Noga Efrati
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231158145
- eISBN:
- 9780231530248
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231158145.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This book outlines the first social and political history of women in Iraq during the periods of British occupation and the British-backed Hashemite monarchy (1917–1958). It traces the harsh and ...
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This book outlines the first social and political history of women in Iraq during the periods of British occupation and the British-backed Hashemite monarchy (1917–1958). It traces the harsh and long-lasting implications of British state building on Iraqi women, particularly their legal and political enshrinement as second-class citizens, and the struggle by women's rights activists to counter this precedent. The book concludes with a discussion of post-Saddam Iraq and the women's associations now claiming their place in government. Finding common threads between these two generations of women, the text underscores the organic roots of the current fight for gender equality shaped by a memory of oppression under the monarchy. This text revisits the British strategy of efficient rule, largely adopted by the Iraqi government they erected and the consequent gender policy that emerged. The attempt to control Iraq through “authentic leaders”—giving them legal and political powers—marginalized the interests of women and virtually sacrificed their well-being altogether. Iraqi women refused to resign themselves to this fate. From the state's early days, they drew attention to the biases of the Tribal Criminal and Civil Disputes Regulation (TCCDR) and the absence of state intervention in matters of personal status and resisted women's disenfranchisement. Following the coup of 1958, their criticism helped precipitate the dissolution of the TCCDR and the ratification of the Personal Status Law. A new government gender discourse shaped by these past battles arose, yet the U.S.-led invasion of 2003, rather than helping cement women's rights into law, reinstated the British approach. Pressured to secure order and reestablish a pro-Western Iraq, the Americans increasingly turned to the country's “authentic leaders” to maintain control while continuing to marginalize women. The book considers Iraqi women's efforts to preserve the progress they have made, utterly defeating the notion that they have been passive witnesses to history.Less
This book outlines the first social and political history of women in Iraq during the periods of British occupation and the British-backed Hashemite monarchy (1917–1958). It traces the harsh and long-lasting implications of British state building on Iraqi women, particularly their legal and political enshrinement as second-class citizens, and the struggle by women's rights activists to counter this precedent. The book concludes with a discussion of post-Saddam Iraq and the women's associations now claiming their place in government. Finding common threads between these two generations of women, the text underscores the organic roots of the current fight for gender equality shaped by a memory of oppression under the monarchy. This text revisits the British strategy of efficient rule, largely adopted by the Iraqi government they erected and the consequent gender policy that emerged. The attempt to control Iraq through “authentic leaders”—giving them legal and political powers—marginalized the interests of women and virtually sacrificed their well-being altogether. Iraqi women refused to resign themselves to this fate. From the state's early days, they drew attention to the biases of the Tribal Criminal and Civil Disputes Regulation (TCCDR) and the absence of state intervention in matters of personal status and resisted women's disenfranchisement. Following the coup of 1958, their criticism helped precipitate the dissolution of the TCCDR and the ratification of the Personal Status Law. A new government gender discourse shaped by these past battles arose, yet the U.S.-led invasion of 2003, rather than helping cement women's rights into law, reinstated the British approach. Pressured to secure order and reestablish a pro-Western Iraq, the Americans increasingly turned to the country's “authentic leaders” to maintain control while continuing to marginalize women. The book considers Iraqi women's efforts to preserve the progress they have made, utterly defeating the notion that they have been passive witnesses to history.
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226645605
- eISBN:
- 9780226645643
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226645643.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter analyzes suicide terrorism in Iraq. It explains the composition, goals, objectives, cohesion, popular support, trajectory, and state sponsorship status of the five key groups that have ...
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This chapter analyzes suicide terrorism in Iraq. It explains the composition, goals, objectives, cohesion, popular support, trajectory, and state sponsorship status of the five key groups that have engaged in suicide terrorist tactics in Iraq. Suicide terrorists in Iraq are predominantly Sunni Muslims. The analysis of the goals of several campaigns reveals that the common strategic objectives are to remove the coalition presence in Iraq and undermine the new Iraqi government in its current form. But these groups disagree substantially with respect to the role that religion should play in the future of Iraqi governance.Less
This chapter analyzes suicide terrorism in Iraq. It explains the composition, goals, objectives, cohesion, popular support, trajectory, and state sponsorship status of the five key groups that have engaged in suicide terrorist tactics in Iraq. Suicide terrorists in Iraq are predominantly Sunni Muslims. The analysis of the goals of several campaigns reveals that the common strategic objectives are to remove the coalition presence in Iraq and undermine the new Iraqi government in its current form. But these groups disagree substantially with respect to the role that religion should play in the future of Iraqi governance.
Timothy Andrews Sayle, Jeffrey A. Engel, Hal Brands, and William Inboden (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501715181
- eISBN:
- 9781501715204
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501715181.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter discusses the Samarra bombing and the resulting debates over its significance. The winter and spring of 2006 was a time of conflicting signals and conflicting efforts in Washington. Some ...
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This chapter discusses the Samarra bombing and the resulting debates over its significance. The winter and spring of 2006 was a time of conflicting signals and conflicting efforts in Washington. Some officials began to believe that the strategy in Iraq was not working. The predominant view in the intelligence community, according to David Gordon, vice chairman of the National Intelligence Council, was that “we were transitioning into something very different, that we were really transitioning from insurgency to a civil war.” Around the same time, the failings of the US mission in Iraq led a number of retired generals to publicly call for the ouster of Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld. Unknown to its advocates, the public “Revolt of the Generals” actually undermined ongoing, internal efforts to replace the secretary of defense—and thus, ironically, delayed rather than accelerated a review of strategy in Iraq. Meanwhile, efforts from within government to rethink US strategy remained nascent and largely disconnected. The successful seating of the Iraqi government and a new prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, and the success of US forces in locating and killing Sunni militant Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, undercut arguments that the war was failing, and in particular derailed efforts to kick off a major strategy review beginning with a high-level meeting at Camp David in June of 2006.Less
This chapter discusses the Samarra bombing and the resulting debates over its significance. The winter and spring of 2006 was a time of conflicting signals and conflicting efforts in Washington. Some officials began to believe that the strategy in Iraq was not working. The predominant view in the intelligence community, according to David Gordon, vice chairman of the National Intelligence Council, was that “we were transitioning into something very different, that we were really transitioning from insurgency to a civil war.” Around the same time, the failings of the US mission in Iraq led a number of retired generals to publicly call for the ouster of Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld. Unknown to its advocates, the public “Revolt of the Generals” actually undermined ongoing, internal efforts to replace the secretary of defense—and thus, ironically, delayed rather than accelerated a review of strategy in Iraq. Meanwhile, efforts from within government to rethink US strategy remained nascent and largely disconnected. The successful seating of the Iraqi government and a new prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, and the success of US forces in locating and killing Sunni militant Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, undercut arguments that the war was failing, and in particular derailed efforts to kick off a major strategy review beginning with a high-level meeting at Camp David in June of 2006.
Adeed Dawisha
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691169156
- eISBN:
- 9781400880829
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691169156.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter describes the popular support for Palestinians in Iraq, Syria, and Egypt, and the consequent policies and pronouncements of the respective governments. In Iraq, widespread demonstrations ...
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This chapter describes the popular support for Palestinians in Iraq, Syria, and Egypt, and the consequent policies and pronouncements of the respective governments. In Iraq, widespread demonstrations erupted in support of the 1936 Palestinian general strike, which became so widespread that the Iraqi government hastened to impose a ban on all demonstrations. Popular support for the Palestinian cause was no less fierce in Syria. Strikes and demonstrations occurred frequently, accompanied by violently anti-Zionist and anti-British pamphlets and petitions. In its popular reaction to the Palestinian revolt, Egypt was not different from Iraq or Syria. The convening of the Congress in Cairo, and the anti-British undercurrents which it displayed at a time when the British held an unquestionable position of influence in the country, is a testimony to the strength of the pro-Palestinian sentiments sweeping Egypt in the wake of the Arab revolt.Less
This chapter describes the popular support for Palestinians in Iraq, Syria, and Egypt, and the consequent policies and pronouncements of the respective governments. In Iraq, widespread demonstrations erupted in support of the 1936 Palestinian general strike, which became so widespread that the Iraqi government hastened to impose a ban on all demonstrations. Popular support for the Palestinian cause was no less fierce in Syria. Strikes and demonstrations occurred frequently, accompanied by violently anti-Zionist and anti-British pamphlets and petitions. In its popular reaction to the Palestinian revolt, Egypt was not different from Iraq or Syria. The convening of the Congress in Cairo, and the anti-British undercurrents which it displayed at a time when the British held an unquestionable position of influence in the country, is a testimony to the strength of the pro-Palestinian sentiments sweeping Egypt in the wake of the Arab revolt.
James W. Peterson
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781526105783
- eISBN:
- 9781526128553
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526105783.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Presidents Putin/Medvedev and Georgia W. Bush both adopted basically unilateralist approaches towards the three wars. There was commonality in all three wars, for each took place within ethnically ...
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Presidents Putin/Medvedev and Georgia W. Bush both adopted basically unilateralist approaches towards the three wars. There was commonality in all three wars, for each took place within ethnically divided states: Afghanistan, Iraq, and Georgia. Russia was wiling to permit American access to Central Asian air bases in republics that had previously been part of the Soviet Union. However, there was considerable controversy between the two over the Gergia war as well as the war in Iraq. Presidents Bush and Obama both utilized a common surge strategy in Iraq and Afghanistan, but the final results in each were disappointing in terms of the continuing turmoil within the two nations. One positive feature of the effort in Afghanistan was support by NATO through its International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), whereas no allied naions provided help to Russia in its incursion into Georgia. Both nations incurred considerable costs, the Russians in global public opinion and the United States in considerable depletion of its treasury.Less
Presidents Putin/Medvedev and Georgia W. Bush both adopted basically unilateralist approaches towards the three wars. There was commonality in all three wars, for each took place within ethnically divided states: Afghanistan, Iraq, and Georgia. Russia was wiling to permit American access to Central Asian air bases in republics that had previously been part of the Soviet Union. However, there was considerable controversy between the two over the Gergia war as well as the war in Iraq. Presidents Bush and Obama both utilized a common surge strategy in Iraq and Afghanistan, but the final results in each were disappointing in terms of the continuing turmoil within the two nations. One positive feature of the effort in Afghanistan was support by NATO through its International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), whereas no allied naions provided help to Russia in its incursion into Georgia. Both nations incurred considerable costs, the Russians in global public opinion and the United States in considerable depletion of its treasury.
