Lior B. Sternfeld
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781503606142
- eISBN:
- 9781503607170
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9781503606142.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
The ultimate success of the nation-building project, led by the Shah, was evident in the decade leading up to the revolution—when the Jewish community in Iran finally achieved its release from ...
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The ultimate success of the nation-building project, led by the Shah, was evident in the decade leading up to the revolution—when the Jewish community in Iran finally achieved its release from traditional loyalties and viewed itself, first and foremost, as Iranian. This chapter explores the first manifestations of Jewish revolutionary discourse and actions and discusses postrevolutionary Iran and a new nation-building paradigm that Jews faced following the Islamic revolution. This chapter follows the Jewish response to the rapidly unfolding events: from the Shah’s overthrow through the redefinition of the Iranian national identity, from the Iran-Iraq War to the post-Khomeini period. In the post-Khomeini era, Iranian Jews had to navigate between their religious ancestral homeland (Israel) and their national and political homeland (Iran). They had to deftly maneuver between the misinterpretations and deceptions that characterized the harsh rhetoric between Israel and Iran.Less
The ultimate success of the nation-building project, led by the Shah, was evident in the decade leading up to the revolution—when the Jewish community in Iran finally achieved its release from traditional loyalties and viewed itself, first and foremost, as Iranian. This chapter explores the first manifestations of Jewish revolutionary discourse and actions and discusses postrevolutionary Iran and a new nation-building paradigm that Jews faced following the Islamic revolution. This chapter follows the Jewish response to the rapidly unfolding events: from the Shah’s overthrow through the redefinition of the Iranian national identity, from the Iran-Iraq War to the post-Khomeini period. In the post-Khomeini era, Iranian Jews had to navigate between their religious ancestral homeland (Israel) and their national and political homeland (Iran). They had to deftly maneuver between the misinterpretations and deceptions that characterized the harsh rhetoric between Israel and Iran.
Ehsani Kaveh
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195378481
- eISBN:
- 9780199852345
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195378481.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter sheds light on some of the developments that have affected provincial Iran since the 1979 revolution. Postrevolution Iran is socially and geographically a far more integrated society ...
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This chapter sheds light on some of the developments that have affected provincial Iran since the 1979 revolution. Postrevolution Iran is socially and geographically a far more integrated society than it was 30 years ago, a fact that has become increasingly evident since the contentious Iranian presidential elections of 1997, when a reformist government was elected with widespread participation by voters from the provinces. Subsequent elections and opinion surveys also indicate that political coalitions, collective identities, and public opinions are not shaped solely in Tehran and other large cities, but also in the smaller communities and provincial localities. The complexity of contemporary Iran can be understood only if the multilayered social transformation of the country's rural and provincial society is taken as an integral part of its postrevolution history. The goal of this chapter is to describe and analyze how national events and processes that transformed Iran after the revolution equally affected small towns and rural areas.Less
This chapter sheds light on some of the developments that have affected provincial Iran since the 1979 revolution. Postrevolution Iran is socially and geographically a far more integrated society than it was 30 years ago, a fact that has become increasingly evident since the contentious Iranian presidential elections of 1997, when a reformist government was elected with widespread participation by voters from the provinces. Subsequent elections and opinion surveys also indicate that political coalitions, collective identities, and public opinions are not shaped solely in Tehran and other large cities, but also in the smaller communities and provincial localities. The complexity of contemporary Iran can be understood only if the multilayered social transformation of the country's rural and provincial society is taken as an integral part of its postrevolution history. The goal of this chapter is to describe and analyze how national events and processes that transformed Iran after the revolution equally affected small towns and rural areas.
Robyn Creswell
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691182186
- eISBN:
- 9780691185149
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691182186.003.0008
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
This epilogue attempts to answer the following question: Was Adonis's journey from nationalism to Islamism, passing by way of Nasserism, socialism, and extreme leftism, a matter of organic and ...
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This epilogue attempts to answer the following question: Was Adonis's journey from nationalism to Islamism, passing by way of Nasserism, socialism, and extreme leftism, a matter of organic and systematic progress (which one might explicate) in his intellectual convictions, his political positions, and his ideological outlook? Or was it merely a matter of his adapting to historical occasions as they arose—a matter of conforming to the strongest cultural and political winds of the moment? It does so by presenting a short but detailed narrative about Adonis's writings on the Iranian and Syrian revolutions. The intent in relating this history is to bring the story of Arabic modernism as close as possible up to the present as well as to investigate its afterlives, its ability to adapt itself to new conjunctions.Less
This epilogue attempts to answer the following question: Was Adonis's journey from nationalism to Islamism, passing by way of Nasserism, socialism, and extreme leftism, a matter of organic and systematic progress (which one might explicate) in his intellectual convictions, his political positions, and his ideological outlook? Or was it merely a matter of his adapting to historical occasions as they arose—a matter of conforming to the strongest cultural and political winds of the moment? It does so by presenting a short but detailed narrative about Adonis's writings on the Iranian and Syrian revolutions. The intent in relating this history is to bring the story of Arabic modernism as close as possible up to the present as well as to investigate its afterlives, its ability to adapt itself to new conjunctions.
Mark Sedgwick
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195152975
- eISBN:
- 9780199835225
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195152972.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter is the first of two devoted to the later history of Schuon’s Sufi order, originally the Alawiyya. This was renamed the Maryamiyya as a consequence of a series of visions during the 1960s ...
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This chapter is the first of two devoted to the later history of Schuon’s Sufi order, originally the Alawiyya. This was renamed the Maryamiyya as a consequence of a series of visions during the 1960s in which, Schuon believed, the Virgin Mary appeared to him and gave him a universal mission. The chapter covers events from the split with Gu”non in 1950 until Schuon’s last known major vision in 1966, and considers the consequence of these visions for Schuon and for the Maryamiyya. It ends with a discussion of Schuon’s most important follower, Seyyed Hossein Nasr, and of Traditionalism in Iran up to the Islamic Revolution of 1979, especially the Imperial Iranian Academy of PhilosophyLess
This chapter is the first of two devoted to the later history of Schuon’s Sufi order, originally the Alawiyya. This was renamed the Maryamiyya as a consequence of a series of visions during the 1960s in which, Schuon believed, the Virgin Mary appeared to him and gave him a universal mission. The chapter covers events from the split with Gu”non in 1950 until Schuon’s last known major vision in 1966, and considers the consequence of these visions for Schuon and for the Maryamiyya. It ends with a discussion of Schuon’s most important follower, Seyyed Hossein Nasr, and of Traditionalism in Iran up to the Islamic Revolution of 1979, especially the Imperial Iranian Academy of Philosophy
Frederic M. Wehrey
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231165129
- eISBN:
- 9780231536103
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231165129.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter examines the seminal impact of the Iranian Revolution on Persian Gulf societies in general and on Shi'a–Sunni relations in particular in the post-2003 era. A seismic event in Gulf ...
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This chapter examines the seminal impact of the Iranian Revolution on Persian Gulf societies in general and on Shi'a–Sunni relations in particular in the post-2003 era. A seismic event in Gulf political life, the Iranian Revolution and its aftermath continue to weigh heavily on sectarianism, acting as a lens through which domestic actors view regional events such as the Iraq War, the 2006 Lebanon War, and, less explicitly, the Arab uprisings of 2011. Since 2003, Gulf regimes have deployed tactics that bear a striking resemblance to those pursued in the aftermath of the revolution: preemptive reforms to mitigate Shi'a discontent, “sectarian balancing” (co-opting Sunnis to balance the Shi'a), and tacitly encouraging vitriolic anti-Shi'a discourse by Sunni clerics, repression, and censorship. Most significant, however, the revolutionary decade highlighted the importance of domestic institutions as buffers against external ideological influences and as determinants of regime threat perception.Less
This chapter examines the seminal impact of the Iranian Revolution on Persian Gulf societies in general and on Shi'a–Sunni relations in particular in the post-2003 era. A seismic event in Gulf political life, the Iranian Revolution and its aftermath continue to weigh heavily on sectarianism, acting as a lens through which domestic actors view regional events such as the Iraq War, the 2006 Lebanon War, and, less explicitly, the Arab uprisings of 2011. Since 2003, Gulf regimes have deployed tactics that bear a striking resemblance to those pursued in the aftermath of the revolution: preemptive reforms to mitigate Shi'a discontent, “sectarian balancing” (co-opting Sunnis to balance the Shi'a), and tacitly encouraging vitriolic anti-Shi'a discourse by Sunni clerics, repression, and censorship. Most significant, however, the revolutionary decade highlighted the importance of domestic institutions as buffers against external ideological influences and as determinants of regime threat perception.
Matthew K. Shannon
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501713132
- eISBN:
- 9781501709708
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501713132.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The conclusion studies the groups of U.S.-trained revolutionaries that returned to Iran to contribute to the overthrow of the shah and the establishment of the Islamic Republic.
The conclusion studies the groups of U.S.-trained revolutionaries that returned to Iran to contribute to the overthrow of the shah and the establishment of the Islamic Republic.
Lawrence Rubin
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780804790796
- eISBN:
- 9780804792103
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804790796.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines Egyptian and Saudi relations with Iran before and after Islamists came to power in the Iranian revolution. It argues that Egypt and Saudi Arabia perceived Iran's ideational ...
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This chapter examines Egyptian and Saudi relations with Iran before and after Islamists came to power in the Iranian revolution. It argues that Egypt and Saudi Arabia perceived Iran's ideational power projection as a national security threat. The ideational security dilemma between Iran and its former allies, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, destabilized relations. In response to this situation, Egypt and Saudi Arabia pursued ideational balancing strategies. The first part of the chapter highlights the theme that, particularly in the 1970s, Egyptian and Saudi relations with Iran improved despite the fact that Iran's power projection capabilities increased. The second part will examine how Iran and Saudi Arabia perceived the Iranian ideational threat and what their formers’ response, ideational balancing, can tell us about the ideational threat they faced. The concluding section will briefly mention how Syria, which we might have expected to fear Iran, did not.Less
This chapter examines Egyptian and Saudi relations with Iran before and after Islamists came to power in the Iranian revolution. It argues that Egypt and Saudi Arabia perceived Iran's ideational power projection as a national security threat. The ideational security dilemma between Iran and its former allies, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, destabilized relations. In response to this situation, Egypt and Saudi Arabia pursued ideational balancing strategies. The first part of the chapter highlights the theme that, particularly in the 1970s, Egyptian and Saudi relations with Iran improved despite the fact that Iran's power projection capabilities increased. The second part will examine how Iran and Saudi Arabia perceived the Iranian ideational threat and what their formers’ response, ideational balancing, can tell us about the ideational threat they faced. The concluding section will briefly mention how Syria, which we might have expected to fear Iran, did not.
Milo Jones and Philippe Silberzahn
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780804785808
- eISBN:
- 9780804787154
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804785808.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
The CIA was created in 1947 in large part to prevent another Pearl Harbor. On at least four dramatic occasions, the Agency failed at this task: prior to in the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, the ...
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The CIA was created in 1947 in large part to prevent another Pearl Harbor. On at least four dramatic occasions, the Agency failed at this task: prior to in the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, the Iranian revolution of 1978, the collapse of the USSR in 1991, and the 9/11 terrorist attacks. There has been no shortage of studies to understand how such failures happened. Until now, however, none of the explanations proffered has been fully satisfying, and sometimes competing explanations have been mutually incompatible. In contrast, this book proposes a unified, coherent and rigorous theory of intelligence failure built on culture and identity. Crucially, the book takes a systematic look at Cassandras - people who offered strategic warning, but were ignored, to show that surprises could be anticipated. As the first post-positivist study of intelligence failure, the book views intelligence analysis as permeated by social facts, and thus firmly in the grip of the identity and culture of the intelligence producer, the CIA. As a consequence, it can present novel model of surprise that focuses on the internal make-up the CIA, including the identities of analysts, the corporate identity of Langley as a whole, and the Agency's organizational culture. It suggests that by examining the key features of the Agency's identity and culture, we can arrive at a holistic, unified understanding of the intelligence failures that resulted in dramatic strategic surprises.Less
The CIA was created in 1947 in large part to prevent another Pearl Harbor. On at least four dramatic occasions, the Agency failed at this task: prior to in the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, the Iranian revolution of 1978, the collapse of the USSR in 1991, and the 9/11 terrorist attacks. There has been no shortage of studies to understand how such failures happened. Until now, however, none of the explanations proffered has been fully satisfying, and sometimes competing explanations have been mutually incompatible. In contrast, this book proposes a unified, coherent and rigorous theory of intelligence failure built on culture and identity. Crucially, the book takes a systematic look at Cassandras - people who offered strategic warning, but were ignored, to show that surprises could be anticipated. As the first post-positivist study of intelligence failure, the book views intelligence analysis as permeated by social facts, and thus firmly in the grip of the identity and culture of the intelligence producer, the CIA. As a consequence, it can present novel model of surprise that focuses on the internal make-up the CIA, including the identities of analysts, the corporate identity of Langley as a whole, and the Agency's organizational culture. It suggests that by examining the key features of the Agency's identity and culture, we can arrive at a holistic, unified understanding of the intelligence failures that resulted in dramatic strategic surprises.
Nima Naghibi
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780816683826
- eISBN:
- 9781452954400
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816683826.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, Women's Literature
The chapter discusses the prominent place of the 1979 revolution in these narratives, and argues that the experience of the revolution was both formative and destructive: formative because it ...
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The chapter discusses the prominent place of the 1979 revolution in these narratives, and argues that the experience of the revolution was both formative and destructive: formative because it occurred in their childhood or early adolescence, and destructive because it destroyed their known worlds. These narratives convey a nostalgia for an idealized time: pre-revolutionary Iran, and an idealized period in the authors’ lives: childhood. The second half of this chapter examines mediated nostalgia and memory for pre-revolutionary Iran.Less
The chapter discusses the prominent place of the 1979 revolution in these narratives, and argues that the experience of the revolution was both formative and destructive: formative because it occurred in their childhood or early adolescence, and destructive because it destroyed their known worlds. These narratives convey a nostalgia for an idealized time: pre-revolutionary Iran, and an idealized period in the authors’ lives: childhood. The second half of this chapter examines mediated nostalgia and memory for pre-revolutionary Iran.
Blake Atwood
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780231178174
- eISBN:
- 9780231543149
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231178174.003.0001
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
Establishes reform as a cinematic category, the inheritor of revolutionary cinema in certain state-controlled cinemas. It surveys the contentious position of film in revolutionary discourse in Iran ...
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Establishes reform as a cinematic category, the inheritor of revolutionary cinema in certain state-controlled cinemas. It surveys the contentious position of film in revolutionary discourse in Iran and connects "reform cinema" to the scholarship on Third Cinema and Post-Third Cinema aesthetics. This chapter also establishes Mohammad Khatami's professional career as an organizing scheme for the book and discusses the tenets most important to his political platform.Less
Establishes reform as a cinematic category, the inheritor of revolutionary cinema in certain state-controlled cinemas. It surveys the contentious position of film in revolutionary discourse in Iran and connects "reform cinema" to the scholarship on Third Cinema and Post-Third Cinema aesthetics. This chapter also establishes Mohammad Khatami's professional career as an organizing scheme for the book and discusses the tenets most important to his political platform.
Jamal J. Elias
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780520290075
- eISBN:
- 9780520964402
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520290075.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter follows the pattern of the previous two: it begins with a brief history of education and religion in modern Iran in order to situate the discussion of representations of childhood in the ...
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This chapter follows the pattern of the previous two: it begins with a brief history of education and religion in modern Iran in order to situate the discussion of representations of childhood in the society. It brings together poster arts and children’s books that are each the focus of the two previous chapters, and adds other visual materials, especially postage stamps. In the case of Iran, the focus is on materials produced by official and parastatal entities as part of a conscious policy of opinion molding and propaganda. Visual materials commemorating the Iranian Revolution, the Iran-Iraq War, and the Basij volunteer soldiers serve as subjects to advanced theories presented in the previous chapters. In particular, this chapter moves forward the discussion of gender and sacrifice, demonstrating how male and female opportunities for offering the gift of sacrifice occur in different forms and at different ages.Less
This chapter follows the pattern of the previous two: it begins with a brief history of education and religion in modern Iran in order to situate the discussion of representations of childhood in the society. It brings together poster arts and children’s books that are each the focus of the two previous chapters, and adds other visual materials, especially postage stamps. In the case of Iran, the focus is on materials produced by official and parastatal entities as part of a conscious policy of opinion molding and propaganda. Visual materials commemorating the Iranian Revolution, the Iran-Iraq War, and the Basij volunteer soldiers serve as subjects to advanced theories presented in the previous chapters. In particular, this chapter moves forward the discussion of gender and sacrifice, demonstrating how male and female opportunities for offering the gift of sacrifice occur in different forms and at different ages.
Melinda Cooper
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780823255962
- eISBN:
- 9780823261284
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823255962.003.0003
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
The chapter by Cooper argues that Foucault’s engagement with the early phases of the Iranian Revolution sheds a great deal of light on his understanding of neoliberalism as a new normative order of ...
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The chapter by Cooper argues that Foucault’s engagement with the early phases of the Iranian Revolution sheds a great deal of light on his understanding of neoliberalism as a new normative order of the household (oiko-nomia). On Cooper’s reading, Foucault’s fascination with the ideology of the Iranian Revolution betrays his intention to recover the “ancient” understanding of the nomos of the household in order to offset Becker’s neoliberal “new household economics” that threatens to destroy all sexual discipline, all substantive sexual normative order, by turning every individual into the entrepreneur of his or her own body and sexuality.Less
The chapter by Cooper argues that Foucault’s engagement with the early phases of the Iranian Revolution sheds a great deal of light on his understanding of neoliberalism as a new normative order of the household (oiko-nomia). On Cooper’s reading, Foucault’s fascination with the ideology of the Iranian Revolution betrays his intention to recover the “ancient” understanding of the nomos of the household in order to offset Becker’s neoliberal “new household economics” that threatens to destroy all sexual discipline, all substantive sexual normative order, by turning every individual into the entrepreneur of his or her own body and sexuality.
Katarzyna Korycki and Abouzar Nasirzadeh
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252037726
- eISBN:
- 9780252095009
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252037726.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter demonstrates how the Iranian state, far from being the pawn of Western machinations, has varied its stance toward homosexuality in pursuit of its objectives—namely modernization, ...
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This chapter demonstrates how the Iranian state, far from being the pawn of Western machinations, has varied its stance toward homosexuality in pursuit of its objectives—namely modernization, consolidation, and most recently, deliberalization. In doing so, it has refashioned family and gender relations, positioned itself concerning the imperial appetites of the West, and centralized and expanded its power. To trace how this happened, the chapter anchors the story around three moments in which anti-homosexual rhetoric and practice have been deployed. First is the modernization moment lasting from the early nineteenth century to the onset of the Iranian Revolution in 1979. Second is the Islamic nation-state consolidation moment following the revolution. Third is the conservative backlash following the attempted liberalization of 1997 and persisting until today.Less
This chapter demonstrates how the Iranian state, far from being the pawn of Western machinations, has varied its stance toward homosexuality in pursuit of its objectives—namely modernization, consolidation, and most recently, deliberalization. In doing so, it has refashioned family and gender relations, positioned itself concerning the imperial appetites of the West, and centralized and expanded its power. To trace how this happened, the chapter anchors the story around three moments in which anti-homosexual rhetoric and practice have been deployed. First is the modernization moment lasting from the early nineteenth century to the onset of the Iranian Revolution in 1979. Second is the Islamic nation-state consolidation moment following the revolution. Third is the conservative backlash following the attempted liberalization of 1997 and persisting until today.
Behrooz Ghamari-Tabrizi
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780816699483
- eISBN:
- 9781452955254
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816699483.003.0002
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
The chapter draws a detailed picture of how the revolutionary movements in Iran began and the contingencies within which it unfolded. It highlights its religious character and shows how that ...
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The chapter draws a detailed picture of how the revolutionary movements in Iran began and the contingencies within which it unfolded. It highlights its religious character and shows how that characteristic manifested itself in the revolution’s symbolic expressions and rhythm.Less
The chapter draws a detailed picture of how the revolutionary movements in Iran began and the contingencies within which it unfolded. It highlights its religious character and shows how that characteristic manifested itself in the revolution’s symbolic expressions and rhythm.
Hazem Kandil
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- December 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190239206
- eISBN:
- 9780190239237
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190239206.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change, Comparative and Historical Sociology
This chapter examines the 1979 Iranian revolution that overthrew the Pahlavi monarchy and Muhammad Reza and enabled Ayatollah Khomeini to assume power. It is widely believed that the Iranian ...
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This chapter examines the 1979 Iranian revolution that overthrew the Pahlavi monarchy and Muhammad Reza and enabled Ayatollah Khomeini to assume power. It is widely believed that the Iranian revolution was sparked by an exceptionally motivated population that successfully challenged the Shah's repressive regime and his U.S. ally. In reality, the Imperial Armed Forces was only impressive on paper; the security apparatus was in shambles; and Washington had doubts about the Shah's reliability. The chapter first recounts the events constituting the Iranian revolution before explaining the reasons for Muhammad Reza's downfall and Khomeini's ascension, noting in particular the role played by Shi'ism in the revolution. It then discusses the limitations of the military and security under the Shah, arguing that the armed forces never crystalized into a coherent institution with well-defined corporate interests. It also considers how the Pahlavi regime and America responded to the popular demonstrations that culminated in the revolution and concludes with an assessment of the impact of the revolution on geopolitics, with particular emphasis on Iranian-American relations.Less
This chapter examines the 1979 Iranian revolution that overthrew the Pahlavi monarchy and Muhammad Reza and enabled Ayatollah Khomeini to assume power. It is widely believed that the Iranian revolution was sparked by an exceptionally motivated population that successfully challenged the Shah's repressive regime and his U.S. ally. In reality, the Imperial Armed Forces was only impressive on paper; the security apparatus was in shambles; and Washington had doubts about the Shah's reliability. The chapter first recounts the events constituting the Iranian revolution before explaining the reasons for Muhammad Reza's downfall and Khomeini's ascension, noting in particular the role played by Shi'ism in the revolution. It then discusses the limitations of the military and security under the Shah, arguing that the armed forces never crystalized into a coherent institution with well-defined corporate interests. It also considers how the Pahlavi regime and America responded to the popular demonstrations that culminated in the revolution and concludes with an assessment of the impact of the revolution on geopolitics, with particular emphasis on Iranian-American relations.
Ali-Akbar Dehkhodā
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300197990
- eISBN:
- 9780300220667
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300197990.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Russian and Former Soviet Union History
This chapter provides an introduction to Charand-o Parand. In the early years of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution (1906–11), Ali-Akbar Dehkhodā (1879–1956) published a series of satirical ...
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This chapter provides an introduction to Charand-o Parand. In the early years of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution (1906–11), Ali-Akbar Dehkhodā (1879–1956) published a series of satirical columns under the title Charand-o Parand for the social democratic newspaper Sur-e Esrāfil (SE). Sur-e Esrāfil, which began publication on May 30, 1907, adopted an uncompromising anticolonialist position and routinely exposed the machinations of Western diplomats in Iran, specifically those of Russia and Great Britain. But it reserved its harshest criticisms for the clerical establishment, both the lowest-ranking members of the caste of mullas, who were blamed for propagating ignorance and superstition, and those belonging to the highest echelons who had openly sided with the anticonstitutionalist faction. The popularity of the Charand-o Parand columns made SE one of the best-known publications of the Constitutional Revolution and a harbinger of modern journalism in Iran. The remainder of the chapter briefly assesses the historical period in which SE appeared, the life and career of Dehkhod rā, and the groundbreaking contributions of the Charand-o Parand essays.Less
This chapter provides an introduction to Charand-o Parand. In the early years of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution (1906–11), Ali-Akbar Dehkhodā (1879–1956) published a series of satirical columns under the title Charand-o Parand for the social democratic newspaper Sur-e Esrāfil (SE). Sur-e Esrāfil, which began publication on May 30, 1907, adopted an uncompromising anticolonialist position and routinely exposed the machinations of Western diplomats in Iran, specifically those of Russia and Great Britain. But it reserved its harshest criticisms for the clerical establishment, both the lowest-ranking members of the caste of mullas, who were blamed for propagating ignorance and superstition, and those belonging to the highest echelons who had openly sided with the anticonstitutionalist faction. The popularity of the Charand-o Parand columns made SE one of the best-known publications of the Constitutional Revolution and a harbinger of modern journalism in Iran. The remainder of the chapter briefly assesses the historical period in which SE appeared, the life and career of Dehkhod rā, and the groundbreaking contributions of the Charand-o Parand essays.
Hazem Kandil
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- December 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190239206
- eISBN:
- 9780190239237
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190239206.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change, Comparative and Historical Sociology
This chapter examines the ruling complex that emerged from the Iranian revolution since February 1979, arguing that Ayatollah Khomeini and the Islamists were able to establish a remarkably stable ...
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This chapter examines the ruling complex that emerged from the Iranian revolution since February 1979, arguing that Ayatollah Khomeini and the Islamists were able to establish a remarkably stable regime mainly by applying one of democracy's central tenets: checks and balances—not through a formal separation of powers, but by allowing influential groups comparable leverage. It shows how Khomeini institutionalized his regime in a way that absorbed competing factions, rather than letting any of them to dominate. Indeed, “factional balancing was the hallmark” of the new regime, based essentially on “a balance of power among contending...forces.” The chapter analyzes how Khomeini stabilized his regime by employing the checks and balances approach in the political, military, and security fields, focusing on the role of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and how the revolution has placed Iran in a unique situation in terms of geopolitics and especially with respect to Iranian-American relations.Less
This chapter examines the ruling complex that emerged from the Iranian revolution since February 1979, arguing that Ayatollah Khomeini and the Islamists were able to establish a remarkably stable regime mainly by applying one of democracy's central tenets: checks and balances—not through a formal separation of powers, but by allowing influential groups comparable leverage. It shows how Khomeini institutionalized his regime in a way that absorbed competing factions, rather than letting any of them to dominate. Indeed, “factional balancing was the hallmark” of the new regime, based essentially on “a balance of power among contending...forces.” The chapter analyzes how Khomeini stabilized his regime by employing the checks and balances approach in the political, military, and security fields, focusing on the role of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and how the revolution has placed Iran in a unique situation in terms of geopolitics and especially with respect to Iranian-American relations.
Behrooz Ghamari-Tabrizi
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780816699483
- eISBN:
- 9781452955254
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816699483.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
The book advances a novel reading of Foucault’s writings on the Iranian revolution and further shows how his encounter with the revolution informs his later lectures on ethics, spirituality, and ...
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The book advances a novel reading of Foucault’s writings on the Iranian revolution and further shows how his encounter with the revolution informs his later lectures on ethics, spirituality, and enlightenment. Foucault saw in the revolution, particularly in its religious expression, an instance of his anti-teleological philosophy, a revolution that did not simply fit into the normative progressive discourses of history. What attracted him to the Iranian revolution was its ambiguity, precisely the same feature for which his critics ridiculed him. Rather than his fascination with death or his absorption in the aesthetics of violence, as his critics assert, it was the inexplicability of “the man in revolt” that motivated much of his writing on the Iranian revolution. He defined the indeterminacy of the revolutionary movement together with the inexplicability of the revolutionary subject as an expression of political spirituality. This concept led many of his detractors to accuse the anti-humanist philosopher of defending theocracy in order to advance his critique of modern governmentality and its disciplinary technologies.Less
The book advances a novel reading of Foucault’s writings on the Iranian revolution and further shows how his encounter with the revolution informs his later lectures on ethics, spirituality, and enlightenment. Foucault saw in the revolution, particularly in its religious expression, an instance of his anti-teleological philosophy, a revolution that did not simply fit into the normative progressive discourses of history. What attracted him to the Iranian revolution was its ambiguity, precisely the same feature for which his critics ridiculed him. Rather than his fascination with death or his absorption in the aesthetics of violence, as his critics assert, it was the inexplicability of “the man in revolt” that motivated much of his writing on the Iranian revolution. He defined the indeterminacy of the revolutionary movement together with the inexplicability of the revolutionary subject as an expression of political spirituality. This concept led many of his detractors to accuse the anti-humanist philosopher of defending theocracy in order to advance his critique of modern governmentality and its disciplinary technologies.
GEORGE H. ALDRICH
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198258056
- eISBN:
- 9780191681776
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198258056.003.0013
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Philosophy of Law
This chapter reviews the Decisions by the Iran–United States Claims Tribunal on certain issues. One result of the Iranian Revolution was the abrupt and massive departure from Iran of foreign ...
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This chapter reviews the Decisions by the Iran–United States Claims Tribunal on certain issues. One result of the Iranian Revolution was the abrupt and massive departure from Iran of foreign nationals, including Americans. The concept of liability for wrongful expulsion was first referred to in dicta in International Technical Products Corp., et al. v. The Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran, et al. The Tribunal noted that the claimants conceded that they had decided to leave Iran in December 1978 because of the conditions then prevailing, and the Tribunal concluded that it could decide the claims and counterclaims without deciding whether they were expelled from Iran. The first expulsion Award by the Tribunal was Alfred L. W. Short v. The Islamic Republic of Iran, and it held that the claimant had failed to prove that his departure was attributable to wrongful conduct by Iran.Less
This chapter reviews the Decisions by the Iran–United States Claims Tribunal on certain issues. One result of the Iranian Revolution was the abrupt and massive departure from Iran of foreign nationals, including Americans. The concept of liability for wrongful expulsion was first referred to in dicta in International Technical Products Corp., et al. v. The Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran, et al. The Tribunal noted that the claimants conceded that they had decided to leave Iran in December 1978 because of the conditions then prevailing, and the Tribunal concluded that it could decide the claims and counterclaims without deciding whether they were expelled from Iran. The first expulsion Award by the Tribunal was Alfred L. W. Short v. The Islamic Republic of Iran, and it held that the claimant had failed to prove that his departure was attributable to wrongful conduct by Iran.
Behrooz Ghamari-Tabrizi
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780816699483
- eISBN:
- 9781452955254
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816699483.003.0007
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter raises the question of how one can write history of the present without preconceived commitments to a universal History. It proposes that thinking about history is only meaningful if ...
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This chapter raises the question of how one can write history of the present without preconceived commitments to a universal History. It proposes that thinking about history is only meaningful if historical agents promote novel possibilities and act toward them.Less
This chapter raises the question of how one can write history of the present without preconceived commitments to a universal History. It proposes that thinking about history is only meaningful if historical agents promote novel possibilities and act toward them.
