Michael J. Boyle (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781526105813
- eISBN:
- 9781526135988
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526105813.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This edited collection surveys how non-Western states have responded to the threats of domestic and international terrorism in ways consistent with and reflective of their broad historical, ...
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This edited collection surveys how non-Western states have responded to the threats of domestic and international terrorism in ways consistent with and reflective of their broad historical, political, cultural and religious traditions. It presents a series of eighteen case studies of counterterrorism theory and practice in the non-Western world, including countries such as China, Japan, India, Pakistan, Egypt and Brazil. These case studies, written by country experts and drawing on original language sources, demonstrate the diversity of counter-terrorism theory and practice and illustrate how the world ‘sees’ and responds to terrorism is different from the way that the United States, the United Kingdom and many European governments do. This volume – the first ever comprehensive account of counter-terrorism in the non-Western world – will be of interest to students, scholars, students and policymakers responsible for developing counter-terrorism policy.Less
This edited collection surveys how non-Western states have responded to the threats of domestic and international terrorism in ways consistent with and reflective of their broad historical, political, cultural and religious traditions. It presents a series of eighteen case studies of counterterrorism theory and practice in the non-Western world, including countries such as China, Japan, India, Pakistan, Egypt and Brazil. These case studies, written by country experts and drawing on original language sources, demonstrate the diversity of counter-terrorism theory and practice and illustrate how the world ‘sees’ and responds to terrorism is different from the way that the United States, the United Kingdom and many European governments do. This volume – the first ever comprehensive account of counter-terrorism in the non-Western world – will be of interest to students, scholars, students and policymakers responsible for developing counter-terrorism policy.
Jens Eder and Charlotte Klonk (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781526107213
- eISBN:
- 9781526120984
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526107213.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
Still and moving images are crucial factors in contemporary political conflicts. They not only have representational, expressive or illustrative functions, but also augment and create significant ...
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Still and moving images are crucial factors in contemporary political conflicts. They not only have representational, expressive or illustrative functions, but also augment and create significant events. Beyond altering states of mind, they affect bodies, and often life or death is at stake. Various forms of image operations are currently performed in the contexts of war, insurgency and activism. Photographs, videos, interactive simulations and other kinds of images steer drones to their targets, train soldiers, terrorise the public, celebrate protest icons, uncover injustices, or call for help. They are often parts of complex agential networks and move across different media and cultural environments. This book is a pioneering interdisciplinary study of the role and function of images in political life. Balancing theoretical reflections with in-depth case studies, it brings together renowned scholars and activists from different fields to offer a multifaceted critical perspective on a crucial aspect of contemporary visual culture.Less
Still and moving images are crucial factors in contemporary political conflicts. They not only have representational, expressive or illustrative functions, but also augment and create significant events. Beyond altering states of mind, they affect bodies, and often life or death is at stake. Various forms of image operations are currently performed in the contexts of war, insurgency and activism. Photographs, videos, interactive simulations and other kinds of images steer drones to their targets, train soldiers, terrorise the public, celebrate protest icons, uncover injustices, or call for help. They are often parts of complex agential networks and move across different media and cultural environments. This book is a pioneering interdisciplinary study of the role and function of images in political life. Balancing theoretical reflections with in-depth case studies, it brings together renowned scholars and activists from different fields to offer a multifaceted critical perspective on a crucial aspect of contemporary visual culture.
Samantha Newbery
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719091483
- eISBN:
- 9781781708552
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719091483.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
Interrogation, Intelligence and Security examines the origins and effects of a group of controversial interrogation techniques often described as torture, known as the ‘five techniques’. Focusing on ...
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Interrogation, Intelligence and Security examines the origins and effects of a group of controversial interrogation techniques often described as torture, known as the ‘five techniques’. Focusing on the colony of Aden at a time when British rule was being challenged by nationalist insurgents (1963–67), on the height of ‘the troubles’ in Northern Ireland (1971) and the conflict in Iraq (2003), the book explores the use of hooding to restrict vision, white noise, stress positions, limited sleep and a limited diet. Through its in-depth analysis the book reveals how British forces came to use such controversial methods in counter-insurgency, counter-terrorism and internal security contexts. In Aden and Northern Ireland the techniques were a part of policy, used because of the British military’s belief – a belief adopted by members of government – that the techniques would increase the amount and quality of intelligence obtained during interrogation. In Iraq the techniques were used for a much more complex set of factors that can be categorised into facilitating and motivating factors. The book finds that while it is likely that some intelligence was produced from these interrogations, the techniques had widespread and long-lasting negative effects that should be taken into account when judging whether these and similar techniques can be justified.Less
Interrogation, Intelligence and Security examines the origins and effects of a group of controversial interrogation techniques often described as torture, known as the ‘five techniques’. Focusing on the colony of Aden at a time when British rule was being challenged by nationalist insurgents (1963–67), on the height of ‘the troubles’ in Northern Ireland (1971) and the conflict in Iraq (2003), the book explores the use of hooding to restrict vision, white noise, stress positions, limited sleep and a limited diet. Through its in-depth analysis the book reveals how British forces came to use such controversial methods in counter-insurgency, counter-terrorism and internal security contexts. In Aden and Northern Ireland the techniques were a part of policy, used because of the British military’s belief – a belief adopted by members of government – that the techniques would increase the amount and quality of intelligence obtained during interrogation. In Iraq the techniques were used for a much more complex set of factors that can be categorised into facilitating and motivating factors. The book finds that while it is likely that some intelligence was produced from these interrogations, the techniques had widespread and long-lasting negative effects that should be taken into account when judging whether these and similar techniques can be justified.
Dongshin Chang
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199586196
- eISBN:
- 9780191728754
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199586196.003.0015
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval
This chapter examines Antigone: Insurgency (2007) — a response to state measures taken in the name of national security in the USA and Canada after 9/11 — staged with a cast of three. The script ...
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This chapter examines Antigone: Insurgency (2007) — a response to state measures taken in the name of national security in the USA and Canada after 9/11 — staged with a cast of three. The script treated Sophocles' text as a score into which modern material was interpolated. For example, Creon's first speech drew on both that of George Bush at ground zero on 14 September, and another by Canada's former Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau. Antigone's list of fellow resisters included names that many would have characterized as terrorists. Yet the play ended with a vision of reconciliation: Creon holding the dead Antigone, posed like the pieta. The deconstruction of the text in Antigone: Insurgency mirrors the seeming destruction and chaos of post-9/11 society.Less
This chapter examines Antigone: Insurgency (2007) — a response to state measures taken in the name of national security in the USA and Canada after 9/11 — staged with a cast of three. The script treated Sophocles' text as a score into which modern material was interpolated. For example, Creon's first speech drew on both that of George Bush at ground zero on 14 September, and another by Canada's former Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau. Antigone's list of fellow resisters included names that many would have characterized as terrorists. Yet the play ended with a vision of reconciliation: Creon holding the dead Antigone, posed like the pieta. The deconstruction of the text in Antigone: Insurgency mirrors the seeming destruction and chaos of post-9/11 society.
Francis Grice
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781949668049
- eISBN:
- 9781949668056
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9781949668049.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Naval power had a huge impact on the rise of Mao Zedong and the Communists in China from 1926 to 1949. Despite this, scholars have often marginalized its role because Mao himself wrote very little ...
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Naval power had a huge impact on the rise of Mao Zedong and the Communists in China from 1926 to 1949. Despite this, scholars have often marginalized its role because Mao himself wrote very little about the topic. This chapter by Francis Gricerebuts the belief that naval power was unimportant by providing an extensive account of the different ways that Mao and the Communists were affected by naval power during three main periods: their early struggles with the Kuomintang and foreign powers, the war against Japan, and the subsequent Civil War. The chapter asserts that Mao paid little heed to naval issues because he lacked strategic vision and because he was determined to provide a "victor" narrative that emphasized the strengths of the Communist movement and marginalized its weaknesses. The chapter links the absence of naval components within Mao's writings with the surprising dearth of attention to maritime issues within modern counter-insurgency literature, including the recent U.S. Army/Marine Corps Counterinsurgency Field Manual. Finally, the chapter argues that the omission of naval power from Mao's writings helps to demonstrate that his relevance for later insurgencies was considerably lower than is conventionally assumed.Less
Naval power had a huge impact on the rise of Mao Zedong and the Communists in China from 1926 to 1949. Despite this, scholars have often marginalized its role because Mao himself wrote very little about the topic. This chapter by Francis Gricerebuts the belief that naval power was unimportant by providing an extensive account of the different ways that Mao and the Communists were affected by naval power during three main periods: their early struggles with the Kuomintang and foreign powers, the war against Japan, and the subsequent Civil War. The chapter asserts that Mao paid little heed to naval issues because he lacked strategic vision and because he was determined to provide a "victor" narrative that emphasized the strengths of the Communist movement and marginalized its weaknesses. The chapter links the absence of naval components within Mao's writings with the surprising dearth of attention to maritime issues within modern counter-insurgency literature, including the recent U.S. Army/Marine Corps Counterinsurgency Field Manual. Finally, the chapter argues that the omission of naval power from Mao's writings helps to demonstrate that his relevance for later insurgencies was considerably lower than is conventionally assumed.
Michael J. Boyle
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781526105813
- eISBN:
- 9781526135988
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526105813.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This introduction chapter identifies the rationale for a comparative study of the counterterrorism responses of non-Western states. It argues that much of the counterterrorism literature is biased ...
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This introduction chapter identifies the rationale for a comparative study of the counterterrorism responses of non-Western states. It argues that much of the counterterrorism literature is biased towards Western perspectives, particularly that of the United States, United Kingdom, and Israel, and tends to ignore the distinct counterterrorism approaches of non-Western states. This chapter defines what is meant by “non-Western” in this volume and identifies the drivers – historical, social, political, cultural and religious – that determine their counterterrorism response.Less
This introduction chapter identifies the rationale for a comparative study of the counterterrorism responses of non-Western states. It argues that much of the counterterrorism literature is biased towards Western perspectives, particularly that of the United States, United Kingdom, and Israel, and tends to ignore the distinct counterterrorism approaches of non-Western states. This chapter defines what is meant by “non-Western” in this volume and identifies the drivers – historical, social, political, cultural and religious – that determine their counterterrorism response.
Steven Hurst
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748627677
- eISBN:
- 9780748672103
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748627677.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The final chapter discusses how and why the Bush administration's grand ambitions turned to dust. Having taken no account of the existence, or lack of them, of the preconditions for democracy in ...
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The final chapter discusses how and why the Bush administration's grand ambitions turned to dust. Having taken no account of the existence, or lack of them, of the preconditions for democracy in Iraq, and having failed utterly to prepare for a prolonged occupation, the Bush administration's decision to invade precipitated chaos in Iraq. State collapse was followed by a descent into anarchy and escalating sectarian warfare that the USA and its allies were seemingly powerless to contain. After three years of failed policies a change of course in 2007–2008 did bring improvements, but at the end of George W. Bush's term of office Iraq remained a state perched on the brink of a return to sectarian warfare and America's position in the Persian Gulf remained as precarious and problematic as ever.Less
The final chapter discusses how and why the Bush administration's grand ambitions turned to dust. Having taken no account of the existence, or lack of them, of the preconditions for democracy in Iraq, and having failed utterly to prepare for a prolonged occupation, the Bush administration's decision to invade precipitated chaos in Iraq. State collapse was followed by a descent into anarchy and escalating sectarian warfare that the USA and its allies were seemingly powerless to contain. After three years of failed policies a change of course in 2007–2008 did bring improvements, but at the end of George W. Bush's term of office Iraq remained a state perched on the brink of a return to sectarian warfare and America's position in the Persian Gulf remained as precarious and problematic as ever.
Neville Bolt
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197511671
- eISBN:
- 9780197554623
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197511671.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
Fast-moving, self- propelled 'violent images' have radically changed the nature of insurgency in the modern world. Global media have revolutionized the way ideas, messages and images are ...
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Fast-moving, self- propelled 'violent images' have radically changed the nature of insurgency in the modern world. Global media have revolutionized the way ideas, messages and images are disseminated, and the speed with which they travel. First satellite TV, then laptops and the Internet, and now mobile phones and social media have transformed the way we communicate, collapsing time and distance. Rebels who hope to overthrow states or to build transnational, ideological communities, have adopted these dynamic technologies. But they have also learned the key lesson: in a visual world, the power of the image has supplanted that of the written world. Neville Bolt investigates how today's revolutionaries have rejuvenated the nineteenth century 'Propaganda of the Deed' so that terrorism no longer simply goads states into overreacting, thereby losing legitimacy. The deed has become a tool to highlight the underlying grievances of communities. Pictures of 9/11, 7/1, and Abu Ghraib are today's weapon of choice. The Violent Image explores what happens in the 'moment of shock'; how emotive pictures attach to messages, causing populations to rise up in anger. From the Fenians to the Taliban to the Arab Spring we learn how insurgents have adapted the way they use violence to tell stories and effect social change. In the 'war of ideas', the new revolutionaries aim to set in motion surges of support that spread virally through global networks at such speed that states can no longer defend their own strategic narratives. Have we now reached the point where insurgents and populations are driving images and ideas so fast, that a new era of revolutionary politics is already upon us?Less
Fast-moving, self- propelled 'violent images' have radically changed the nature of insurgency in the modern world. Global media have revolutionized the way ideas, messages and images are disseminated, and the speed with which they travel. First satellite TV, then laptops and the Internet, and now mobile phones and social media have transformed the way we communicate, collapsing time and distance. Rebels who hope to overthrow states or to build transnational, ideological communities, have adopted these dynamic technologies. But they have also learned the key lesson: in a visual world, the power of the image has supplanted that of the written world. Neville Bolt investigates how today's revolutionaries have rejuvenated the nineteenth century 'Propaganda of the Deed' so that terrorism no longer simply goads states into overreacting, thereby losing legitimacy. The deed has become a tool to highlight the underlying grievances of communities. Pictures of 9/11, 7/1, and Abu Ghraib are today's weapon of choice. The Violent Image explores what happens in the 'moment of shock'; how emotive pictures attach to messages, causing populations to rise up in anger. From the Fenians to the Taliban to the Arab Spring we learn how insurgents have adapted the way they use violence to tell stories and effect social change. In the 'war of ideas', the new revolutionaries aim to set in motion surges of support that spread virally through global networks at such speed that states can no longer defend their own strategic narratives. Have we now reached the point where insurgents and populations are driving images and ideas so fast, that a new era of revolutionary politics is already upon us?
Govind Bhattacharjee
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- April 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199460830
- eISBN:
- 9780199086528
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199460830.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
This chapter describes the situations under which the special category status was accorded to these five northeastern states. Meghalaya was carved out of Assam in 1972, and the union territories of ...
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This chapter describes the situations under which the special category status was accorded to these five northeastern states. Meghalaya was carved out of Assam in 1972, and the union territories of Tripura and Manipur were accorded full statehood in the same year, following which special category status was accorded to them. Union territories of Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh were accorded full statehood in 1987 when they were also brought within this category. The chapter discusses the brief histories of each of these states including the history of attainment of statehood by them, their traditional socio-political institutions and ways of life, socio-economic changes in them since becoming special category states and the role of central assistance in expanding their infrastructure and improving the developmental indicators in them. The chapter examines the management of public finances by them as well as their planning priorities. It also discusses the violent insurgency that singed Mizoram, Tripura, and Manipur for decades together and the present situation.Less
This chapter describes the situations under which the special category status was accorded to these five northeastern states. Meghalaya was carved out of Assam in 1972, and the union territories of Tripura and Manipur were accorded full statehood in the same year, following which special category status was accorded to them. Union territories of Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh were accorded full statehood in 1987 when they were also brought within this category. The chapter discusses the brief histories of each of these states including the history of attainment of statehood by them, their traditional socio-political institutions and ways of life, socio-economic changes in them since becoming special category states and the role of central assistance in expanding their infrastructure and improving the developmental indicators in them. The chapter examines the management of public finances by them as well as their planning priorities. It also discusses the violent insurgency that singed Mizoram, Tripura, and Manipur for decades together and the present situation.
Thomas Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- February 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190840600
- eISBN:
- 9780190943158
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190840600.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
Why has the Taliban been so much more effective in presenting messages that resonate with the Afghan population than the United States, the Afghan government and their allies? This book, based on ...
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Why has the Taliban been so much more effective in presenting messages that resonate with the Afghan population than the United States, the Afghan government and their allies? This book, based on years of field research and the assessment of hundreds of original source materials, examines the information operations and related narratives of Afghan insurgents, especially the Afghan Taliban, and investigates how the Taliban has won the information war. Taliban messaging, wrapped in the narrative of jihad, is both to the point and in tune with its target audiences. On the other hand, the United States and its Kabul allies committed a basic messaging blunder, failing to present narratives that spoke to or, often, were even understood by their target audiences. Importantly, the book systematically explains why the United States lost this "battle of the story" in Afghanistan, and argues that this defeat may have cost the US the entire war, despite its conventional and technological superiority.Less
Why has the Taliban been so much more effective in presenting messages that resonate with the Afghan population than the United States, the Afghan government and their allies? This book, based on years of field research and the assessment of hundreds of original source materials, examines the information operations and related narratives of Afghan insurgents, especially the Afghan Taliban, and investigates how the Taliban has won the information war. Taliban messaging, wrapped in the narrative of jihad, is both to the point and in tune with its target audiences. On the other hand, the United States and its Kabul allies committed a basic messaging blunder, failing to present narratives that spoke to or, often, were even understood by their target audiences. Importantly, the book systematically explains why the United States lost this "battle of the story" in Afghanistan, and argues that this defeat may have cost the US the entire war, despite its conventional and technological superiority.
Jelle J.P. Wouters
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- July 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780199485703
- eISBN:
- 9780199097760
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199485703.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
Starting with a vignette that details a mass protest in Dimapur against excessive ‘rebel’ taxations and the perceived degeneration of the long lingering Naga Movement for Independence, this opening ...
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Starting with a vignette that details a mass protest in Dimapur against excessive ‘rebel’ taxations and the perceived degeneration of the long lingering Naga Movement for Independence, this opening chapter introduces the Naga struggle, its history, political and territorial entanglements, complexities, and, after the 1997 Indo-Naga ceasefire, post-ceasefire practices and patterns. Theoretically, this chapter introduces the idea of ‘insurgency-complex’ to argue that, after long decades of political violence and volatilities, the politics of Naga insurgency, and the Indian state’s response to it, has flooded the shores of political conflict and inundates all areas of social life. This chapter ends with a reflection on the challenges and experiences of carrying out extensive ethnographic research in an area long shaped by violent conflict and political instability.Less
Starting with a vignette that details a mass protest in Dimapur against excessive ‘rebel’ taxations and the perceived degeneration of the long lingering Naga Movement for Independence, this opening chapter introduces the Naga struggle, its history, political and territorial entanglements, complexities, and, after the 1997 Indo-Naga ceasefire, post-ceasefire practices and patterns. Theoretically, this chapter introduces the idea of ‘insurgency-complex’ to argue that, after long decades of political violence and volatilities, the politics of Naga insurgency, and the Indian state’s response to it, has flooded the shores of political conflict and inundates all areas of social life. This chapter ends with a reflection on the challenges and experiences of carrying out extensive ethnographic research in an area long shaped by violent conflict and political instability.
Sanjib Baruah
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195690828
- eISBN:
- 9780199081769
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195690828.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
This book explores the causes as well as the meaning and significance of political violence in Northeast India, focusing on the formal and informal structures of governance and the democracy deficit ...
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This book explores the causes as well as the meaning and significance of political violence in Northeast India, focusing on the formal and informal structures of governance and the democracy deficit in the region. It looks at the life and times of the United Liberation Front of Assam(ULFA), the conflict between the Indian government and the Nagas, as well as the cultural politics that animate the militias of the region, and their relationship to their constituencies and to ‘mainstream’ social and political forces. In addressing the politics of militancy in Northeast India, the book focuses on areas both inside and outside the borders of what is called Assam today. Instead of reinforcing a false separation between ‘insurgency’ and the ‘mainstream’ of social and political life, the book argues that ethnic militias, counter-insurgency operations, state-backed militias, developmentalist practices, and the deformed institutions of democratic governance constitute a coherent whole, known as durable disorder.Less
This book explores the causes as well as the meaning and significance of political violence in Northeast India, focusing on the formal and informal structures of governance and the democracy deficit in the region. It looks at the life and times of the United Liberation Front of Assam(ULFA), the conflict between the Indian government and the Nagas, as well as the cultural politics that animate the militias of the region, and their relationship to their constituencies and to ‘mainstream’ social and political forces. In addressing the politics of militancy in Northeast India, the book focuses on areas both inside and outside the borders of what is called Assam today. Instead of reinforcing a false separation between ‘insurgency’ and the ‘mainstream’ of social and political life, the book argues that ethnic militias, counter-insurgency operations, state-backed militias, developmentalist practices, and the deformed institutions of democratic governance constitute a coherent whole, known as durable disorder.
Nancy Lee Pelusq and Peter Yandergeest
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780226322667
- eISBN:
- 9780226024134
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226024134.003.0006
- Subject:
- Biology, Biodiversity / Conservation Biology
Many forest management institutions and the ideologies that govern them, all hallmarks of modern states, were produced in Southeast Asia in the crucible of war. Insurgencies, ethnic wars, and “Cold ...
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Many forest management institutions and the ideologies that govern them, all hallmarks of modern states, were produced in Southeast Asia in the crucible of war. Insurgencies, ethnic wars, and “Cold Wars” in the tropics shaped institutions and practices, because “jungles” were their front lines. Although the direct impacts of war on forests are well-known, indirect and institutional effects of war and an array of “medium hard “technologies of power, such as forced relocation ( strategic hamlets), state colonization of historical territories (resettlement and transmigration), criminalization of traditional practices (edicts against the use of fire, shifting cultivation, etc.), exclusion of local populations from their traditional resource terrains (national park and forest legislation), and the transformations of bureaucratic/ military structures and surveillance for the management forests, are barely documented. This chapter focuses on the institutional dimensions of war in the creation of forest politics that exclude traditional ethnic or “racialized” populations. It further argues that war, insurgency, and counter-insurgency contributed to the resurgence of forests in many areas.Less
Many forest management institutions and the ideologies that govern them, all hallmarks of modern states, were produced in Southeast Asia in the crucible of war. Insurgencies, ethnic wars, and “Cold Wars” in the tropics shaped institutions and practices, because “jungles” were their front lines. Although the direct impacts of war on forests are well-known, indirect and institutional effects of war and an array of “medium hard “technologies of power, such as forced relocation ( strategic hamlets), state colonization of historical territories (resettlement and transmigration), criminalization of traditional practices (edicts against the use of fire, shifting cultivation, etc.), exclusion of local populations from their traditional resource terrains (national park and forest legislation), and the transformations of bureaucratic/ military structures and surveillance for the management forests, are barely documented. This chapter focuses on the institutional dimensions of war in the creation of forest politics that exclude traditional ethnic or “racialized” populations. It further argues that war, insurgency, and counter-insurgency contributed to the resurgence of forests in many areas.
Jessica Elkind
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780813165837
- eISBN:
- 9780813167183
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813165837.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter deals with American attempts to defend the fragile state in South Vietnam by enhancing its security forces.It focuses on conflicts between South Vietnamese officials and American ...
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This chapter deals with American attempts to defend the fragile state in South Vietnam by enhancing its security forces.It focuses on conflicts between South Vietnamese officials and American advisers, especially police specialists from Michigan State University and the US Operations Mission, over the relationship between security and the state.The story of US assistance to South Vietnam’s law enforcement organizations reveals clearly the disastrous consequences of American and South Vietnamese policy makers’ insistence on employing military solutions for political problems.Less
This chapter deals with American attempts to defend the fragile state in South Vietnam by enhancing its security forces.It focuses on conflicts between South Vietnamese officials and American advisers, especially police specialists from Michigan State University and the US Operations Mission, over the relationship between security and the state.The story of US assistance to South Vietnam’s law enforcement organizations reveals clearly the disastrous consequences of American and South Vietnamese policy makers’ insistence on employing military solutions for political problems.
Ira A. Hunt
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813142081
- eISBN:
- 9780813142449
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813142081.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Chapter Three looks at the effects of the “war by budget” on the Cambodian Civil War. It discusses the inability of the Cambodians to hold off the Khmer communist insurgency and the subsequent fall ...
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Chapter Three looks at the effects of the “war by budget” on the Cambodian Civil War. It discusses the inability of the Cambodians to hold off the Khmer communist insurgency and the subsequent fall of Cambodia. It suggests that the U.S. Congress’s failure to provide the funding necessary to adequately support the war effort caused defeatism among the Cambodian forces. The Khmer communists, in contrast, seemed to become better equipped and supplied as the war wore on. Another key factor was that, as in South Vietnam, the United States withdrew its supporting combat forces, attempting to augment the loss by providing the Cambodian forces with additional armor, artillery, and tactical air equipment. This chapter suggests that both cases were due to ideological clashes.Less
Chapter Three looks at the effects of the “war by budget” on the Cambodian Civil War. It discusses the inability of the Cambodians to hold off the Khmer communist insurgency and the subsequent fall of Cambodia. It suggests that the U.S. Congress’s failure to provide the funding necessary to adequately support the war effort caused defeatism among the Cambodian forces. The Khmer communists, in contrast, seemed to become better equipped and supplied as the war wore on. Another key factor was that, as in South Vietnam, the United States withdrew its supporting combat forces, attempting to augment the loss by providing the Cambodian forces with additional armor, artillery, and tactical air equipment. This chapter suggests that both cases were due to ideological clashes.
Spencer D. Bakich
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780226107684
- eISBN:
- 9780226107851
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226107851.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The Iraq War was a mixed outcome for the United States: a military success but diplomatic failure. Militarily, America sought the overthrow of Saddam Hussein's regime with a minimal amount of combat ...
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The Iraq War was a mixed outcome for the United States: a military success but diplomatic failure. Militarily, America sought the overthrow of Saddam Hussein's regime with a minimal amount of combat power expended in the effort. Diplomatically, top policymakers sought to create the conditions for the emergence of a stable and democratic Iraqi state. The U.S. achieved its military objective, but it did so at the expense of its diplomatic objective as the effort to foster a democratic regime succumbed to the rise of a Sunni-based insurgency. This chapter argues that this mixed outcome resulted from America's moderately truncated information institution. President George W. Bush, Richard Cheney, and Donald Rumsfeld received the vast majority of their strategic intelligence from U.S. Central Command headed by General Tommy Franks. This “empowered stovepipe” produced a military strategy that resulted in regime change, but which undermined post-conflict stabilization and reconstruction efforts.Less
The Iraq War was a mixed outcome for the United States: a military success but diplomatic failure. Militarily, America sought the overthrow of Saddam Hussein's regime with a minimal amount of combat power expended in the effort. Diplomatically, top policymakers sought to create the conditions for the emergence of a stable and democratic Iraqi state. The U.S. achieved its military objective, but it did so at the expense of its diplomatic objective as the effort to foster a democratic regime succumbed to the rise of a Sunni-based insurgency. This chapter argues that this mixed outcome resulted from America's moderately truncated information institution. President George W. Bush, Richard Cheney, and Donald Rumsfeld received the vast majority of their strategic intelligence from U.S. Central Command headed by General Tommy Franks. This “empowered stovepipe” produced a military strategy that resulted in regime change, but which undermined post-conflict stabilization and reconstruction efforts.
Kaushik Roy
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198099109
- eISBN:
- 9780199085286
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198099109.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This book analyses why the Mughals, British, Soviets, and Americans won the conventional wars but were defeated in the unconventional wars in Afghanistan. The book revolves round three interrelated ...
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This book analyses why the Mughals, British, Soviets, and Americans won the conventional wars but were defeated in the unconventional wars in Afghanistan. The book revolves round three interrelated concepts: weak state, great power rivalry, and counter-insurgency (COIN). In this book, the term COIN comprises all sorts of non-conventional operations. Many scholars argue that COIN is a concept that cannot be applied for the period before mid-twentieth century. However, even before the era of European overseas empires, pre-modern agrarian bureaucratic empires had to tackle the challenge of popular resistance aggravated by religious dissidence and local leadership. Such rebellions were suffused with political consciousness. In order to tackle such threats the polities had to offer a package which contained a mixture of military repression and political-cum-economic concessions. This monograph focuses on both the techniques and the ideas that underpinned state response to insurgency. Special emphasis is given to ecology, terrain, and logistics to explain sub-conventional operations and state building in Afghanistan. Though the focus remains on unconventional warfare, conventional warfare is not totally neglected. This is because throughout history, COIN and conventional warfare have been inter-related. Politics and diplomacy, the two crucial components of COIN remain in the background.Less
This book analyses why the Mughals, British, Soviets, and Americans won the conventional wars but were defeated in the unconventional wars in Afghanistan. The book revolves round three interrelated concepts: weak state, great power rivalry, and counter-insurgency (COIN). In this book, the term COIN comprises all sorts of non-conventional operations. Many scholars argue that COIN is a concept that cannot be applied for the period before mid-twentieth century. However, even before the era of European overseas empires, pre-modern agrarian bureaucratic empires had to tackle the challenge of popular resistance aggravated by religious dissidence and local leadership. Such rebellions were suffused with political consciousness. In order to tackle such threats the polities had to offer a package which contained a mixture of military repression and political-cum-economic concessions. This monograph focuses on both the techniques and the ideas that underpinned state response to insurgency. Special emphasis is given to ecology, terrain, and logistics to explain sub-conventional operations and state building in Afghanistan. Though the focus remains on unconventional warfare, conventional warfare is not totally neglected. This is because throughout history, COIN and conventional warfare have been inter-related. Politics and diplomacy, the two crucial components of COIN remain in the background.
Will Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780719088896
- eISBN:
- 9781781705827
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719088896.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
This chapter presents an intertextual account of colonial discourse and psychotic delusion. By ‘reading madness’, the chapter aims to show the intimate relationship between prevailing ‘white writing’ ...
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This chapter presents an intertextual account of colonial discourse and psychotic delusion. By ‘reading madness’, the chapter aims to show the intimate relationship between prevailing ‘white writing’ and the imagination of the ‘white insane’. Returning to the idea of Africa as a site of madness, the chapter considers Mau Mau in the delusional content of European psychiatric patients in order to develop an analysis of the salience of transgression and its denial for the European settler at a time of incipient decolonisation.Less
This chapter presents an intertextual account of colonial discourse and psychotic delusion. By ‘reading madness’, the chapter aims to show the intimate relationship between prevailing ‘white writing’ and the imagination of the ‘white insane’. Returning to the idea of Africa as a site of madness, the chapter considers Mau Mau in the delusional content of European psychiatric patients in order to develop an analysis of the salience of transgression and its denial for the European settler at a time of incipient decolonisation.
Stephen Benedict Dyson
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719091704
- eISBN:
- 9781781706978
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719091704.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter covers Iraq policy from June 2004 until mid-2006 from the standpoint of security and of politics, analyzing Bush and Rumsfeld's conceptions of what was necessary and the conflict between ...
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This chapter covers Iraq policy from June 2004 until mid-2006 from the standpoint of security and of politics, analyzing Bush and Rumsfeld's conceptions of what was necessary and the conflict between these two visions. Paradoxically, Bush and Rumsfeld's worldviews led them to very different conclusions as to what was required, but their styles meant that they did not have a direct debate about these differences. The puzzling U.S. behavior during this period – describing Iraq as central to the war on terror and the spread of democracy, yet simultaneously drawing down forces and planning to leave – is revealed here as a product of the conflict between the visions of Bush and Rumsfeld.Less
This chapter covers Iraq policy from June 2004 until mid-2006 from the standpoint of security and of politics, analyzing Bush and Rumsfeld's conceptions of what was necessary and the conflict between these two visions. Paradoxically, Bush and Rumsfeld's worldviews led them to very different conclusions as to what was required, but their styles meant that they did not have a direct debate about these differences. The puzzling U.S. behavior during this period – describing Iraq as central to the war on terror and the spread of democracy, yet simultaneously drawing down forces and planning to leave – is revealed here as a product of the conflict between the visions of Bush and Rumsfeld.
Samantha Newbery
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719091483
- eISBN:
- 9781781708552
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719091483.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter identifies the nature of the ‘five techniques’ of interrogation used during the State of Emergency in Aden. The threat from nationalist insurgents led not only to the declaration of a ...
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This chapter identifies the nature of the ‘five techniques’ of interrogation used during the State of Emergency in Aden. The threat from nationalist insurgents led not only to the declaration of a State of Emergency, but to the use of the ‘five techniques’ as well. In order to explain how such controversial techniques came to be used in this case the history and development of the techniques is addressed, as is the process of decision-making that led to their use. The reasons why the military brought these techniques to Aden will be made clear. It will be shown that the purpose behind the use of the ‘five techniques’ in Aden was to improve the intelligence available to the security forces.Less
This chapter identifies the nature of the ‘five techniques’ of interrogation used during the State of Emergency in Aden. The threat from nationalist insurgents led not only to the declaration of a State of Emergency, but to the use of the ‘five techniques’ as well. In order to explain how such controversial techniques came to be used in this case the history and development of the techniques is addressed, as is the process of decision-making that led to their use. The reasons why the military brought these techniques to Aden will be made clear. It will be shown that the purpose behind the use of the ‘five techniques’ in Aden was to improve the intelligence available to the security forces.