Keith Robbins
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780198263715
- eISBN:
- 9780191714283
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198263715.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity, Church History
This chapter reflects on ‘remembrance’ after the Great War — memorials and services. It notes a new modern world and the advent of radio broadcasting. It considers currents of belief and unbelief. ...
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This chapter reflects on ‘remembrance’ after the Great War — memorials and services. It notes a new modern world and the advent of radio broadcasting. It considers currents of belief and unbelief. Internationally, Christian-Jewish relations, missionary activity and imperialism, and the issues posed by the new Europe come to the fore. The 1926 General Strike is placed in the context of contemporary Church social and economic thinking, but the political limitations are exposed. In England, both the new Church National Assembly and the Revised Prayer Book controversy of 1927-8 reveal church-state tensions. The partition of Ireland, British-Irish church and political relations, and church-state relations in the new Irish structures (Irish Free State and Northern Ireland), are considered. Disestablishment in Wales and post-war change in Scotland place these developments in context. Evidence of social division and political dislocation partly explains renewed interest in church unity, but no rapid change is evident despite the reunification of the Church of Scotland.Less
This chapter reflects on ‘remembrance’ after the Great War — memorials and services. It notes a new modern world and the advent of radio broadcasting. It considers currents of belief and unbelief. Internationally, Christian-Jewish relations, missionary activity and imperialism, and the issues posed by the new Europe come to the fore. The 1926 General Strike is placed in the context of contemporary Church social and economic thinking, but the political limitations are exposed. In England, both the new Church National Assembly and the Revised Prayer Book controversy of 1927-8 reveal church-state tensions. The partition of Ireland, British-Irish church and political relations, and church-state relations in the new Irish structures (Irish Free State and Northern Ireland), are considered. Disestablishment in Wales and post-war change in Scotland place these developments in context. Evidence of social division and political dislocation partly explains renewed interest in church unity, but no rapid change is evident despite the reunification of the Church of Scotland.
Eunan O'Halpin
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199253296
- eISBN:
- 9780191719202
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199253296.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter begins with a discussion of the establishment of the Irish Free State in December 1922, which saw the culmination of the withdrawal process from southern Ireland that Britain had begun ...
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This chapter begins with a discussion of the establishment of the Irish Free State in December 1922, which saw the culmination of the withdrawal process from southern Ireland that Britain had begun in January of that year. It then discusses the threat from the Irish Republican links with the rest of the world in the 1920s, Ireland as a intelligence target, the intelligence and security lessons of the Anglo-Irish conflict from 1916-21, and Ireland and the German threat. It argues that Ireland was to provide Britain with extraordinary security headaches once war came, problems accentuated by the almost complete absence of pre-war consideration of Irish affairs.Less
This chapter begins with a discussion of the establishment of the Irish Free State in December 1922, which saw the culmination of the withdrawal process from southern Ireland that Britain had begun in January of that year. It then discusses the threat from the Irish Republican links with the rest of the world in the 1920s, Ireland as a intelligence target, the intelligence and security lessons of the Anglo-Irish conflict from 1916-21, and Ireland and the German threat. It argues that Ireland was to provide Britain with extraordinary security headaches once war came, problems accentuated by the almost complete absence of pre-war consideration of Irish affairs.
Richard English
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202899
- eISBN:
- 9780191675577
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202899.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This book studies socialist republicanism in independent Ireland between the wars. The 1934 Republican Congress movement exemplified the socialist republican stance, holding that a Republic of a ...
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This book studies socialist republicanism in independent Ireland between the wars. The 1934 Republican Congress movement exemplified the socialist republican stance, holding that a Republic of a united Ireland will never be achieved except through a struggle which uproots capitalism on its way. This book demonstrates that the contradictory analysis which characterized the republican left during these years explains its political failure. It explores the mentality which typified republicans during the formative years of independent Ireland, and shows how their solipsistic zealotry was simultaneously self-sustaining and self-defeating. The book examines the complex relationship between economics and nationalism in the Irish Free State and the way in which this relationship determined the policies and success of the dominant Fianna Fáil party.Less
This book studies socialist republicanism in independent Ireland between the wars. The 1934 Republican Congress movement exemplified the socialist republican stance, holding that a Republic of a united Ireland will never be achieved except through a struggle which uproots capitalism on its way. This book demonstrates that the contradictory analysis which characterized the republican left during these years explains its political failure. It explores the mentality which typified republicans during the formative years of independent Ireland, and shows how their solipsistic zealotry was simultaneously self-sustaining and self-defeating. The book examines the complex relationship between economics and nationalism in the Irish Free State and the way in which this relationship determined the policies and success of the dominant Fianna Fáil party.
Richard English
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202899
- eISBN:
- 9780191675577
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202899.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This introductory chapter explains the coverage of this book, which is about the issues of nationalism and the class question in the Irish Free State during the period from 1925 to 1937. Many critics ...
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This introductory chapter explains the coverage of this book, which is about the issues of nationalism and the class question in the Irish Free State during the period from 1925 to 1937. Many critics have suggested that the Sinn Fein struggle and the Tan War arose out of the Easter Uprising of 1916 and that the post-rebellion executions triggered the national uprising. Irish socialist republican Peadar OʼDonnell disputed this view and suggested that it was the threat of conscription that forced the people into rebellion.Less
This introductory chapter explains the coverage of this book, which is about the issues of nationalism and the class question in the Irish Free State during the period from 1925 to 1937. Many critics have suggested that the Sinn Fein struggle and the Tan War arose out of the Easter Uprising of 1916 and that the post-rebellion executions triggered the national uprising. Irish socialist republican Peadar OʼDonnell disputed this view and suggested that it was the threat of conscription that forced the people into rebellion.
Bill Kissane
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199273553
- eISBN:
- 9780191706172
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273553.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter explores the ideological arguments that justified the Free State's prosecution of the civil war. It shows how heavily they were influenced by the 19th-century liberal conception of the ...
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This chapter explores the ideological arguments that justified the Free State's prosecution of the civil war. It shows how heavily they were influenced by the 19th-century liberal conception of the state as the protector of private property and individual liberty. This enabled them to represent their opponents as enemies of society in their propaganda, and in this they were heavily influenced by the Catholic Church's attitude to the IRA. As IRA violence grew, both concurred that the survival of the moral fabric of Irish society was now at stake. The pro-Treaty government's subsequent failure to covert their military victory in 1923 into long-term electoral dominance is explained by the failure of their economic policies, as well by as their inflexible commitment to the Treaty settlement. Nonetheless, their conception of the Irish state had a long-term impact on its subsequent development.Less
This chapter explores the ideological arguments that justified the Free State's prosecution of the civil war. It shows how heavily they were influenced by the 19th-century liberal conception of the state as the protector of private property and individual liberty. This enabled them to represent their opponents as enemies of society in their propaganda, and in this they were heavily influenced by the Catholic Church's attitude to the IRA. As IRA violence grew, both concurred that the survival of the moral fabric of Irish society was now at stake. The pro-Treaty government's subsequent failure to covert their military victory in 1923 into long-term electoral dominance is explained by the failure of their economic policies, as well by as their inflexible commitment to the Treaty settlement. Nonetheless, their conception of the Irish state had a long-term impact on its subsequent development.
Deirdre McMahon
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199251841
- eISBN:
- 9780191698064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199251841.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter offers a history of Irish politics and nationalism in an imperial context, from the Home Rule movement of the 1880s to Ireland's departure from the Commonwealth, and its subsequent ...
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This chapter offers a history of Irish politics and nationalism in an imperial context, from the Home Rule movement of the 1880s to Ireland's departure from the Commonwealth, and its subsequent reorientation toward the European Union. The Home Rule debates illuminated the anomalies of Ireland's domestic and imperial position and highlighted the differences between Ireland and England. The debates provoked profound soul-searching about ideology, race, national character, religion, the constitution, and history. During the negotiations, which started in October 1921, allegiance to the Crown, membership of the Empire, and defence guarantees were the core of the British demands. The Anglo-Irish Treaty signed on 6 December 1921 established the Irish Free State as a self-governing Dominion within the British Empire. The Northern Ireland Troubles, which surfaced in the press from time to time, received more attention immediately before and after the 1998 Belfast Agreement.Less
This chapter offers a history of Irish politics and nationalism in an imperial context, from the Home Rule movement of the 1880s to Ireland's departure from the Commonwealth, and its subsequent reorientation toward the European Union. The Home Rule debates illuminated the anomalies of Ireland's domestic and imperial position and highlighted the differences between Ireland and England. The debates provoked profound soul-searching about ideology, race, national character, religion, the constitution, and history. During the negotiations, which started in October 1921, allegiance to the Crown, membership of the Empire, and defence guarantees were the core of the British demands. The Anglo-Irish Treaty signed on 6 December 1921 established the Irish Free State as a self-governing Dominion within the British Empire. The Northern Ireland Troubles, which surfaced in the press from time to time, received more attention immediately before and after the 1998 Belfast Agreement.
Alvin Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199593996
- eISBN:
- 9780191731419
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199593996.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Economic History
This chapter examines Irish unionism. For much of the first three quarters of the 19th century, Irish electoral politics were dominated by parties, Conservative and Liberal, which were united by a ...
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This chapter examines Irish unionism. For much of the first three quarters of the 19th century, Irish electoral politics were dominated by parties, Conservative and Liberal, which were united by a shared commitment to union. Each of these traditions, but in particular the Conservative, fed into the creation of an organized unionist movement between 1884 and 1886. Drawing upon a formidable range of social, financial, and cultural resources, this movement successfully delayed the implementation of any form of Home Rule until 1920–1921; and it has so far prevented the attainment of the historic nationalist goal of a united and autonomous Irish state. Whether the Unionist movement, in achieving this delay, effectively scuppered an historic reconciliation between Irish nationalism and the British state is open to counterfactual debate.Less
This chapter examines Irish unionism. For much of the first three quarters of the 19th century, Irish electoral politics were dominated by parties, Conservative and Liberal, which were united by a shared commitment to union. Each of these traditions, but in particular the Conservative, fed into the creation of an organized unionist movement between 1884 and 1886. Drawing upon a formidable range of social, financial, and cultural resources, this movement successfully delayed the implementation of any form of Home Rule until 1920–1921; and it has so far prevented the attainment of the historic nationalist goal of a united and autonomous Irish state. Whether the Unionist movement, in achieving this delay, effectively scuppered an historic reconciliation between Irish nationalism and the British state is open to counterfactual debate.
Stephen Howe
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199249909
- eISBN:
- 9780191697845
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199249909.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter examines the arguments over the Irish Republic as a ‘neo-colony’ or ‘postcolonial’ state. Since the 1920s and 1970s, a substantial body of writing has sought to analyse the Irish Free ...
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This chapter examines the arguments over the Irish Republic as a ‘neo-colony’ or ‘postcolonial’ state. Since the 1920s and 1970s, a substantial body of writing has sought to analyse the Irish Free State and later Republic either as ‘neocolonial’, that is, overwhelmingly dependent on the United Kingdom or some other foreign power, or ‘postcolonial’ or substantially shaped and determined still by the legacies of British rule. The economic ‘neocolonialism’ case depends on a claim about persisting Irish dependence and British exploitation, and that Ireland's economy would have performed better, developed and probably industrialised more rapidly, and avoided the extremes of emigration and depopulation, without Britain's interference. The ‘modernisation’ or ‘Europeanisation’ of Ireland has thus been associated with secularisation and ‘detraditionalisation’. By every indicator of public opinion, Ireland has become virtually the most enthusiastically integrationist of all European Union member states.Less
This chapter examines the arguments over the Irish Republic as a ‘neo-colony’ or ‘postcolonial’ state. Since the 1920s and 1970s, a substantial body of writing has sought to analyse the Irish Free State and later Republic either as ‘neocolonial’, that is, overwhelmingly dependent on the United Kingdom or some other foreign power, or ‘postcolonial’ or substantially shaped and determined still by the legacies of British rule. The economic ‘neocolonialism’ case depends on a claim about persisting Irish dependence and British exploitation, and that Ireland's economy would have performed better, developed and probably industrialised more rapidly, and avoided the extremes of emigration and depopulation, without Britain's interference. The ‘modernisation’ or ‘Europeanisation’ of Ireland has thus been associated with secularisation and ‘detraditionalisation’. By every indicator of public opinion, Ireland has become virtually the most enthusiastically integrationist of all European Union member states.
Richard English
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202899
- eISBN:
- 9780191675577
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202899.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter examines the prevalence of schism and republican solipsism in the Free Irish State during the period 1943–1937. It suggests that the Republican Congress' schism and republican solipsism ...
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This chapter examines the prevalence of schism and republican solipsism in the Free Irish State during the period 1943–1937. It suggests that the Republican Congress' schism and republican solipsism were inherited from the Irish Republican Army. During the meeting of September 29 and 30, 1934, Congress suffered a balanced split resulting from the two proposed resolutions aimed at defining the aims, means, and political character of Congress. This chapter also analyses the Irish Free State's relations with Spain during this period.Less
This chapter examines the prevalence of schism and republican solipsism in the Free Irish State during the period 1943–1937. It suggests that the Republican Congress' schism and republican solipsism were inherited from the Irish Republican Army. During the meeting of September 29 and 30, 1934, Congress suffered a balanced split resulting from the two proposed resolutions aimed at defining the aims, means, and political character of Congress. This chapter also analyses the Irish Free State's relations with Spain during this period.
Katy Hayward
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719072789
- eISBN:
- 9781781702369
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719072789.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter explores the conceptualisation of ‘governance’ in Irish official discourse in relation to both the Irish ‘state’ and the European ‘polity’. ‘State’ and ‘polity’ constitute the broad ...
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This chapter explores the conceptualisation of ‘governance’ in Irish official discourse in relation to both the Irish ‘state’ and the European ‘polity’. ‘State’ and ‘polity’ constitute the broad conceptual and institutional supporting frameworks for the meaning and significance of governance in nation-statehood and European Union (EU), respectively. The traditional narrative of the state is national self-determination. The traditional model of the state is sovereignty. One aspect of the new model of the European polity is the conception of multilevel citizenship, with the coexistence of national and European citizenship. This chapter explores how the traditional and new frameworks, narratives, and models of the state and the European polity have been brought together in Irish official discourse since the 1970s. After a summary of the traditional conception of the Irish state, it discusses the way in which this conception has been upheld in Ireland's approach to the EU. This then leads into an analysis of how the conception of the Irish state has been influenced by the EU-inspired conception of polity in Irish official discourse on Northern Ireland.Less
This chapter explores the conceptualisation of ‘governance’ in Irish official discourse in relation to both the Irish ‘state’ and the European ‘polity’. ‘State’ and ‘polity’ constitute the broad conceptual and institutional supporting frameworks for the meaning and significance of governance in nation-statehood and European Union (EU), respectively. The traditional narrative of the state is national self-determination. The traditional model of the state is sovereignty. One aspect of the new model of the European polity is the conception of multilevel citizenship, with the coexistence of national and European citizenship. This chapter explores how the traditional and new frameworks, narratives, and models of the state and the European polity have been brought together in Irish official discourse since the 1970s. After a summary of the traditional conception of the Irish state, it discusses the way in which this conception has been upheld in Ireland's approach to the EU. This then leads into an analysis of how the conception of the Irish state has been influenced by the EU-inspired conception of polity in Irish official discourse on Northern Ireland.
Kevin Kenny (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199251841
- eISBN:
- 9780191698064
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199251841.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Modern Irish history was determined by the rise, expansion, and decline of the British Empire. British imperial history, from the age of Atlantic expansion to the age of decolonization, was moulded ...
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Modern Irish history was determined by the rise, expansion, and decline of the British Empire. British imperial history, from the age of Atlantic expansion to the age of decolonization, was moulded in part by Irish experience. But the nature of Ireland's position in the Empire has always been a matter of contentious dispute. Was Ireland a sister kingdom and equal partner in a larger British state? Or was it, because of its proximity and strategic importance, the Empire's most subjugated colony? Contemporaries disagreed strongly on these questions, and historians continue to do so. Questions of this sort can only be answered historically: Ireland's relationship with Britain and the Empire developed and changed over time, as did the Empire itself. This book offers the first comprehensive history of the subject from the early modern era through to the contemporary period. The contributors seek to specify the nature of Ireland's entanglement with empire over time: from the conquest and colonization of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, through the consolidation of Ascendancy rule in the eighteenth, the Act of Union in the period 1801–1921, the emergence of an Irish Free State and Republic, and eventual withdrawal from the British Commonwealth in 1948. They also consider the participation of Irish people in the Empire overseas, as soldiers, administrators, merchants, migrants, and missionaries; the influence of Irish social, administrative, and constitutional precedents in other colonies; and the impact of Irish nationalism and independence on the Empire at large. The result is a new interpretation of Irish history in its wider imperial context which is also filled with insights on the origins, expansion, and decline of the British Empire.Less
Modern Irish history was determined by the rise, expansion, and decline of the British Empire. British imperial history, from the age of Atlantic expansion to the age of decolonization, was moulded in part by Irish experience. But the nature of Ireland's position in the Empire has always been a matter of contentious dispute. Was Ireland a sister kingdom and equal partner in a larger British state? Or was it, because of its proximity and strategic importance, the Empire's most subjugated colony? Contemporaries disagreed strongly on these questions, and historians continue to do so. Questions of this sort can only be answered historically: Ireland's relationship with Britain and the Empire developed and changed over time, as did the Empire itself. This book offers the first comprehensive history of the subject from the early modern era through to the contemporary period. The contributors seek to specify the nature of Ireland's entanglement with empire over time: from the conquest and colonization of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, through the consolidation of Ascendancy rule in the eighteenth, the Act of Union in the period 1801–1921, the emergence of an Irish Free State and Republic, and eventual withdrawal from the British Commonwealth in 1948. They also consider the participation of Irish people in the Empire overseas, as soldiers, administrators, merchants, migrants, and missionaries; the influence of Irish social, administrative, and constitutional precedents in other colonies; and the impact of Irish nationalism and independence on the Empire at large. The result is a new interpretation of Irish history in its wider imperial context which is also filled with insights on the origins, expansion, and decline of the British Empire.
Bill Kissane
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199273553
- eISBN:
- 9780191706172
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273553.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter discusses the anti-Treaty interpretation of the civil war and its evolution after the formation of a Fianna Fail government in 1932. It shows how the anti-treatyites had a ...
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This chapter discusses the anti-Treaty interpretation of the civil war and its evolution after the formation of a Fianna Fail government in 1932. It shows how the anti-treatyites had a constitutionalist interpretation of the civil war, which was shared by moderate and hardline republicans. Common to both was a conviction that British pressure rather than divisions within Irish nationalism was responsible for the outbreak of fighting, so establishment of the Free State was essentially a neo-colonial project. Under the leadership of de Valera, this outlook increasingly concentrated on the oath of allegiance as their main grievance with the Free State, which enabled Fianna Fail to combat the accusation that their position in 1922 was fundamentally anti-democratic. Indeed, the abolition of the oath enabled de Valera to call for all republicans to recognize the Free State and claim that his party had helped the society recover from the civil war.Less
This chapter discusses the anti-Treaty interpretation of the civil war and its evolution after the formation of a Fianna Fail government in 1932. It shows how the anti-treatyites had a constitutionalist interpretation of the civil war, which was shared by moderate and hardline republicans. Common to both was a conviction that British pressure rather than divisions within Irish nationalism was responsible for the outbreak of fighting, so establishment of the Free State was essentially a neo-colonial project. Under the leadership of de Valera, this outlook increasingly concentrated on the oath of allegiance as their main grievance with the Free State, which enabled Fianna Fail to combat the accusation that their position in 1922 was fundamentally anti-democratic. Indeed, the abolition of the oath enabled de Valera to call for all republicans to recognize the Free State and claim that his party had helped the society recover from the civil war.
Katy Hayward
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719072789
- eISBN:
- 9781781702369
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719072789.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The establishment of an independent Irish state was severely complicated by the fact that there was not an Irish nationalism seeking an Irish nation-state as such but rather a range of nationalisms ...
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The establishment of an independent Irish state was severely complicated by the fact that there was not an Irish nationalism seeking an Irish nation-state as such but rather a range of nationalisms competing for political space and influence in Ireland. The three core versions of nationalism — unionist nationalism, constitutional nationalism, and republican nationalism — fostered different conceptions of the meaning and implications of Ireland's identity, borders, and governance and consequently occupied conflicting positions regarding the ideal notion of Irish nation-statehood. In relation to their opposing views on Britain's role in Ireland, these competing nationalisms also fostered different opinions regarding the relevance of developments in the international context for Ireland. Developments in international affairs, particularly in Europe, had the effect of altering the focus and appeal of each of these versions of nationalism in Ireland. As a result, the need to find a middle ground between constitutional and republican nationalisms shaped the development of official nationalism in the independent Irish Free State after 1922.Less
The establishment of an independent Irish state was severely complicated by the fact that there was not an Irish nationalism seeking an Irish nation-state as such but rather a range of nationalisms competing for political space and influence in Ireland. The three core versions of nationalism — unionist nationalism, constitutional nationalism, and republican nationalism — fostered different conceptions of the meaning and implications of Ireland's identity, borders, and governance and consequently occupied conflicting positions regarding the ideal notion of Irish nation-statehood. In relation to their opposing views on Britain's role in Ireland, these competing nationalisms also fostered different opinions regarding the relevance of developments in the international context for Ireland. Developments in international affairs, particularly in Europe, had the effect of altering the focus and appeal of each of these versions of nationalism in Ireland. As a result, the need to find a middle ground between constitutional and republican nationalisms shaped the development of official nationalism in the independent Irish Free State after 1922.
Katy Hayward
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719072789
- eISBN:
- 9781781702369
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719072789.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The initial focus of official nationalism in the Irish Free State was on the activity of nation-building. The core purpose of nation-building was to unite the nation behind the new state. ...
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The initial focus of official nationalism in the Irish Free State was on the activity of nation-building. The core purpose of nation-building was to unite the nation behind the new state. Consequently, the Irish official nationalism that developed emphasised the points of convergence between republican and constitutional nationalism. These included the roles of intellectual and political elites and a shared conception of the importance of the narrative and cultural identity of the nation. This chapter examines the way in which official nationalism developed from this basis, noting in particular the implications of the subsequent conception of the Irish nation-state for its relations with Northern Ireland, Britain, and the wider international community. It also identifies the processes of state-building that occurred after 1937, in which Northern Ireland and the international context, particularly Europe, again were of immense importance. The chapter concludes by analysing the approach and motivating assumptions of the Irish government towards Northern Ireland and European integration in the late 1960s and early 1970s.Less
The initial focus of official nationalism in the Irish Free State was on the activity of nation-building. The core purpose of nation-building was to unite the nation behind the new state. Consequently, the Irish official nationalism that developed emphasised the points of convergence between republican and constitutional nationalism. These included the roles of intellectual and political elites and a shared conception of the importance of the narrative and cultural identity of the nation. This chapter examines the way in which official nationalism developed from this basis, noting in particular the implications of the subsequent conception of the Irish nation-state for its relations with Northern Ireland, Britain, and the wider international community. It also identifies the processes of state-building that occurred after 1937, in which Northern Ireland and the international context, particularly Europe, again were of immense importance. The chapter concludes by analysing the approach and motivating assumptions of the Irish government towards Northern Ireland and European integration in the late 1960s and early 1970s.
Donnacha Seán Lucey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719087578
- eISBN:
- 9781526104014
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719087578.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter examines the reform of the poor law in the early years of the Irish Free State. It highlights that despite the closure of workhouses principles of deterrence still permeated official ...
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This chapter examines the reform of the poor law in the early years of the Irish Free State. It highlights that despite the closure of workhouses principles of deterrence still permeated official welfare policies towards the able-bodied. Central and local government authorities remained primarily concerned that unchecked poor relief was immoral; in turn the workhouse-test, which underpinned the former poor law, was replaced with work-tests as a method to determine the eligibility of poor relief. This chapter also explores localised relief polices in county Kerry and Cork city. Furthermore, it highlights how principles of deterrence were challenged during periods of economic depression leading to further welfare reforms.Less
This chapter examines the reform of the poor law in the early years of the Irish Free State. It highlights that despite the closure of workhouses principles of deterrence still permeated official welfare policies towards the able-bodied. Central and local government authorities remained primarily concerned that unchecked poor relief was immoral; in turn the workhouse-test, which underpinned the former poor law, was replaced with work-tests as a method to determine the eligibility of poor relief. This chapter also explores localised relief polices in county Kerry and Cork city. Furthermore, it highlights how principles of deterrence were challenged during periods of economic depression leading to further welfare reforms.
Ian S. Wood
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748623273
- eISBN:
- 9780748651412
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748623273.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Between 1939 and 1945, intelligence-gathering and counter-espionage work were, along with a high degree of censorship, seen by the Irish state as necessary weapons in the maintenance of a ...
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Between 1939 and 1945, intelligence-gathering and counter-espionage work were, along with a high degree of censorship, seen by the Irish state as necessary weapons in the maintenance of a non-belligerent status that carried real risks, especially in the earlier years of the war. In the case of intelligence gathering, de Valera's government performed with a level of competence now well documented, and which was more than satisfactory to Britain and its allies. With counter-espionage there was frustration for those such as Betjeman and Sir John Maffey, whose role was to represent, as well as they could, Britain's interests in Éire. They and their colleagues simply learnt to live with the censorship, and to work around it as and when they could. The censorship was often driven by ignorance and prejudice, and its concern was to keep the Irish people as unaware as possible of events in Europe and beyond. It remains inescapable that the enervating effects of the censorship left the Irish public ill prepared to confront the truth of Nazi genocide once the censorship was lifted on 11 May 1945.Less
Between 1939 and 1945, intelligence-gathering and counter-espionage work were, along with a high degree of censorship, seen by the Irish state as necessary weapons in the maintenance of a non-belligerent status that carried real risks, especially in the earlier years of the war. In the case of intelligence gathering, de Valera's government performed with a level of competence now well documented, and which was more than satisfactory to Britain and its allies. With counter-espionage there was frustration for those such as Betjeman and Sir John Maffey, whose role was to represent, as well as they could, Britain's interests in Éire. They and their colleagues simply learnt to live with the censorship, and to work around it as and when they could. The censorship was often driven by ignorance and prejudice, and its concern was to keep the Irish people as unaware as possible of events in Europe and beyond. It remains inescapable that the enervating effects of the censorship left the Irish public ill prepared to confront the truth of Nazi genocide once the censorship was lifted on 11 May 1945.
Martin Maguire
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719077401
- eISBN:
- 9781781702611
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719077401.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter explores the constitutional path that was laid down for the process by which the Provisional Government constructed the civil service of the Irish Free State. It is stressed that ‘it ...
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This chapter explores the constitutional path that was laid down for the process by which the Provisional Government constructed the civil service of the Irish Free State. It is stressed that ‘it [was] of the highest importance for the Provisional Government to get in touch with and take the fullest advantage of the experience of the Irish civil service generally’. The split in the republican movement profoundly affected the Dáil Éireann civil service. Under the terms of the 1920 Act, there were three categories of applicant to the Wylie committee: those discharged by the Irish government, those seeking permission to retire and those opting to retire under the statutory conditions provided by the Act. The Provisional Government squandered the goodwill of its civil service, ans as 1923 dawned and the Irish Free State came into office, the attitude of the civil service was one of suspicion and defensiveness.Less
This chapter explores the constitutional path that was laid down for the process by which the Provisional Government constructed the civil service of the Irish Free State. It is stressed that ‘it [was] of the highest importance for the Provisional Government to get in touch with and take the fullest advantage of the experience of the Irish civil service generally’. The split in the republican movement profoundly affected the Dáil Éireann civil service. Under the terms of the 1920 Act, there were three categories of applicant to the Wylie committee: those discharged by the Irish government, those seeking permission to retire and those opting to retire under the statutory conditions provided by the Act. The Provisional Government squandered the goodwill of its civil service, ans as 1923 dawned and the Irish Free State came into office, the attitude of the civil service was one of suspicion and defensiveness.
Donnacha Seán Lucey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719087578
- eISBN:
- 9781526104014
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719087578.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This book explores welfare provision in Ireland from the revolutionary period to the 1940s, This work is a significant addition to the growing historiography of twentieth-century Ireland which moves ...
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This book explores welfare provision in Ireland from the revolutionary period to the 1940s, This work is a significant addition to the growing historiography of twentieth-century Ireland which moves beyond political history. It demonstrates that concepts of respectability, deservingness, and social class where central dynamics in Irish society and welfare practices. This book provides the first major study of local welfare practices, policies, and attitudes towards poverty and the poor in this era. This book’s exploration of the poor law during revolutionary and independent Ireland provides fresh and original insights into this critical juncture in Irish history. It charts the transformation of the former workhouse system into a network of local authority welfare and healthcare institutions including county homes, county and hospital hospitals, and mother and baby homes. This book provides historical context to current day debates and controversies relating to the institutionalisation of unwed mothers and child welfare policies. This book undertakes two cases studies on county Kerry and Cork city; also, Irish experiences are placed against the backdrop of wider transnational trends. This work has multiple audiences and will appeal to those interested in Irish social, culture, economic and political history. This book will also appeal to historians of welfare, the poor law, and the social history of medicine. It also informs modern-day social affairs.Less
This book explores welfare provision in Ireland from the revolutionary period to the 1940s, This work is a significant addition to the growing historiography of twentieth-century Ireland which moves beyond political history. It demonstrates that concepts of respectability, deservingness, and social class where central dynamics in Irish society and welfare practices. This book provides the first major study of local welfare practices, policies, and attitudes towards poverty and the poor in this era. This book’s exploration of the poor law during revolutionary and independent Ireland provides fresh and original insights into this critical juncture in Irish history. It charts the transformation of the former workhouse system into a network of local authority welfare and healthcare institutions including county homes, county and hospital hospitals, and mother and baby homes. This book provides historical context to current day debates and controversies relating to the institutionalisation of unwed mothers and child welfare policies. This book undertakes two cases studies on county Kerry and Cork city; also, Irish experiences are placed against the backdrop of wider transnational trends. This work has multiple audiences and will appeal to those interested in Irish social, culture, economic and political history. This book will also appeal to historians of welfare, the poor law, and the social history of medicine. It also informs modern-day social affairs.
Ian S. Wood
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748623273
- eISBN:
- 9780748651412
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748623273.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The Emergency years drew the IRA into attacks on both sides of the Irish border and in Britain, which proved to be beyond its resources. It was severely hit by coercive measures applied against it by ...
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The Emergency years drew the IRA into attacks on both sides of the Irish border and in Britain, which proved to be beyond its resources. It was severely hit by coercive measures applied against it by both the Stormont and Dublin governments and, by 1945, there was little its leadership could claim to have achieved. The moral myopia of so many Irish republicans of this era could simply take the form of apparent indifference to dramatic and historic events beyond Éire's borders. Others saw the armed struggle within a context of suffocating self-righteousness. Militarily, the IRA never posed a serious threat to an Irish state which, from the outset of the Emergency, was equipped with formidable powers to keep its activists under surveillance and have them charged or interned. The real danger would have been if Germany had ever been able to co-ordinate operations of its own on Irish territory with the IRA, and the Abwehr did have contacts with it that pre-dated the outbreak of war.Less
The Emergency years drew the IRA into attacks on both sides of the Irish border and in Britain, which proved to be beyond its resources. It was severely hit by coercive measures applied against it by both the Stormont and Dublin governments and, by 1945, there was little its leadership could claim to have achieved. The moral myopia of so many Irish republicans of this era could simply take the form of apparent indifference to dramatic and historic events beyond Éire's borders. Others saw the armed struggle within a context of suffocating self-righteousness. Militarily, the IRA never posed a serious threat to an Irish state which, from the outset of the Emergency, was equipped with formidable powers to keep its activists under surveillance and have them charged or interned. The real danger would have been if Germany had ever been able to co-ordinate operations of its own on Irish territory with the IRA, and the Abwehr did have contacts with it that pre-dated the outbreak of war.
Desmond A. Gillmor
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198217527
- eISBN:
- 9780191678240
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198217527.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The establishment of an international boundary between the newly independent Irish Free State and Northern Ireland, which remained part of the United Kingdom, was the most important territorial ...
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The establishment of an international boundary between the newly independent Irish Free State and Northern Ireland, which remained part of the United Kingdom, was the most important territorial division in Ireland's history. The initial geographical impacts of partition were mainly political, but the repercussions on other aspects of human geography developed with time as policies and practices in the territories diverged. These distinctions became superimposed on gradations that predated the border. Little of the new differentiation had emerged by the mid-1920s, but the existence of two states with different data sources necessitated the making of some distinctions between them in this geographical panorama, the reference date for which derives from the holding of the first separate census of population in both territories in the year 1926.Less
The establishment of an international boundary between the newly independent Irish Free State and Northern Ireland, which remained part of the United Kingdom, was the most important territorial division in Ireland's history. The initial geographical impacts of partition were mainly political, but the repercussions on other aspects of human geography developed with time as policies and practices in the territories diverged. These distinctions became superimposed on gradations that predated the border. Little of the new differentiation had emerged by the mid-1920s, but the existence of two states with different data sources necessitated the making of some distinctions between them in this geographical panorama, the reference date for which derives from the holding of the first separate census of population in both territories in the year 1926.
