Shannon Winnubst
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231172950
- eISBN:
- 9780231539883
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231172950.003.0002
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
Through a close reading of Foucault's 1979 lectures on neoliberalism, The Birth of Biopolitics, I explore the implications of a non-ideological approach to neoliberalism. More specifically, I ...
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Through a close reading of Foucault's 1979 lectures on neoliberalism, The Birth of Biopolitics, I explore the implications of a non-ideological approach to neoliberalism. More specifically, I excavate the central categorical and epistemological transformations that Foucault argues occur in the shifts from classical liberalism to neoliberalism: the sites and mechanisms of truth (from the contract to the market; from the protection of ownership to the expansion of maximizing interests); dominant social values (from utility to human capital); concepts of freedom (from Rights of Man to subjects of interests); concepts of subjectivity (from “citizen” to “entrepreneur”); and modes of rationality (from juridical to calculative).Less
Through a close reading of Foucault's 1979 lectures on neoliberalism, The Birth of Biopolitics, I explore the implications of a non-ideological approach to neoliberalism. More specifically, I excavate the central categorical and epistemological transformations that Foucault argues occur in the shifts from classical liberalism to neoliberalism: the sites and mechanisms of truth (from the contract to the market; from the protection of ownership to the expansion of maximizing interests); dominant social values (from utility to human capital); concepts of freedom (from Rights of Man to subjects of interests); concepts of subjectivity (from “citizen” to “entrepreneur”); and modes of rationality (from juridical to calculative).
Roland Vogt (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789888083879
- eISBN:
- 9789882209077
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888083879.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
EU-China ties have evolved from the early tentative contacts in the late 1970s to a full-blown 'strategic partnership.' But doubt needs to be cast on the foundations of this relationship: what are ...
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EU-China ties have evolved from the early tentative contacts in the late 1970s to a full-blown 'strategic partnership.' But doubt needs to be cast on the foundations of this relationship: what are the mutual interests and how strategic are they? In fact, EU-China ties are in a transitional period. Gone is the early ignorance and exuberance and now a more pragmatic tone has set in. Europe and China have struggled to define their growing global roles and their positions vis-�is each other. The outcome has been that China has tended to overestimate the EU and what it can deliver for a future multipolar order.Less
EU-China ties have evolved from the early tentative contacts in the late 1970s to a full-blown 'strategic partnership.' But doubt needs to be cast on the foundations of this relationship: what are the mutual interests and how strategic are they? In fact, EU-China ties are in a transitional period. Gone is the early ignorance and exuberance and now a more pragmatic tone has set in. Europe and China have struggled to define their growing global roles and their positions vis-�is each other. The outcome has been that China has tended to overestimate the EU and what it can deliver for a future multipolar order.
Beatrix Futák-Campbell
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780719095894
- eISBN:
- 9781526132369
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719095894.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This book is a novel contribution to practice theory in International Relations, focusing on how EU practitioners approach the Union’s foreign policy to its eastern neighbourhood, including Russia, ...
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This book is a novel contribution to practice theory in International Relations, focusing on how EU practitioners approach the Union’s foreign policy to its eastern neighbourhood, including Russia, from a poststructuralist perspective. It offers a new methodology to capture practices through the analytical approach of Discursive International Relations and the Discursive Practice Model (DPM). DPM focuses on the micro-interactional features of practitioners’ social actions, agency and rhetorical devices, exploring what practitioners accomplish with them and how they relate this back to foreign policy practices.
Drawing from data gathered at the European Council, the European Commission and the European Parliament’s AFET committee members, the study concludes that practitioners are concerned with the collective EU identity and how Russia and the eastern neighbours fit within this ‘Europeaness’. But they are equally concerned with normative and moral duties and collective security interests. This suggest that practitioners are a lot more pragmatic when it comes to this policy area then previously assumed by the vast literature on normative power in Europe. This pragmatism does not mean that identity, normative and moral concerns do not matter, but rather that they all interplay when practitioner consider this policy area. Moreover, practitioners ought to be cautious of using moral concerns when considering the eastern neighbours as they jeopardise being seen as a moralising power, rather than a moral authority in the region. The current Ukrainian crises are testament to that.Less
This book is a novel contribution to practice theory in International Relations, focusing on how EU practitioners approach the Union’s foreign policy to its eastern neighbourhood, including Russia, from a poststructuralist perspective. It offers a new methodology to capture practices through the analytical approach of Discursive International Relations and the Discursive Practice Model (DPM). DPM focuses on the micro-interactional features of practitioners’ social actions, agency and rhetorical devices, exploring what practitioners accomplish with them and how they relate this back to foreign policy practices.
Drawing from data gathered at the European Council, the European Commission and the European Parliament’s AFET committee members, the study concludes that practitioners are concerned with the collective EU identity and how Russia and the eastern neighbours fit within this ‘Europeaness’. But they are equally concerned with normative and moral duties and collective security interests. This suggest that practitioners are a lot more pragmatic when it comes to this policy area then previously assumed by the vast literature on normative power in Europe. This pragmatism does not mean that identity, normative and moral concerns do not matter, but rather that they all interplay when practitioner consider this policy area. Moreover, practitioners ought to be cautious of using moral concerns when considering the eastern neighbours as they jeopardise being seen as a moralising power, rather than a moral authority in the region. The current Ukrainian crises are testament to that.
Laura Southgate
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781529202205
- eISBN:
- 9781529202243
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529202205.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
This book investigates the history of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ (ASEAN) stance on external intervention in regional affairs. It asks when has ASEAN state resistance to sovereignty ...
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This book investigates the history of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ (ASEAN) stance on external intervention in regional affairs. It asks when has ASEAN state resistance to sovereignty challenges succeeded, and when have they failed? ASEAN’s history of (non)resistance is understood in terms of a realist theoretical logic, focusing on the relationship between an ASEAN ‘vanguard state’ and selected external powers. A ‘vanguard state’ is defined as an ASEAN state that comes to the fore of the Association when it has vital interests at stake that it wishes to pursue. Whilst a state’s interests may vary, vital interests relate to state survival and the preservation of state sovereignty. Once a vanguard state has come to prominence, it will perform two major functions, which reflect an external balancing logic. The vanguard state will actively seek out an external power whose interests align with its own, and will seek to portray a united ASEAN front in support of its interests. Using case study analysis and drawing on a large amount of previously unanalysed material, this book contends that when an ASEAN vanguard state has interests that converge with those of an external power, it has an active and substantial role in resisting sovereignty violation.Less
This book investigates the history of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ (ASEAN) stance on external intervention in regional affairs. It asks when has ASEAN state resistance to sovereignty challenges succeeded, and when have they failed? ASEAN’s history of (non)resistance is understood in terms of a realist theoretical logic, focusing on the relationship between an ASEAN ‘vanguard state’ and selected external powers. A ‘vanguard state’ is defined as an ASEAN state that comes to the fore of the Association when it has vital interests at stake that it wishes to pursue. Whilst a state’s interests may vary, vital interests relate to state survival and the preservation of state sovereignty. Once a vanguard state has come to prominence, it will perform two major functions, which reflect an external balancing logic. The vanguard state will actively seek out an external power whose interests align with its own, and will seek to portray a united ASEAN front in support of its interests. Using case study analysis and drawing on a large amount of previously unanalysed material, this book contends that when an ASEAN vanguard state has interests that converge with those of an external power, it has an active and substantial role in resisting sovereignty violation.
Tracy B. Strong
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780226623191
- eISBN:
- 9780226623368
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226623368.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The various movements that resisted the economics and the politics of the “Gilded Age” consolidate themselves first into the Populist movement. Had the Peoples Party merged with the Republican Party ...
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The various movements that resisted the economics and the politics of the “Gilded Age” consolidate themselves first into the Populist movement. Had the Peoples Party merged with the Republican Party in the 1892 election they might well have defeated Cleveland. In 1896 William Jennings Bryan, running for President on the Democratic and Populist tickets has the most successful showing of a Third Party in US history. Bryan’s central focus on the silver issue cuts into his appeal, especially in the working-class Northwest. Race relations, however, remain an unresolved matter with the Populists and with the newly dominant Southern Democrats. Bryan remains the most progressive White politician until the rise of Debs. Debs responds to the increasing control of local industry by moving to a conception of a unified Party, one he comes to call ‘socialist’. He gets 6% of the national vote in 1912, though the Party has a much more considerable success on the state and local levels. Debs resists World War I and is sentenced to jail (still runs for President from jail).Less
The various movements that resisted the economics and the politics of the “Gilded Age” consolidate themselves first into the Populist movement. Had the Peoples Party merged with the Republican Party in the 1892 election they might well have defeated Cleveland. In 1896 William Jennings Bryan, running for President on the Democratic and Populist tickets has the most successful showing of a Third Party in US history. Bryan’s central focus on the silver issue cuts into his appeal, especially in the working-class Northwest. Race relations, however, remain an unresolved matter with the Populists and with the newly dominant Southern Democrats. Bryan remains the most progressive White politician until the rise of Debs. Debs responds to the increasing control of local industry by moving to a conception of a unified Party, one he comes to call ‘socialist’. He gets 6% of the national vote in 1912, though the Party has a much more considerable success on the state and local levels. Debs resists World War I and is sentenced to jail (still runs for President from jail).
William J. Rust
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813135786
- eISBN:
- 9780813136844
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813135786.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Divisions among the non-communist Lao politicians, a disciplined slate of Pathet Lao and leftist candidates, and the failure of Booster Shot to achieve its objectives lead to a May 1958 election ...
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Divisions among the non-communist Lao politicians, a disciplined slate of Pathet Lao and leftist candidates, and the failure of Booster Shot to achieve its objectives lead to a May 1958 election debacle for conservatives in the kingdom. Eisenhower administration officials, convinced of the need for a new generation of anti-communist leaders in the RLG, provided covert support for the Committtee for the Defense of National Interests (CDNI). Comprising younger, better-educated civilian elites and backed by elements of the Lao army, the CDNI became a powerful political force that helped depose Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma and his successor, Phoui Sananikone. The leading CDNI figure is Phoumi Nosavan, a CIA protégé and ardent anti-communist. This chapter includes biographic sketches of American Ambassador Horace Smith and Henry Hecksher, the CIA chief of station in Vientiane.Less
Divisions among the non-communist Lao politicians, a disciplined slate of Pathet Lao and leftist candidates, and the failure of Booster Shot to achieve its objectives lead to a May 1958 election debacle for conservatives in the kingdom. Eisenhower administration officials, convinced of the need for a new generation of anti-communist leaders in the RLG, provided covert support for the Committtee for the Defense of National Interests (CDNI). Comprising younger, better-educated civilian elites and backed by elements of the Lao army, the CDNI became a powerful political force that helped depose Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma and his successor, Phoui Sananikone. The leading CDNI figure is Phoumi Nosavan, a CIA protégé and ardent anti-communist. This chapter includes biographic sketches of American Ambassador Horace Smith and Henry Hecksher, the CIA chief of station in Vientiane.
Ian Shaw
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780231166409
- eISBN:
- 9780231541602
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231166409.003.0005
- Subject:
- Social Work, Research and Evaluation
I have bracketed a major question that can no longer be ignored. In what sense is social work a community in relation to its science work? How is social work science socially organized? Does it make ...
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I have bracketed a major question that can no longer be ignored. In what sense is social work a community in relation to its science work? How is social work science socially organized? Does it make sense to see social work nationally or even internationally as, in this regard, a shared collective enterprise? In the first part of the chapter I explore how far it makes good sense to see social work as engaged in science work collaboration. In addition, how far can we detect networks or perhaps schools? At the instrumental level, what mechanisms seem to exist for ordering the community? Having explored this territory, the question arises whether this places undue weight on the collective rather than the individual within social work science. I will look at the idea of “inventions” in this connection, taking taskcentered practice as my main example. Despite the implicit diversity in such arguments, it may seem that it is all rather too consensual. To get inside this question we will consider two related questions. First, how far does it make sense to see social work as fissured by interests? Second, is social work and its science activity marked by controversies? The key words interest and controversy are given strong meanings in this discussion. Finally, accepting that at some level there are differences and disagreements in social work on science issues, are there beneficial ways in which disagreements reciprocally should be explored and perhaps resolved or at least taken forward?Less
I have bracketed a major question that can no longer be ignored. In what sense is social work a community in relation to its science work? How is social work science socially organized? Does it make sense to see social work nationally or even internationally as, in this regard, a shared collective enterprise? In the first part of the chapter I explore how far it makes good sense to see social work as engaged in science work collaboration. In addition, how far can we detect networks or perhaps schools? At the instrumental level, what mechanisms seem to exist for ordering the community? Having explored this territory, the question arises whether this places undue weight on the collective rather than the individual within social work science. I will look at the idea of “inventions” in this connection, taking taskcentered practice as my main example. Despite the implicit diversity in such arguments, it may seem that it is all rather too consensual. To get inside this question we will consider two related questions. First, how far does it make sense to see social work as fissured by interests? Second, is social work and its science activity marked by controversies? The key words interest and controversy are given strong meanings in this discussion. Finally, accepting that at some level there are differences and disagreements in social work on science issues, are there beneficial ways in which disagreements reciprocally should be explored and perhaps resolved or at least taken forward?
Marilyn Strathern
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780262027168
- eISBN:
- 9780262322492
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262027168.003.0011
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Information Technology
This chapter begins by raising the question of what is compelling about the repurposing or reuse of technologies. The unique way in which specific interests are aligned in these innovations, exposing ...
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This chapter begins by raising the question of what is compelling about the repurposing or reuse of technologies. The unique way in which specific interests are aligned in these innovations, exposing assumptions and contesting domination, offers an insight about the social capacity for engagement in general. People are engaged because they see that they themselves, and others, have an interest in collaboration or exchange, or whatever. What might be useful to consider then is how relations themselves can be kept open enough for the potential of engaging interests that cannot be specified in advance. Turning first to exogamy in Highlands Papua New Guinean marriage organisation, we find a set of protocols that have as their purpose the engagement of people's interests while maintaining those interests as both different and yet conjoined. These protocols, put to new work in contemporary marriage, are remarkably able to accommodate innovation. Taking a lesson from this material in a turn to technologies, we might suggest that as technique and sociality enfolded inseparably together, technical objects have relations at once interior and exterior within them. Their reuse or reappearance in new contexts demonstrates a renewal of energy, a capacity to work in new ways based on that engagement of interest. ‘Interest’ might usefully be seen as a social counterpart to ‘technology’.Less
This chapter begins by raising the question of what is compelling about the repurposing or reuse of technologies. The unique way in which specific interests are aligned in these innovations, exposing assumptions and contesting domination, offers an insight about the social capacity for engagement in general. People are engaged because they see that they themselves, and others, have an interest in collaboration or exchange, or whatever. What might be useful to consider then is how relations themselves can be kept open enough for the potential of engaging interests that cannot be specified in advance. Turning first to exogamy in Highlands Papua New Guinean marriage organisation, we find a set of protocols that have as their purpose the engagement of people's interests while maintaining those interests as both different and yet conjoined. These protocols, put to new work in contemporary marriage, are remarkably able to accommodate innovation. Taking a lesson from this material in a turn to technologies, we might suggest that as technique and sociality enfolded inseparably together, technical objects have relations at once interior and exterior within them. Their reuse or reappearance in new contexts demonstrates a renewal of energy, a capacity to work in new ways based on that engagement of interest. ‘Interest’ might usefully be seen as a social counterpart to ‘technology’.
James A. Gross
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501714252
- eISBN:
- 9781501714276
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501714252.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Occupations, Professions, and Work
This chapter explains how a workers’ rights law with values most consistent with human rights values was subordinated to pragmatic “give and take” and “balancing” of interests.
This chapter explains how a workers’ rights law with values most consistent with human rights values was subordinated to pragmatic “give and take” and “balancing” of interests.
Sonia Livingstone and Julian Sefton-Green
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781479884575
- eISBN:
- 9781479863570
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479884575.003.0009
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
What opportunities for learning outside school were made available, pursued, and rejected by members of the class? Here we particularly focus on the ways that families from different kinds of social ...
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What opportunities for learning outside school were made available, pursued, and rejected by members of the class? Here we particularly focus on the ways that families from different kinds of social backgrounds—traditional middle-class, more bohemian, and highly educated families, along with desperately aspirational parents, especially those who had experienced some of the tragedies of enforced migration, as well as those who live their lives far more involved in community practices far away from the classrooms of London—provided for, encouraged, and defined learning for their offspring. We pay particular attention to forms of cultural capital, which is the kind of knowledge and expectations that stem from parental education and, of course, wealth. We describe how different homes construct opportunities for learning physically (how they arrange rooms and resources, especially technology), socially (how they establish habits and rhythms), and conceptually (how they see the purpose and nature of learning). The chapter concludes by setting these descriptions in the context of debates about whether and how digital media can be expected to overcome the more fundamental challenges faced by education in the risk society and by problematizing what connections between home and school mean in practice.Less
What opportunities for learning outside school were made available, pursued, and rejected by members of the class? Here we particularly focus on the ways that families from different kinds of social backgrounds—traditional middle-class, more bohemian, and highly educated families, along with desperately aspirational parents, especially those who had experienced some of the tragedies of enforced migration, as well as those who live their lives far more involved in community practices far away from the classrooms of London—provided for, encouraged, and defined learning for their offspring. We pay particular attention to forms of cultural capital, which is the kind of knowledge and expectations that stem from parental education and, of course, wealth. We describe how different homes construct opportunities for learning physically (how they arrange rooms and resources, especially technology), socially (how they establish habits and rhythms), and conceptually (how they see the purpose and nature of learning). The chapter concludes by setting these descriptions in the context of debates about whether and how digital media can be expected to overcome the more fundamental challenges faced by education in the risk society and by problematizing what connections between home and school mean in practice.
Frederick W. Mayer
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199324460
- eISBN:
- 9780199361618
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199324460.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Theory, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
The problem of collective action is ubiquitous: it is in many ways the central problem of social life. Free riding is commonly identified as the obstacle to collective action, but there are many ...
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The problem of collective action is ubiquitous: it is in many ways the central problem of social life. Free riding is commonly identified as the obstacle to collective action, but there are many impediment to collective action. In addition to free riding, communities face problems of coordination and assurance. And even more fundamentally, before there can be any collective action a community needs to convergence on a common conception of its interests.Less
The problem of collective action is ubiquitous: it is in many ways the central problem of social life. Free riding is commonly identified as the obstacle to collective action, but there are many impediment to collective action. In addition to free riding, communities face problems of coordination and assurance. And even more fundamentally, before there can be any collective action a community needs to convergence on a common conception of its interests.
Paul Spicker
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781447346890
- eISBN:
- 9781447346937
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447346890.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
The main individualist objection to collectivism is that group interests, and group action, are incompatible with the recognition of individual interests. The interests of individuals will always ...
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The main individualist objection to collectivism is that group interests, and group action, are incompatible with the recognition of individual interests. The interests of individuals will always diverge from the interests of the group, and consequently groups can only subsist by repressing individual interests. The formal 'proofs' of this are questionable; people's behaviour is socialised, and people can and do collaborate for mutual benefit. Cooperation is both a means to common ends and an end in itself. Asserting the rights of individuals may lead to circumstances where majorities have to accede to minorities, but the converse may also be true: sometimes minorities have to respect the rights of majorities.Less
The main individualist objection to collectivism is that group interests, and group action, are incompatible with the recognition of individual interests. The interests of individuals will always diverge from the interests of the group, and consequently groups can only subsist by repressing individual interests. The formal 'proofs' of this are questionable; people's behaviour is socialised, and people can and do collaborate for mutual benefit. Cooperation is both a means to common ends and an end in itself. Asserting the rights of individuals may lead to circumstances where majorities have to accede to minorities, but the converse may also be true: sometimes minorities have to respect the rights of majorities.
Liam Shields
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780748691869
- eISBN:
- 9781474427029
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748691869.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter defends a sufficientarian approach to parental rights, arguing for a particular account of the good enough upbringing, which should be a condition of holding parental rights that takes ...
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This chapter defends a sufficientarian approach to parental rights, arguing for a particular account of the good enough upbringing, which should be a condition of holding parental rights that takes into account both the interests of the child and the parent. The chapter discusses views abuse or neglect the child’s best interests as conditions attached to parental rights concluding that neither are satisfactory. The chapter argues that parental rights are conditional on not being excessively worse than the best available parent, where excess is determine by the importance of a better upbringing to the child. The chapter discusses this view in relation to practical guidelines used to determine parental rights.Less
This chapter defends a sufficientarian approach to parental rights, arguing for a particular account of the good enough upbringing, which should be a condition of holding parental rights that takes into account both the interests of the child and the parent. The chapter discusses views abuse or neglect the child’s best interests as conditions attached to parental rights concluding that neither are satisfactory. The chapter argues that parental rights are conditional on not being excessively worse than the best available parent, where excess is determine by the importance of a better upbringing to the child. The chapter discusses this view in relation to practical guidelines used to determine parental rights.
Laura Southgate
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781529202205
- eISBN:
- 9781529202243
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529202205.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
This chapter explores in more depth the contending arguments for sovereignty violation in Southeast Asia. It highlights the ways in which constructivist, realist and critical theorists have ...
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This chapter explores in more depth the contending arguments for sovereignty violation in Southeast Asia. It highlights the ways in which constructivist, realist and critical theorists have approached the topic of ASEAN regionalism and member state autonomy, and the strengths and weaknesses of each argument. This is followed by a detailed analysis of vanguard state theory, and the ways in which the argument presented can build upon existing literature. The chapter defines and measures the theory’s variables of interest convergence and ASEAN (non)resistance to sovereignty violation. It then conceptualizes ASEAN in more detail, and concludes with a discussion of the methodology that has been adopted.Less
This chapter explores in more depth the contending arguments for sovereignty violation in Southeast Asia. It highlights the ways in which constructivist, realist and critical theorists have approached the topic of ASEAN regionalism and member state autonomy, and the strengths and weaknesses of each argument. This is followed by a detailed analysis of vanguard state theory, and the ways in which the argument presented can build upon existing literature. The chapter defines and measures the theory’s variables of interest convergence and ASEAN (non)resistance to sovereignty violation. It then conceptualizes ASEAN in more detail, and concludes with a discussion of the methodology that has been adopted.
Isabelle Thomas-Fogiel
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231147781
- eISBN:
- 9780231519632
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231147781.003.0003
- Subject:
- Philosophy, General
This chapter offers a critique of Jürgen Habermas’s contemporary philosophy, with particular emphasis on its “antispeculative” habitus. This “antispeculative” habitus is entirely structured around a ...
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This chapter offers a critique of Jürgen Habermas’s contemporary philosophy, with particular emphasis on its “antispeculative” habitus. This “antispeculative” habitus is entirely structured around a critique of classical metaphysics, generally characterized as a symbol of the hubris of a human thought that desires to subjugate the entirety of what there is under its almighty power. Habermas has illustrated this vast genre, the veritable backbone of contemporary philosophy in three periods (or movements), each in turn embraced and then abandoned: a therapeutic approach, a critical approach (that is, the idea of philosophy as bringing out a phenomenon’s conditions of possibility), and finally, his most recent approach, which adopts a certain form of naturalism. This chapter examines three periods of Habermas’s evolution that embody the movement of contemporary philosophy to show how the symptoms of the current crisis of the death of philosophy persist. The first period of Habermas’s philosophy is marked by Knowledge and Human Interests, the second by “universal pragmatics”, and the third by fallibilist pragmatism. The chapter concludes by analyzing the theory of argumentation.Less
This chapter offers a critique of Jürgen Habermas’s contemporary philosophy, with particular emphasis on its “antispeculative” habitus. This “antispeculative” habitus is entirely structured around a critique of classical metaphysics, generally characterized as a symbol of the hubris of a human thought that desires to subjugate the entirety of what there is under its almighty power. Habermas has illustrated this vast genre, the veritable backbone of contemporary philosophy in three periods (or movements), each in turn embraced and then abandoned: a therapeutic approach, a critical approach (that is, the idea of philosophy as bringing out a phenomenon’s conditions of possibility), and finally, his most recent approach, which adopts a certain form of naturalism. This chapter examines three periods of Habermas’s evolution that embody the movement of contemporary philosophy to show how the symptoms of the current crisis of the death of philosophy persist. The first period of Habermas’s philosophy is marked by Knowledge and Human Interests, the second by “universal pragmatics”, and the third by fallibilist pragmatism. The chapter concludes by analyzing the theory of argumentation.
David Hine and Gillian Peele
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719097133
- eISBN:
- 9781526109873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719097133.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter shows how the House of Lords was initially reluctant to follow the House of Commons in strengthening its regulatory machinery. One constraint was the absence of sanctions for misconduct ...
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This chapter shows how the House of Lords was initially reluctant to follow the House of Commons in strengthening its regulatory machinery. One constraint was the absence of sanctions for misconduct but peers generally preferred to rely on an honour system. Gradually opinion shifted and more formal machinery was introduced. The chapter assesses the reforms and analyses the extent to which the House of Lords remains vulnerable to abuse.Less
This chapter shows how the House of Lords was initially reluctant to follow the House of Commons in strengthening its regulatory machinery. One constraint was the absence of sanctions for misconduct but peers generally preferred to rely on an honour system. Gradually opinion shifted and more formal machinery was introduced. The chapter assesses the reforms and analyses the extent to which the House of Lords remains vulnerable to abuse.
David Hine and Gillian Peele
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719097133
- eISBN:
- 9781526109873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719097133.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The chapter examines the Ministerial Code and its antecedents, and explores recent efforts to shift aspects of the Code away from the Prime Minister’s exclusive hands: towards Parliament for content, ...
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The chapter examines the Ministerial Code and its antecedents, and explores recent efforts to shift aspects of the Code away from the Prime Minister’s exclusive hands: towards Parliament for content, and towards an independent adviser, for cases of alleged Ministerial impropriety. The role of the Prime Minister’s Adviser on Ministerial Interests has not, in practice, developed significantly towards meaningful independence, and clearly - given majority discipline in a parliamentary legislature - it suits governments to retain accountability on these matters under Parliament’s usually supportive majority. The chapter concludes, from the cases which have arisen to date, that the political implications of more independent regulation of all but the most serious cases of alleged Ministerial impropriety would probably make independent regulation unworkable, however desirable it might be.Less
The chapter examines the Ministerial Code and its antecedents, and explores recent efforts to shift aspects of the Code away from the Prime Minister’s exclusive hands: towards Parliament for content, and towards an independent adviser, for cases of alleged Ministerial impropriety. The role of the Prime Minister’s Adviser on Ministerial Interests has not, in practice, developed significantly towards meaningful independence, and clearly - given majority discipline in a parliamentary legislature - it suits governments to retain accountability on these matters under Parliament’s usually supportive majority. The chapter concludes, from the cases which have arisen to date, that the political implications of more independent regulation of all but the most serious cases of alleged Ministerial impropriety would probably make independent regulation unworkable, however desirable it might be.
Hunter Lewis
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780823249602
- eISBN:
- 9780823250752
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823249602.003.0012
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Part historical narrative and part a critique Keynesianism, this chapter argues that the bi-partisan consensus on Keynsian responses to the financial crisis is mistaken. Hunter Lewis illuminates some ...
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Part historical narrative and part a critique Keynesianism, this chapter argues that the bi-partisan consensus on Keynsian responses to the financial crisis is mistaken. Hunter Lewis illuminates some of the apparent contradictions in Keynes’ writings and highlights current policy-makers who echo these logical mistakes. Lewis contends Keynesian policies, especially through low interest rates, may be fostering greater inequality and setting the stage for the next bubble. The focus on near-zero interest rates has done nothing to address the causes of the last crisis. The author concluded that without immediately embarking on saving and investing, rather than borrowing and spending, we will repeat the Victorian vice of debt and face an inevitable crash.Less
Part historical narrative and part a critique Keynesianism, this chapter argues that the bi-partisan consensus on Keynsian responses to the financial crisis is mistaken. Hunter Lewis illuminates some of the apparent contradictions in Keynes’ writings and highlights current policy-makers who echo these logical mistakes. Lewis contends Keynesian policies, especially through low interest rates, may be fostering greater inequality and setting the stage for the next bubble. The focus on near-zero interest rates has done nothing to address the causes of the last crisis. The author concluded that without immediately embarking on saving and investing, rather than borrowing and spending, we will repeat the Victorian vice of debt and face an inevitable crash.
Chris Gilleard and Paul Higgs
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781447338598
- eISBN:
- 9781447338642
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447338598.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gerontology and Ageing
In the concluding chapter of the book, we summarise some of the main issues concerning social divisions and social differences in later life. First we stress the transformation of later life in ...
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In the concluding chapter of the book, we summarise some of the main issues concerning social divisions and social differences in later life. First we stress the transformation of later life in second modernity, from its categorisation as a residuum, a role-less role, a residuum of a life once lived to a richer and more diverse set of social locations. It is not simply that older people have shifted from being a category of the poor to a subset of the rich. Such representations are both false and misleading. Still they constitute a partial fact, namely that older people have become more diverse and no longer capable of being categorised as a distinct class or community. This transition can be explored in terms both of classical social divisions, like class, gender, disability or ethnicity, as well as through social differences and distinctions realised through the lens of citizenship, consumption and community. We conclude by arguing that examining both divisions and differences, inequalities and identities, in later life enables both a greater understanding of the changing nature of later life and of the changing constitution of division in contemporary society.Less
In the concluding chapter of the book, we summarise some of the main issues concerning social divisions and social differences in later life. First we stress the transformation of later life in second modernity, from its categorisation as a residuum, a role-less role, a residuum of a life once lived to a richer and more diverse set of social locations. It is not simply that older people have shifted from being a category of the poor to a subset of the rich. Such representations are both false and misleading. Still they constitute a partial fact, namely that older people have become more diverse and no longer capable of being categorised as a distinct class or community. This transition can be explored in terms both of classical social divisions, like class, gender, disability or ethnicity, as well as through social differences and distinctions realised through the lens of citizenship, consumption and community. We conclude by arguing that examining both divisions and differences, inequalities and identities, in later life enables both a greater understanding of the changing nature of later life and of the changing constitution of division in contemporary society.
Mike McConville and Luke Marsh
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- August 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780198822103
- eISBN:
- 9780191861192
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198822103.003.0012
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
The concluding Chapter scrutinises the validity and relevance of the book’s hitherto unseen archival files, from which its account stems. In pulling together its main themes concerning the role of ...
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The concluding Chapter scrutinises the validity and relevance of the book’s hitherto unseen archival files, from which its account stems. In pulling together its main themes concerning the role of civil servants, the Executive and the Judiciary in administering criminal justice, it retraces the trajectory of suspects’ rights in the late nineteenth century, from their seemingly ‘bedrock’ foundation within the common law to their rough distillation (at home and abroad) through various iterations of Judges’ ‘Rules’, themselves of dubious pedigree. In documenting this journey, this Chapter underscores how Senior Judges, confronted by Executive power impinging upon the future direction of system protections, enfeebled themselves, allowing ‘police interests’ to prevail. With Parliament kept in the dark as to the ongoing subterfuge; and the integrity of the Home Office, as an institution, long dissolved, ‘Executive interests’ took the reins of a system within which much mileage for ‘culture change’ lay ahead. This Chapter helps chart their final destination; ultimately, one where new Rules (the CrimPR) replace those exposed as failures, leading to governmental success of a distinct kind: traditional understandings of ‘rights’ belonging to suspects and defendants subverted into ‘obligations’ owing to the Court and an adversarial process underpinning determinations of guilt long-disbanded in the quest for so-called ‘efficiency’. In explaining the implications of the events discussed in this book for the issue of ‘Judicial Independence’ and the ‘Separation of Powers’, this Chapter offers a theoretical framework that illuminates the role and practices of the Senior Judiciary in criminal justice policy today.Less
The concluding Chapter scrutinises the validity and relevance of the book’s hitherto unseen archival files, from which its account stems. In pulling together its main themes concerning the role of civil servants, the Executive and the Judiciary in administering criminal justice, it retraces the trajectory of suspects’ rights in the late nineteenth century, from their seemingly ‘bedrock’ foundation within the common law to their rough distillation (at home and abroad) through various iterations of Judges’ ‘Rules’, themselves of dubious pedigree. In documenting this journey, this Chapter underscores how Senior Judges, confronted by Executive power impinging upon the future direction of system protections, enfeebled themselves, allowing ‘police interests’ to prevail. With Parliament kept in the dark as to the ongoing subterfuge; and the integrity of the Home Office, as an institution, long dissolved, ‘Executive interests’ took the reins of a system within which much mileage for ‘culture change’ lay ahead. This Chapter helps chart their final destination; ultimately, one where new Rules (the CrimPR) replace those exposed as failures, leading to governmental success of a distinct kind: traditional understandings of ‘rights’ belonging to suspects and defendants subverted into ‘obligations’ owing to the Court and an adversarial process underpinning determinations of guilt long-disbanded in the quest for so-called ‘efficiency’. In explaining the implications of the events discussed in this book for the issue of ‘Judicial Independence’ and the ‘Separation of Powers’, this Chapter offers a theoretical framework that illuminates the role and practices of the Senior Judiciary in criminal justice policy today.