy, legal studies, religious studies, middle-eastern studies and sociology working in North America, Europe, and the Middle East, the essays in this volume tackle issues such as the responsibilities and fragility of democracy, the pitfalls of decreed reconciliation, the re-legitimization of torture in the war on terror, the connections between Orientalism, Semitism and anti-Semitism, the de-localizing dynamics of globalization, crimes against humanity and nationalism, politics as the art not of the possible but of the impossible. In some of the essays, Derrida is read with regard to areas of intense political conflict (India, Israel/Palestine, South Africa, Turkey, the US). Others consider the role of the auto-biographical and of the affective dimension of avowal and mourning. All of them engage in intense conversations with Derrida's text, and in responses of responsibility.Less
For Jacques Derrida, the notions and experiences of “community,” “living,” “together” never ceased to harbor radical interrogations. The often anguished question of how to “live together” moved Derrida throughout his oeuvre, animating his sustained reflection on hospitality, friendship, responsibility, justice, forgiving, mourning as well as his interventions as an outspoken critic of South Africa's Apartheid, the Israel/Palestine conflict, the bloody civil war in his native Algeria, human rights abuses, French immigration laws, the death penalty, and the so-called war on terror. The paradoxes, impossibilities and singular chances that haunt the necessity of “living together” are evoked in Derrida's essay “Avowing - The Impossible: ‘Returns,’ Repentance and Reconciliation” around which this collection is gathered. Written by scholars in literary criticism, philosophy, legal studies, religious studies, middle-eastern studies and sociology working in North America, Europe, and the Middle East, the essays in this volume tackle issues such as the responsibilities and fragility of democracy, the pitfalls of decreed reconciliation, the re-legitimization of torture in the war on terror, the connections between Orientalism, Semitism and anti-Semitism, the de-localizing dynamics of globalization, crimes against humanity and nationalism, politics as the art not of the possible but of the impossible. In some of the essays, Derrida is read with regard to areas of intense political conflict (India, Israel/Palestine, South Africa, Turkey, the US). Others consider the role of the auto-biographical and of the affective dimension of avowal and mourning. All of them engage in intense conversations with Derrida's text, and in responses of responsibility.
