Erik Goldstein
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198215844
- eISBN:
- 9780191678226
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198215844.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
This introductory chapter discusses the importance of studying the planning phase in order to understand better British actions at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919. It suggests that though a third ...
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This introductory chapter discusses the importance of studying the planning phase in order to understand better British actions at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919. It suggests that though a third of the period between the armistice and the signing of the Treaty of Versailles was occupied solely with preparations, the histories of the peace settlement have neglected it because of a lack of information. It highlights the Foreign Office's creation of the Political Intelligence Department (PID) to coordinate and synthesize the materials that were to be used by British officials in the post-war negotiating table.Less
This introductory chapter discusses the importance of studying the planning phase in order to understand better British actions at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919. It suggests that though a third of the period between the armistice and the signing of the Treaty of Versailles was occupied solely with preparations, the histories of the peace settlement have neglected it because of a lack of information. It highlights the Foreign Office's creation of the Political Intelligence Department (PID) to coordinate and synthesize the materials that were to be used by British officials in the post-war negotiating table.
Andrew Louth
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199291403
- eISBN:
- 9780191710674
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199291403.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
Plotinus is the supreme exponent of an abiding element in what may be called ‘mystical philosophy’. He represents man’s inherent desire to return to heaven at its purest and most ineffable. Plotinus’ ...
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Plotinus is the supreme exponent of an abiding element in what may be called ‘mystical philosophy’. He represents man’s inherent desire to return to heaven at its purest and most ineffable. Plotinus’ philosophy or system can be approached in two ways. It can either be seen as a great hierarchical structure, a great chain of being, or it can be seen as an exercise in introspective understanding of the self. Plotinus’ hierarchy is expressed in terms of three principles, or hypostases, or gods. Beginning with the highest, these are the One or the Good; Intelligence,nous; and Soul,psyche.Less
Plotinus is the supreme exponent of an abiding element in what may be called ‘mystical philosophy’. He represents man’s inherent desire to return to heaven at its purest and most ineffable. Plotinus’ philosophy or system can be approached in two ways. It can either be seen as a great hierarchical structure, a great chain of being, or it can be seen as an exercise in introspective understanding of the self. Plotinus’ hierarchy is expressed in terms of three principles, or hypostases, or gods. Beginning with the highest, these are the One or the Good; Intelligence,nous; and Soul,psyche.
Stefan Helmreich, Sophia Roosth, and Michele Friedner
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691164809
- eISBN:
- 9781400873869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691164809.003.0003
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter examines how scientists working on Artificial Life have understood their practices as situated historically. It first considers the practice of finding genealogies for Artificial Life, ...
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This chapter examines how scientists working on Artificial Life have understood their practices as situated historically. It first considers the practice of finding genealogies for Artificial Life, arguing that such a search for ancestors carries acute historiographical and epistemological dangers. It then comments on computer simulations that fashion the computer as a kind of fish tank into which users can peer to see artificial life forms swimming about. It also discusses a different realm of modeling, that of cognition in Artificial Intelligence. The chapter concludes by suggesting a mode of imagining history that it calls an underwater archaeology of knowledge. In an underwater archaeology of knowledge, representational artifacts become mixed in with portraits of the world, requiring new sorts of narrative disentangling and qualification.Less
This chapter examines how scientists working on Artificial Life have understood their practices as situated historically. It first considers the practice of finding genealogies for Artificial Life, arguing that such a search for ancestors carries acute historiographical and epistemological dangers. It then comments on computer simulations that fashion the computer as a kind of fish tank into which users can peer to see artificial life forms swimming about. It also discusses a different realm of modeling, that of cognition in Artificial Intelligence. The chapter concludes by suggesting a mode of imagining history that it calls an underwater archaeology of knowledge. In an underwater archaeology of knowledge, representational artifacts become mixed in with portraits of the world, requiring new sorts of narrative disentangling and qualification.
William J. Maxwell
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691130200
- eISBN:
- 9781400852062
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691130200.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
This part illuminates the interpretive assumptions of Bureau ghostreading against the backdrop of the best-documented entanglement of American criticism with American espionage: namely, the firsthand ...
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This part illuminates the interpretive assumptions of Bureau ghostreading against the backdrop of the best-documented entanglement of American criticism with American espionage: namely, the firsthand stamp of the New Criticism on the counterintelligence branch of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Section 1 explores CIA-endorsed formalism, its high-wire, Yale-rooted history, which was eventually integrated into FBI critical practice. Section 2 confirms that the Bureau ghostreaders cobbled together a distinct mode of FBI reading decades before the CIA's creation, a didactic yet meticulous biohistoricism in sympathy with academic schools of the late 1910s, 1920s, and 1930s. Section 3 looks into the background and outlook of the FBI agents tasked with criticizing Afro-modernism. Finally, section 4 assesses the impact of FBI ghostreading on an interested non-Bureau audience: the self-appointed model citizens who turned to Hoover as a literary-critical wise man and potential literary-critical collaborator. This part proposes the third and thus far most literary of the five theses: The FBI is perhaps the most dedicated and influential forgotten critic of African American literature.Less
This part illuminates the interpretive assumptions of Bureau ghostreading against the backdrop of the best-documented entanglement of American criticism with American espionage: namely, the firsthand stamp of the New Criticism on the counterintelligence branch of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Section 1 explores CIA-endorsed formalism, its high-wire, Yale-rooted history, which was eventually integrated into FBI critical practice. Section 2 confirms that the Bureau ghostreaders cobbled together a distinct mode of FBI reading decades before the CIA's creation, a didactic yet meticulous biohistoricism in sympathy with academic schools of the late 1910s, 1920s, and 1930s. Section 3 looks into the background and outlook of the FBI agents tasked with criticizing Afro-modernism. Finally, section 4 assesses the impact of FBI ghostreading on an interested non-Bureau audience: the self-appointed model citizens who turned to Hoover as a literary-critical wise man and potential literary-critical collaborator. This part proposes the third and thus far most literary of the five theses: The FBI is perhaps the most dedicated and influential forgotten critic of African American literature.
Andrew N. Rubin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154152
- eISBN:
- 9781400842179
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154152.003.0002
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
This chapter details the correspondence between the author and the Central Intelligence Agency regarding the release of information in line with the Freedom of Information Act. At the same time the ...
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This chapter details the correspondence between the author and the Central Intelligence Agency regarding the release of information in line with the Freedom of Information Act. At the same time the chapter builds on an emerging body of scholarship that examines the relationship between American postwar ascendancy and “cultural diplomacy” in the early years of the Cold War and decolonization. Few studies have considered how the Congress for Cultural Freedom's (CCF) underwriting reshaped and refashioned the global literary landscape, altered the relationships between writers and their publics, and rendered those whom it supported more recognizable figures than others. These practices were conceived as part of an orchestrated imperial effort to occupy a global public space that by 1948 had been largely dominated by the socialist rhetoric of the Communist Information Bureau (Cominform).Less
This chapter details the correspondence between the author and the Central Intelligence Agency regarding the release of information in line with the Freedom of Information Act. At the same time the chapter builds on an emerging body of scholarship that examines the relationship between American postwar ascendancy and “cultural diplomacy” in the early years of the Cold War and decolonization. Few studies have considered how the Congress for Cultural Freedom's (CCF) underwriting reshaped and refashioned the global literary landscape, altered the relationships between writers and their publics, and rendered those whom it supported more recognizable figures than others. These practices were conceived as part of an orchestrated imperial effort to occupy a global public space that by 1948 had been largely dominated by the socialist rhetoric of the Communist Information Bureau (Cominform).
Rushmir Mahmutćehajić
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823227518
- eISBN:
- 9780823237029
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823227518.003.0035
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
In the uncreated intelligence, being and knowledge are one and the same. They are the outer expression of the separation, or rather divergence, that confirms inwardness or the invisible core. That ...
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In the uncreated intelligence, being and knowledge are one and the same. They are the outer expression of the separation, or rather divergence, that confirms inwardness or the invisible core. That divergence bears witness to inner oneness, or the heart, which is the “place” of the Intelligence. The reflection of the Intelligence in the self strives toward the edge or the “lower” levels of being. The totality of existence is not separable from knowledge, so the being constantly endeavors to “ascend” toward knowledge. That is the separation in the self: the tendency toward evil, reproach, and the attainment of Peace. The source of duty is in the self, while right is in something that is outside. Submission transforms the will into love and knowledge. Given that man is turned toward God, to want means to want the Good, and that means to want through the Good or through God.Less
In the uncreated intelligence, being and knowledge are one and the same. They are the outer expression of the separation, or rather divergence, that confirms inwardness or the invisible core. That divergence bears witness to inner oneness, or the heart, which is the “place” of the Intelligence. The reflection of the Intelligence in the self strives toward the edge or the “lower” levels of being. The totality of existence is not separable from knowledge, so the being constantly endeavors to “ascend” toward knowledge. That is the separation in the self: the tendency toward evil, reproach, and the attainment of Peace. The source of duty is in the self, while right is in something that is outside. Submission transforms the will into love and knowledge. Given that man is turned toward God, to want means to want the Good, and that means to want through the Good or through God.
Damien Van Puyvelde
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474450225
- eISBN:
- 9781474465267
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474450225.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
In the 21st century, more than any other time, US agencies have relied on contractors to conduct core intelligence functions. This book charts the swell of intelligence outsourcing in the context of ...
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In the 21st century, more than any other time, US agencies have relied on contractors to conduct core intelligence functions. This book charts the swell of intelligence outsourcing in the context of American political culture and considers what this means for the relationship between the state, its national security apparatus and accountability within a liberal democracy. Through analysis of a series of case studies, recently declassified documents and exclusive interviews with national security experts in the public and private sectors, the book provides an in-depth and illuminating appraisal of the evolving accountability regime for intelligence contractors.Less
In the 21st century, more than any other time, US agencies have relied on contractors to conduct core intelligence functions. This book charts the swell of intelligence outsourcing in the context of American political culture and considers what this means for the relationship between the state, its national security apparatus and accountability within a liberal democracy. Through analysis of a series of case studies, recently declassified documents and exclusive interviews with national security experts in the public and private sectors, the book provides an in-depth and illuminating appraisal of the evolving accountability regime for intelligence contractors.
Julian E. Zelizer
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691150734
- eISBN:
- 9781400841899
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691150734.003.0016
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This chapter examines the politics of U.S. troop withdrawal from Vietnam during the 1960s and 1970s in order to identify the strategies employed by Congress to check an imperial executive and to ...
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This chapter examines the politics of U.S. troop withdrawal from Vietnam during the 1960s and 1970s in order to identify the strategies employed by Congress to check an imperial executive and to regain its constitutional prerogatives. When the Vietnam War escalated in 1964 and 1965, most policymakers, including Lyndon Johnson, were very sensitive to the role Congress might play in its evolution. During this period, Congress challenged presidential decisions and helped to create the political pressure that led to a drawdown in American troops fighting the war. The chapter first considers how Senator William Fulbright brought the problems with the Vietnam War to the forefront of public debate before discussing the politics of troop withdrawal since the time of Johnson, with particular emphasis on Richard Nixon's Vietnamization and a range of legislative initiatives such as the War Powers Act (1973) and the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (1978).Less
This chapter examines the politics of U.S. troop withdrawal from Vietnam during the 1960s and 1970s in order to identify the strategies employed by Congress to check an imperial executive and to regain its constitutional prerogatives. When the Vietnam War escalated in 1964 and 1965, most policymakers, including Lyndon Johnson, were very sensitive to the role Congress might play in its evolution. During this period, Congress challenged presidential decisions and helped to create the political pressure that led to a drawdown in American troops fighting the war. The chapter first considers how Senator William Fulbright brought the problems with the Vietnam War to the forefront of public debate before discussing the politics of troop withdrawal since the time of Johnson, with particular emphasis on Richard Nixon's Vietnamization and a range of legislative initiatives such as the War Powers Act (1973) and the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (1978).
Matthew M. Briones
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691129488
- eISBN:
- 9781400842216
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691129488.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter examines how the resettlement of West Coast Japanese Americans in the Midwest and Northeast after internment irrevocably transformed the population of Japanese Chicagoans. As both Allan ...
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This chapter examines how the resettlement of West Coast Japanese Americans in the Midwest and Northeast after internment irrevocably transformed the population of Japanese Chicagoans. As both Allan Austin and Gary Okihiro have demonstrated, many young Nisei managed to leave the camps earlier than expected by filing education waivers. They matriculated predominantly at midwestern and East Coast schools, and some of their campmates were recruited for Japanese-language immersion at the Military Intelligence Service Language School, based at Camp Savage, Minnesota. Yet residual delinquency among Nisei bachelors and the lack of children's playgrounds still made the North Side area less than appealing to Nisei families; hence, another critical mass of Japanese Americans congregated on the South Side.Less
This chapter examines how the resettlement of West Coast Japanese Americans in the Midwest and Northeast after internment irrevocably transformed the population of Japanese Chicagoans. As both Allan Austin and Gary Okihiro have demonstrated, many young Nisei managed to leave the camps earlier than expected by filing education waivers. They matriculated predominantly at midwestern and East Coast schools, and some of their campmates were recruited for Japanese-language immersion at the Military Intelligence Service Language School, based at Camp Savage, Minnesota. Yet residual delinquency among Nisei bachelors and the lack of children's playgrounds still made the North Side area less than appealing to Nisei families; hence, another critical mass of Japanese Americans congregated on the South Side.
Matthew S. Seligmann
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199574032
- eISBN:
- 9780191741432
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199574032.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
In August 1906 Captain Henry Campbell was appointed head of the Trade Division of the Naval Intelligence Department and charged with producing a plan for protecting British seaborne commerce. To meet ...
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In August 1906 Captain Henry Campbell was appointed head of the Trade Division of the Naval Intelligence Department and charged with producing a plan for protecting British seaborne commerce. To meet the threat of armed German liners, which he saw as the key danger, he proposed the establishment of a new worldwide intelligence network. The idea was to station reporting officers around the globe who could monitor German shipping movements and inform the Admiralty of the whereabouts of potential German raiders. Their position would thus always be known and, should war break out, British merchantmen could be routed away from danger and British warships vectored to meet the threat. The system, although initially strongly opposed by Admiral Fisher, was finally put into place in 1912 and served Britain well in two world wars.Less
In August 1906 Captain Henry Campbell was appointed head of the Trade Division of the Naval Intelligence Department and charged with producing a plan for protecting British seaborne commerce. To meet the threat of armed German liners, which he saw as the key danger, he proposed the establishment of a new worldwide intelligence network. The idea was to station reporting officers around the globe who could monitor German shipping movements and inform the Admiralty of the whereabouts of potential German raiders. Their position would thus always be known and, should war break out, British merchantmen could be routed away from danger and British warships vectored to meet the threat. The system, although initially strongly opposed by Admiral Fisher, was finally put into place in 1912 and served Britain well in two world wars.
James B. Rule
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195307832
- eISBN:
- 9780199944040
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195307832.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
This chapter discusses government surveillance. It emphasizes that whatever governments can do for their populations, they can also do against them. One good example is using surveillance systems as ...
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This chapter discusses government surveillance. It emphasizes that whatever governments can do for their populations, they can also do against them. One good example is using surveillance systems as instruments of oppression. From here, the discussion shifts to government surveillance in America, Australia, France, Canada, and Great Britain. It then looks at the coalescence of government surveillance. The chapter also introduces the Patriot Act and the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 (FISA).Less
This chapter discusses government surveillance. It emphasizes that whatever governments can do for their populations, they can also do against them. One good example is using surveillance systems as instruments of oppression. From here, the discussion shifts to government surveillance in America, Australia, France, Canada, and Great Britain. It then looks at the coalescence of government surveillance. The chapter also introduces the Patriot Act and the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 (FISA).
Keren Yarhi-Milo
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159157
- eISBN:
- 9781400850419
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159157.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. intelligence organizations to assess the intentions of the Soviet Union. Drawing on National Intelligence Estimates (NIEs) produced on the Soviet ...
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This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. intelligence organizations to assess the intentions of the Soviet Union. Drawing on National Intelligence Estimates (NIEs) produced on the Soviet Union between 1977 and 1980, the chapter considers the degree to which history confirms the predictions of the selective attention thesis's organizational expertise hypothesis. It also tests the capabilities, strategic military doctrine, and behavior theses. After providing a brief overview of the U.S. intelligence community's estimates of Soviet intentions earlier in the 1970s, the chapter discusses the intelligence organizations' views about Soviet intentions during Jimmy Carter's presidency. It shows that an effort to understand the adversary's political intentions did not play a significant role in the U.S. intelligence community's intentions assessments, and particularly in the NIEs' judgments of the threat posed by the USSR. Instead, most of the NIEs were dedicated to estimating current and projected Soviet strategic forces as well as military intentions.Less
This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. intelligence organizations to assess the intentions of the Soviet Union. Drawing on National Intelligence Estimates (NIEs) produced on the Soviet Union between 1977 and 1980, the chapter considers the degree to which history confirms the predictions of the selective attention thesis's organizational expertise hypothesis. It also tests the capabilities, strategic military doctrine, and behavior theses. After providing a brief overview of the U.S. intelligence community's estimates of Soviet intentions earlier in the 1970s, the chapter discusses the intelligence organizations' views about Soviet intentions during Jimmy Carter's presidency. It shows that an effort to understand the adversary's political intentions did not play a significant role in the U.S. intelligence community's intentions assessments, and particularly in the NIEs' judgments of the threat posed by the USSR. Instead, most of the NIEs were dedicated to estimating current and projected Soviet strategic forces as well as military intentions.
Keren Yarhi-Milo
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159157
- eISBN:
- 9781400850419
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159157.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. intelligence organizations to assess the intentions of the Soviet Union. Drawing on National Intelligence Estimates (NIEs) produced on the Soviet ...
More
This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. intelligence organizations to assess the intentions of the Soviet Union. Drawing on National Intelligence Estimates (NIEs) produced on the Soviet Union between 1977 and 1980, the chapter considers the degree to which history confirms the predictions of the selective attention thesis’s organizational expertise hypothesis. It also tests the capabilities, strategic military doctrine, and behavior theses. After providing a brief overview of the U.S. intelligence community’s estimates of Soviet intentions earlier in the 1970s, the chapter discusses the intelligence organizations’ views about Soviet intentions during Jimmy Carter’s presidency. It shows that an effort to understand the adversary’s political intentions did not play a significant role in the U.S. intelligence community’s intentions assessments, and particularly in the NIEs’ judgments of the threat posed by the USSR. Instead, most of the NIEs were dedicated to estimating current and projected Soviet strategic forces as well as military intentions.Less
This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. intelligence organizations to assess the intentions of the Soviet Union. Drawing on National Intelligence Estimates (NIEs) produced on the Soviet Union between 1977 and 1980, the chapter considers the degree to which history confirms the predictions of the selective attention thesis’s organizational expertise hypothesis. It also tests the capabilities, strategic military doctrine, and behavior theses. After providing a brief overview of the U.S. intelligence community’s estimates of Soviet intentions earlier in the 1970s, the chapter discusses the intelligence organizations’ views about Soviet intentions during Jimmy Carter’s presidency. It shows that an effort to understand the adversary’s political intentions did not play a significant role in the U.S. intelligence community’s intentions assessments, and particularly in the NIEs’ judgments of the threat posed by the USSR. Instead, most of the NIEs were dedicated to estimating current and projected Soviet strategic forces as well as military intentions.
Simon Willmetts
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780748692996
- eISBN:
- 9781474421935
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748692996.001.0001
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
Don DeLillo once described the CIA as “America’s myth”, an agency that “takes on shapes and appearences embodying whatever we need to know ourselves or unburden ourselves.” This book is the story of ...
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Don DeLillo once described the CIA as “America’s myth”, an agency that “takes on shapes and appearences embodying whatever we need to know ourselves or unburden ourselves.” This book is the story of the emergence of that myth, of the CIA as an American cultural icon in the most iconic of mediums: Hollywood cinema. It is also the story of how, at times, the CIA have worked with Hollywood to try to shape that myth. The story begins with a band of intrepid Hollywood filmmakers led by the legendary director John Ford who were willing to die to make films for the CIA’s wartime predecessor, the OSS. It ends with a deeply suspicious film industry, and society, that was left profoundly altered by decades of government deceit. Based on years of archival research from libraries across the United States and beyond, this acclaimed study demonstrates how the massive expansion of US government secrecy and the national security state in the aftermath of the Second World War profoundly altered American culture in the post-war years.Less
Don DeLillo once described the CIA as “America’s myth”, an agency that “takes on shapes and appearences embodying whatever we need to know ourselves or unburden ourselves.” This book is the story of the emergence of that myth, of the CIA as an American cultural icon in the most iconic of mediums: Hollywood cinema. It is also the story of how, at times, the CIA have worked with Hollywood to try to shape that myth. The story begins with a band of intrepid Hollywood filmmakers led by the legendary director John Ford who were willing to die to make films for the CIA’s wartime predecessor, the OSS. It ends with a deeply suspicious film industry, and society, that was left profoundly altered by decades of government deceit. Based on years of archival research from libraries across the United States and beyond, this acclaimed study demonstrates how the massive expansion of US government secrecy and the national security state in the aftermath of the Second World War profoundly altered American culture in the post-war years.
David P. Oakley
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780813176703
- eISBN:
- 9780813176727
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813176703.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
Since September 11, 2001 (9/11), the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and Department of Defense (DoD) have operated together in Afghanistan, Iraq, and elsewhere during counterterrorism ...
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Since September 11, 2001 (9/11), the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and Department of Defense (DoD) have operated together in Afghanistan, Iraq, and elsewhere during counterterrorism operations. Although the global war on terrorism provided a common purpose, it was actions taken in the late 1980s and 1990s that set the foundation for their current relationship. Driven by the post–Cold War environment and lessons learned, policy makers made military support the Intelligence Community’s top priority. In response, the CIA and DoD instituted changes that altered their relationship. While congressional debates over the Intelligence Community’s future were occurring, the CIA and DoD were expanding their relationship during operations. By the late 1990s, some policy makers and national security professionals became concerned that intelligence support to military operations had gone too far, weakening long-term analysis. Despite concerns, no major changes to intelligence organization or priorities were implemented. These concerns were forgotten after 9/11, as the United States fought two wars and policy makers fixated on terrorism. The DoD/CIA operational relationship has led to successes, but the CIA’s counterterrorism and military support requirements place a significant burden on the organization. As the sole independent US intelligence organization, the CIA was conceived to separate intelligence collection from the institutions that develop and execute policy. Its increased focus on support to military operations weakens this separation, reduces its focus on strategic issues, and risks subordination to the DoD. The CIA and DoD are the ones affected by this evolving relationship, but policy makers’ preference for military force and the militarization of foreign policy has led both organizations down this path.Less
Since September 11, 2001 (9/11), the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and Department of Defense (DoD) have operated together in Afghanistan, Iraq, and elsewhere during counterterrorism operations. Although the global war on terrorism provided a common purpose, it was actions taken in the late 1980s and 1990s that set the foundation for their current relationship. Driven by the post–Cold War environment and lessons learned, policy makers made military support the Intelligence Community’s top priority. In response, the CIA and DoD instituted changes that altered their relationship. While congressional debates over the Intelligence Community’s future were occurring, the CIA and DoD were expanding their relationship during operations. By the late 1990s, some policy makers and national security professionals became concerned that intelligence support to military operations had gone too far, weakening long-term analysis. Despite concerns, no major changes to intelligence organization or priorities were implemented. These concerns were forgotten after 9/11, as the United States fought two wars and policy makers fixated on terrorism. The DoD/CIA operational relationship has led to successes, but the CIA’s counterterrorism and military support requirements place a significant burden on the organization. As the sole independent US intelligence organization, the CIA was conceived to separate intelligence collection from the institutions that develop and execute policy. Its increased focus on support to military operations weakens this separation, reduces its focus on strategic issues, and risks subordination to the DoD. The CIA and DoD are the ones affected by this evolving relationship, but policy makers’ preference for military force and the militarization of foreign policy has led both organizations down this path.
Ken Richardson
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780231178426
- eISBN:
- 9780231543767
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231178426.001.0001
- Subject:
- Psychology, Cognitive Neuroscience
For countless generations people have been told that their potential as humans is limited and fundamentally unequal. The social order, they have been assured, is arranged by powers beyond their ...
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For countless generations people have been told that their potential as humans is limited and fundamentally unequal. The social order, they have been assured, is arranged by powers beyond their control. More recently the appeal has been to biology, specifically the genes, brain sciences, the concept of intelligence, and powerful new technologies. Reinforced through the authority of science and a growing belief in bio-determinism, the ordering of the many for the benefit of a few has become more entrenched. Yet scientists are now waking up to the influence of ideology on research and its interpretation. In Genes, Brains, and Human Potential, Ken Richardson illustrates how the ideology of human intelligence has infiltrated genetics, brain sciences, and psychology, flourishing in the vagueness of basic concepts, a shallow nature-versus-nurture debate, and the overhyped claims of reductionists. He shows how ideology, more than pure science, has come to dominate our institutions, especially education, encouraging fatalism about the development of human intelligence among individuals and societies. Genes, Brains, and Human Potential goes much further: building on work being done in molecular biology, epigenetics, dynamical systems, evolution theory, and complexity theory, it maps a fresh understanding of intelligence and the development of human potential. Concluding with an upbeat message for human possibilities, this synthesis of diverse perspectives will engender new conversations among students, researchers, and other interested readers.Less
For countless generations people have been told that their potential as humans is limited and fundamentally unequal. The social order, they have been assured, is arranged by powers beyond their control. More recently the appeal has been to biology, specifically the genes, brain sciences, the concept of intelligence, and powerful new technologies. Reinforced through the authority of science and a growing belief in bio-determinism, the ordering of the many for the benefit of a few has become more entrenched. Yet scientists are now waking up to the influence of ideology on research and its interpretation. In Genes, Brains, and Human Potential, Ken Richardson illustrates how the ideology of human intelligence has infiltrated genetics, brain sciences, and psychology, flourishing in the vagueness of basic concepts, a shallow nature-versus-nurture debate, and the overhyped claims of reductionists. He shows how ideology, more than pure science, has come to dominate our institutions, especially education, encouraging fatalism about the development of human intelligence among individuals and societies. Genes, Brains, and Human Potential goes much further: building on work being done in molecular biology, epigenetics, dynamical systems, evolution theory, and complexity theory, it maps a fresh understanding of intelligence and the development of human potential. Concluding with an upbeat message for human possibilities, this synthesis of diverse perspectives will engender new conversations among students, researchers, and other interested readers.
David P. Hadley
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780813177373
- eISBN:
- 9780813177403
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813177373.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This work examines the relationships that developed between the domestic U.S. press and the Central Intelligence Agency, from the foundation of the agency in 1947 to the first major congressional ...
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This work examines the relationships that developed between the domestic U.S. press and the Central Intelligence Agency, from the foundation of the agency in 1947 to the first major congressional investigation of the U.S. intelligence system in 1975–1976. The press environment in which the CIA developed had important consequences for the types of activities the agency undertook, and after some initial difficulties the CIA enjoyed a highly favorable press environment in its early years. The CIA did, on occasion, attempt to use reporters operationally and spread propaganda around the world. This work argues, however, that a more important factor in the generally positive press environment that the early CIA enjoyed was the social relationships that developed between members of the press, especially management, and members of the agency. Common ties of elite education, wartime service, and a shared view of the danger of communism allowed the agency both to conduct a variety of activities without exposure in the United States, and to protect itself from oversight and establish its place in the U.S. national security bureaucracy. Even during the height of cooperative ties, however, there were those in the press critical of the CIA and others who, even if cooperating, were wary of agency activities. Over time, these countertrends increased as the Cold War consensus frayed, and press attention led to sustained investigation of the Central Intelligence Agency in the infamous Year of Intelligence, 1975–1976.Less
This work examines the relationships that developed between the domestic U.S. press and the Central Intelligence Agency, from the foundation of the agency in 1947 to the first major congressional investigation of the U.S. intelligence system in 1975–1976. The press environment in which the CIA developed had important consequences for the types of activities the agency undertook, and after some initial difficulties the CIA enjoyed a highly favorable press environment in its early years. The CIA did, on occasion, attempt to use reporters operationally and spread propaganda around the world. This work argues, however, that a more important factor in the generally positive press environment that the early CIA enjoyed was the social relationships that developed between members of the press, especially management, and members of the agency. Common ties of elite education, wartime service, and a shared view of the danger of communism allowed the agency both to conduct a variety of activities without exposure in the United States, and to protect itself from oversight and establish its place in the U.S. national security bureaucracy. Even during the height of cooperative ties, however, there were those in the press critical of the CIA and others who, even if cooperating, were wary of agency activities. Over time, these countertrends increased as the Cold War consensus frayed, and press attention led to sustained investigation of the Central Intelligence Agency in the infamous Year of Intelligence, 1975–1976.
Adolfo Plasencia
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780262036016
- eISBN:
- 9780262339308
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262036016.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Technology and Society
The place of discovery and generation of human knowledge has become a somewhat fuzzy area, and it is at the crossroads of equally blurred disciplines where new glimpses of the future occur. This book ...
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The place of discovery and generation of human knowledge has become a somewhat fuzzy area, and it is at the crossroads of equally blurred disciplines where new glimpses of the future occur. This book looks at these issues through a series of interconnected and heterodox reflections. It is much more a book of non-linear questions than one of answers, where the index consists of a list of questions with those who address the issues linked to them. In 33 dialogues, the author attempts to draw the participants, researchers and creators—each specialists—out of their “intellectual comfort zones”, and get them to delve into areas of disciplines not considered part of their usual activities, thus enabling different concepts to be discussed. For example, “intelligence”, viewed simultaneously from the perspective of neuroscience, computer science, philosophy, and Artificial Intelligence, or whether quantum physics allows for freewill. The diversity and interconnecting ideas in these conversations is wide ranging and intense. The dialogues, preceded by a foreword from Tim O’Reilly, are arranged in four blocks: I, The Physical World; II, Information, and III, Intelligence; the fourth block is a dialogue-epilogue with the artist and painter J. M. Yturralde, closing the book with a critical foray into the overlap between Art and Science, with tantalizing questions, with an artistic slant, such as the validity of the equation “Beauty ≠ Truth,” or whether we can go back in time to the past and change it.Less
The place of discovery and generation of human knowledge has become a somewhat fuzzy area, and it is at the crossroads of equally blurred disciplines where new glimpses of the future occur. This book looks at these issues through a series of interconnected and heterodox reflections. It is much more a book of non-linear questions than one of answers, where the index consists of a list of questions with those who address the issues linked to them. In 33 dialogues, the author attempts to draw the participants, researchers and creators—each specialists—out of their “intellectual comfort zones”, and get them to delve into areas of disciplines not considered part of their usual activities, thus enabling different concepts to be discussed. For example, “intelligence”, viewed simultaneously from the perspective of neuroscience, computer science, philosophy, and Artificial Intelligence, or whether quantum physics allows for freewill. The diversity and interconnecting ideas in these conversations is wide ranging and intense. The dialogues, preceded by a foreword from Tim O’Reilly, are arranged in four blocks: I, The Physical World; II, Information, and III, Intelligence; the fourth block is a dialogue-epilogue with the artist and painter J. M. Yturralde, closing the book with a critical foray into the overlap between Art and Science, with tantalizing questions, with an artistic slant, such as the validity of the equation “Beauty ≠ Truth,” or whether we can go back in time to the past and change it.
Andrew T. McDonald and Verlaine Stoner McDonald
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780813176079
- eISBN:
- 9780813176109
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813176079.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
Chapter 4 describes Rusch’s experience from the time of his repatriation to the United States to his service as a personnel officer for the Military Intelligence Service Language School. Rusch’s task ...
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Chapter 4 describes Rusch’s experience from the time of his repatriation to the United States to his service as a personnel officer for the Military Intelligence Service Language School. Rusch’s task was to recruit Japanese Americans for the U.S. Army, where they would learn Japanese to serve the war effort. Rusch was also part of a speaker’s bureau, through which he would appear at public functions to discuss Japan’s military capabilities. On some occasions, before audiences of the Protestant Episcopal Church, Rusch spoke against America’s policy of interning Japanese Americans. But more often than not, Rusch’s remarks mirrored American policy and sentiments of the day, calling for the fiery destruction of Japan’s militarist regime, which he acknowledged would require the killing of Japanese civilians. At other times, Rusch used his position to implore army officers to treat Nisei soldiers as individuals, not as members of another race. Occasionally, Rusch spoke of World War II in terms of a race war, of Japanese leaders bent on expelling Caucasians from Asia, casting Americans in the role of the fearless pioneers who fought off Native Americans to secure their westward expansion. Rusch remained committed to returning to help Japan rebuild after the war.Less
Chapter 4 describes Rusch’s experience from the time of his repatriation to the United States to his service as a personnel officer for the Military Intelligence Service Language School. Rusch’s task was to recruit Japanese Americans for the U.S. Army, where they would learn Japanese to serve the war effort. Rusch was also part of a speaker’s bureau, through which he would appear at public functions to discuss Japan’s military capabilities. On some occasions, before audiences of the Protestant Episcopal Church, Rusch spoke against America’s policy of interning Japanese Americans. But more often than not, Rusch’s remarks mirrored American policy and sentiments of the day, calling for the fiery destruction of Japan’s militarist regime, which he acknowledged would require the killing of Japanese civilians. At other times, Rusch used his position to implore army officers to treat Nisei soldiers as individuals, not as members of another race. Occasionally, Rusch spoke of World War II in terms of a race war, of Japanese leaders bent on expelling Caucasians from Asia, casting Americans in the role of the fearless pioneers who fought off Native Americans to secure their westward expansion. Rusch remained committed to returning to help Japan rebuild after the war.
Nige West and Oleg Tsarev
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300123470
- eISBN:
- 9780300156416
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300123470.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter presents an introduction to “Triplex,” which was one of the most closely guarded secrets of the World War II. No reference to it has ever been published, and the official multivolume ...
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This chapter presents an introduction to “Triplex,” which was one of the most closely guarded secrets of the World War II. No reference to it has ever been published, and the official multivolume history of British Intelligence in World War II contains absolutely no mention of this source, which is still highly classified in Britain. The chapter reveals that the Soviet spies recruited from Cambridge University were known in Moscow as the “Ring of Five” and consisted of Kim Philby, Donald Maclean, Guy Burgess, Anthony Blunt, and John Cairncross. What made the network so remarkable was that they all knew one another. The only outsider was John Cairncross, a formidable intellect but a cantankerous, socially insecure Scot who, despite his undoubted talents, made himself unpopular in successive Whitehall posts, including the Foreign Office, the Treasury, the Secret Intelligence Service SIS, and the Government Communications Headquarters.Less
This chapter presents an introduction to “Triplex,” which was one of the most closely guarded secrets of the World War II. No reference to it has ever been published, and the official multivolume history of British Intelligence in World War II contains absolutely no mention of this source, which is still highly classified in Britain. The chapter reveals that the Soviet spies recruited from Cambridge University were known in Moscow as the “Ring of Five” and consisted of Kim Philby, Donald Maclean, Guy Burgess, Anthony Blunt, and John Cairncross. What made the network so remarkable was that they all knew one another. The only outsider was John Cairncross, a formidable intellect but a cantankerous, socially insecure Scot who, despite his undoubted talents, made himself unpopular in successive Whitehall posts, including the Foreign Office, the Treasury, the Secret Intelligence Service SIS, and the Government Communications Headquarters.
