John Saillant
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195157178
- eISBN:
- 9780199834617
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195157176.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
In the second half of the eighteenth century, British and American men and women began criticizing the slave trade and slavery as violations of the principles of Christianity, natural rights, and ...
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In the second half of the eighteenth century, British and American men and women began criticizing the slave trade and slavery as violations of the principles of Christianity, natural rights, and political security. A black spokesman for abolitionism was Lemuel Haynes (1753–1833), one of the first African Americans to publish. Haynes served as a minuteman in the American War of Independence and began writing against the slave trade and slavery in the 1770s. After ordination in a Congregational church, he assumed a pulpit in Rutland, Vermont, where he became a leading controversialist, defender of the theology of Jonathan Edwards, and interpreter of republican ideology. He was dismissed from his pulpit in 1818, because his affiliation to the Federalist Party and his opposition to the War of 1812 offended his congregation. The last 15 years of his life were characterized by pessimism about the ability of Americans of the early republic to defeat racism as well as by a defense of Puritanism, which he believed could guide the creation of a free, harmonious, and integrated society.Less
In the second half of the eighteenth century, British and American men and women began criticizing the slave trade and slavery as violations of the principles of Christianity, natural rights, and political security. A black spokesman for abolitionism was Lemuel Haynes (1753–1833), one of the first African Americans to publish. Haynes served as a minuteman in the American War of Independence and began writing against the slave trade and slavery in the 1770s. After ordination in a Congregational church, he assumed a pulpit in Rutland, Vermont, where he became a leading controversialist, defender of the theology of Jonathan Edwards, and interpreter of republican ideology. He was dismissed from his pulpit in 1818, because his affiliation to the Federalist Party and his opposition to the War of 1812 offended his congregation. The last 15 years of his life were characterized by pessimism about the ability of Americans of the early republic to defeat racism as well as by a defense of Puritanism, which he believed could guide the creation of a free, harmonious, and integrated society.
Alexander Tsesis
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195379693
- eISBN:
- 9780199949847
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195379693.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This introductory chapter sets out the focus of the book, namely the various ways politicians, associations, groups, and individuals have relied on the Declaration of Independence to justify changing ...
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This introductory chapter sets out the focus of the book, namely the various ways politicians, associations, groups, and individuals have relied on the Declaration of Independence to justify changing policies, laws, and customs. The book's aim is to examine the evolving relevance of the Declaration of Independence. It attempts to uncover the extent to which the Declaration's readily recognizable statement about self-evident truths has influenced the course of history in the United States. It investigates whether the document's guarantee of equal liberty is substantive or merely ornamental. The humanitarian ideals on which the nation was founded have not always withstood the pressure of special interest groups. The document's message of universal freedoms nevertheless continues to be the national manifesto of representative democracy and fundamental rights.Less
This introductory chapter sets out the focus of the book, namely the various ways politicians, associations, groups, and individuals have relied on the Declaration of Independence to justify changing policies, laws, and customs. The book's aim is to examine the evolving relevance of the Declaration of Independence. It attempts to uncover the extent to which the Declaration's readily recognizable statement about self-evident truths has influenced the course of history in the United States. It investigates whether the document's guarantee of equal liberty is substantive or merely ornamental. The humanitarian ideals on which the nation was founded have not always withstood the pressure of special interest groups. The document's message of universal freedoms nevertheless continues to be the national manifesto of representative democracy and fundamental rights.
L. G. Mitchell
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201045
- eISBN:
- 9780191674815
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201045.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
Charles James Fox was one of the most colourful figures in 18th-century politics. Notorious for the excesses of his private life, he was at the same time one of the leading politicians of his ...
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Charles James Fox was one of the most colourful figures in 18th-century politics. Notorious for the excesses of his private life, he was at the same time one of the leading politicians of his generation, dominating the Whig party and polite society. As the political rival of Pitt the Younger and the intellectual rival of Edmund Burke, his views on the major issues of the day — the American War of Independence, the French Revolution, parliamentary reform — formed the character of Whiggery in his own time and for years to come. Fox's historical reputation has been hotly disputed. Some have hailed him as one of the founding fathers of Radicalism, others have dismissed him as an irritating and irresponsible impediment to the statesmanship of Pitt. This book shows that in many ways Fox was a politician through circumstance, not inclination. The book analyses the ties of kinship and friendship which to an astonishing degree dictated Fox's politics, and offers striking new assessments of Whiggery and its most potent personality.Less
Charles James Fox was one of the most colourful figures in 18th-century politics. Notorious for the excesses of his private life, he was at the same time one of the leading politicians of his generation, dominating the Whig party and polite society. As the political rival of Pitt the Younger and the intellectual rival of Edmund Burke, his views on the major issues of the day — the American War of Independence, the French Revolution, parliamentary reform — formed the character of Whiggery in his own time and for years to come. Fox's historical reputation has been hotly disputed. Some have hailed him as one of the founding fathers of Radicalism, others have dismissed him as an irritating and irresponsible impediment to the statesmanship of Pitt. This book shows that in many ways Fox was a politician through circumstance, not inclination. The book analyses the ties of kinship and friendship which to an astonishing degree dictated Fox's politics, and offers striking new assessments of Whiggery and its most potent personality.
A.G. Noorani (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195670561
- eISBN:
- 9780199080618
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195670561.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
This book presents important documents recording the reactions of Muslims in the aftermath of the Independence and Partition of India, and in the subsequent fifty years. Besides key political ...
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This book presents important documents recording the reactions of Muslims in the aftermath of the Independence and Partition of India, and in the subsequent fifty years. Besides key political developments, documents on topics such as Hindu revivalism and Muslim responses, the Babri Masjid question, the Supreme Court’s ruling on the Shah Bano case, Rajiv Gandhi’s discussions with Muslim leaders and the issue of personal laws, provide insights into Muslim participation in post-Independence polity and society. This book will interest scholars and students of modern Indian history and politics, journalists, and general readers.Less
This book presents important documents recording the reactions of Muslims in the aftermath of the Independence and Partition of India, and in the subsequent fifty years. Besides key political developments, documents on topics such as Hindu revivalism and Muslim responses, the Babri Masjid question, the Supreme Court’s ruling on the Shah Bano case, Rajiv Gandhi’s discussions with Muslim leaders and the issue of personal laws, provide insights into Muslim participation in post-Independence polity and society. This book will interest scholars and students of modern Indian history and politics, journalists, and general readers.
George P. Fletcher
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195156287
- eISBN:
- 9780199872169
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195156285.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter carefully analyzes the text of Abraham Lincoln's Gettysburg Address – beginning with the opening line, which evokes the Declaration of Independence rather than the Constitution – as the ...
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This chapter carefully analyzes the text of Abraham Lincoln's Gettysburg Address – beginning with the opening line, which evokes the Declaration of Independence rather than the Constitution – as the “preamble” to the new constitutional legal order. The author focuses on themes of nationhood, national identity, divine mission, equality and popular democracy, in contrast to the Constitution's original emphasis on a republic made up of free individuals.Less
This chapter carefully analyzes the text of Abraham Lincoln's Gettysburg Address – beginning with the opening line, which evokes the Declaration of Independence rather than the Constitution – as the “preamble” to the new constitutional legal order. The author focuses on themes of nationhood, national identity, divine mission, equality and popular democracy, in contrast to the Constitution's original emphasis on a republic made up of free individuals.
Max. M Edling
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195148701
- eISBN:
- 9780199835096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148703.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Provides background accounts of political development in the USA from the American War of Independence to the Philadelphia Convention, and establish that, by 1787, Congress was marked by military ...
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Provides background accounts of political development in the USA from the American War of Independence to the Philadelphia Convention, and establish that, by 1787, Congress was marked by military weakness and financial insolvency. Here, an account is given of the efforts of Congress to implement the fiscal clauses of the US Constitution, which shows that the national government created by the Articles of Confederation experienced serious difficulties in its ability to raise money, and in the end failed to raise sufficient money to meet its expenses. The focus of the chapter is on the means by which Congress raised money from the outbreak of the War of Independence up to the Philadelphia Convention, and also on how, one by one, these means were lost, so that by 1787 the insolvency of the national government was total. The first two parts of the chapter describe the attempts of Congress to raise money through fiat (printed) money, loans, and taxes, with the author contending that the Federalists accepted existing restrictions to taxation and formed a tax system that would be able to generate sufficient income for the national government without putting undue pressure on the American people. The last section of the chapter looks at the problem of the public debts run up by Congress and the states during the War of Independence, and at the reasons for the federal assumption of state debts – whether they were democratic or economic – and the reasons given by the Federalists as to why Congress had to resume payment of the public domestic and foreign debt.Less
Provides background accounts of political development in the USA from the American War of Independence to the Philadelphia Convention, and establish that, by 1787, Congress was marked by military weakness and financial insolvency. Here, an account is given of the efforts of Congress to implement the fiscal clauses of the US Constitution, which shows that the national government created by the Articles of Confederation experienced serious difficulties in its ability to raise money, and in the end failed to raise sufficient money to meet its expenses. The focus of the chapter is on the means by which Congress raised money from the outbreak of the War of Independence up to the Philadelphia Convention, and also on how, one by one, these means were lost, so that by 1787 the insolvency of the national government was total. The first two parts of the chapter describe the attempts of Congress to raise money through fiat (printed) money, loans, and taxes, with the author contending that the Federalists accepted existing restrictions to taxation and formed a tax system that would be able to generate sufficient income for the national government without putting undue pressure on the American people. The last section of the chapter looks at the problem of the public debts run up by Congress and the states during the War of Independence, and at the reasons for the federal assumption of state debts – whether they were democratic or economic – and the reasons given by the Federalists as to why Congress had to resume payment of the public domestic and foreign debt.
Mark Tushnet
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294962
- eISBN:
- 9780191598708
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294964.003.0024
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Federalism holds out the possibility of mutually profitable economic and cultural exchanges that gradually erode differences over fundamental interests, and that, given enough time, people may come ...
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Federalism holds out the possibility of mutually profitable economic and cultural exchanges that gradually erode differences over fundamental interests, and that, given enough time, people may come to see that the benefits of those exchanges outweigh the incremental changes in fundamental interests that accompany each exchange, until the incremental changes accumulate into a larger transformation in fundamental views. The Court rejected the possibility of using centralized national power to protect religious communities as locations of value pluralism, once in 1990 when it abjured the use of its own centralized authority, and again in 1997 when it barred Congress from using its authority. Professor Sandel sees federalism as a valuable institution not because it promotes or protects value pluralism as such but because it offers the possibility of a transformation of values from those we do not approve into universalist values of which we do approve. The Declaration of Independence and the Constitution’s Preamble set the nation on a course to realize something that can be summarized somewhat inaccurately as a set of universal human rights justified to other people by reason. This account makes American universalism distinctive, to the extent that it connects that universalism to a project with roots not in the abstract philosophical theorizing that Professor Sandel argues cannot motivate appropriate citizen behavior, but in the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and more generally in the working out of the project of American constitutionalism through the course of United States history.Less
Federalism holds out the possibility of mutually profitable economic and cultural exchanges that gradually erode differences over fundamental interests, and that, given enough time, people may come to see that the benefits of those exchanges outweigh the incremental changes in fundamental interests that accompany each exchange, until the incremental changes accumulate into a larger transformation in fundamental views. The Court rejected the possibility of using centralized national power to protect religious communities as locations of value pluralism, once in 1990 when it abjured the use of its own centralized authority, and again in 1997 when it barred Congress from using its authority. Professor Sandel sees federalism as a valuable institution not because it promotes or protects value pluralism as such but because it offers the possibility of a transformation of values from those we do not approve into universalist values of which we do approve. The Declaration of Independence and the Constitution’s Preamble set the nation on a course to realize something that can be summarized somewhat inaccurately as a set of universal human rights justified to other people by reason. This account makes American universalism distinctive, to the extent that it connects that universalism to a project with roots not in the abstract philosophical theorizing that Professor Sandel argues cannot motivate appropriate citizen behavior, but in the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and more generally in the working out of the project of American constitutionalism through the course of United States history.
Gil Loescher
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246915
- eISBN:
- 9780191599781
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246912.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Two political events at the centre of world politics in the mid‐ to late‐1950s—the Hungarian Revolution and the subsequent intervention by the USSR and the Algerian War of National Independence ...
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Two political events at the centre of world politics in the mid‐ to late‐1950s—the Hungarian Revolution and the subsequent intervention by the USSR and the Algerian War of National Independence against France—transformed the UNHCR. The roles played by the second UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Auguste Lindt, in both refugee crises resulted in fundamental changes in UNHCR's orientation and its international reputation. The crises in Hungary and Algeria constituted a bridgehead leading to future institutional growth and autonomy for the UNHCR. The UNHCR also expanded into the developing world through programmes assisting refugees from The Peoples Republic of China in Hong Kong and Tibetan refugees.Less
Two political events at the centre of world politics in the mid‐ to late‐1950s—the Hungarian Revolution and the subsequent intervention by the USSR and the Algerian War of National Independence against France—transformed the UNHCR. The roles played by the second UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Auguste Lindt, in both refugee crises resulted in fundamental changes in UNHCR's orientation and its international reputation. The crises in Hungary and Algeria constituted a bridgehead leading to future institutional growth and autonomy for the UNHCR. The UNHCR also expanded into the developing world through programmes assisting refugees from The Peoples Republic of China in Hong Kong and Tibetan refugees.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
On 1 Nov 1994, the UN Trusteeship Council voted to suspend operations after Palau, the last remaining trust territory, attained independence. The sovereign state has emerged out of decolonization as ...
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On 1 Nov 1994, the UN Trusteeship Council voted to suspend operations after Palau, the last remaining trust territory, attained independence. The sovereign state has emerged out of decolonization as the supreme form of political organization in post‐colonial international society—an international society in which dominions, colonies, principalities, free cities, and, of course, mandates and trust territories have all but vanished. However, the ostensible failure of this post‐colonial project—the fact that the promise of peace and prosperity held out by independent statehood is too often betrayed by appalling violence and absolute poverty—has reinvigorated interest in trusteeship as a way of responding to problems of international disorder and injustice. The purpose of this chapter is threefold: first, it examines the principal dilemma of decolonization that has resulted in a renewed interest in trusteeship; second, it considers this renewed interest in trusteeship in the context of international involvement in administering Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and, until recently, East Timor; third, it reflects upon the normative implications that a resurrected practice of trusteeship carries for a society of states that is premised on the juridical equality of all its members. The five sections of the chapter are: The False Promise of post‐Colonial Independence; Innovation and Convention—the case for trusteeship in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor; The New International Legitimacy—the resurrection of trusteeship; A Universal Society of States?; and Answering the Call of Humanity.Less
On 1 Nov 1994, the UN Trusteeship Council voted to suspend operations after Palau, the last remaining trust territory, attained independence. The sovereign state has emerged out of decolonization as the supreme form of political organization in post‐colonial international society—an international society in which dominions, colonies, principalities, free cities, and, of course, mandates and trust territories have all but vanished. However, the ostensible failure of this post‐colonial project—the fact that the promise of peace and prosperity held out by independent statehood is too often betrayed by appalling violence and absolute poverty—has reinvigorated interest in trusteeship as a way of responding to problems of international disorder and injustice. The purpose of this chapter is threefold: first, it examines the principal dilemma of decolonization that has resulted in a renewed interest in trusteeship; second, it considers this renewed interest in trusteeship in the context of international involvement in administering Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and, until recently, East Timor; third, it reflects upon the normative implications that a resurrected practice of trusteeship carries for a society of states that is premised on the juridical equality of all its members. The five sections of the chapter are: The False Promise of post‐Colonial Independence; Innovation and Convention—the case for trusteeship in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor; The New International Legitimacy—the resurrection of trusteeship; A Universal Society of States?; and Answering the Call of Humanity.
William R. Ryan
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195387285
- eISBN:
- 9780199775774
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195387285.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
The book draws to a close with the failed loyalist/Cherokee invasion of the backcountry in July 1776. Paradoxically, at the very same moment that the Cherokee were fighting against South Carolina ...
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The book draws to a close with the failed loyalist/Cherokee invasion of the backcountry in July 1776. Paradoxically, at the very same moment that the Cherokee were fighting against South Carolina patriots in the backcountry, Thomas Jefferson was in Philadelphia putting the finishing touches on the Declaration of Independence. The final grievance that the Virginia Whig leader enumerated—the capstone—was that the king had “excited domestic insurrection amongst us” and had “endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions.”Less
The book draws to a close with the failed loyalist/Cherokee invasion of the backcountry in July 1776. Paradoxically, at the very same moment that the Cherokee were fighting against South Carolina patriots in the backcountry, Thomas Jefferson was in Philadelphia putting the finishing touches on the Declaration of Independence. The final grievance that the Virginia Whig leader enumerated—the capstone—was that the king had “excited domestic insurrection amongst us” and had “endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions.”
Michael Keating
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199545957
- eISBN:
- 9780191719967
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199545957.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
After three hundred years, the Anglo-Scottish Union is in serious difficulty. This is not because of a profound cultural divide between England and Scotland but because recent decades have seen the ...
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After three hundred years, the Anglo-Scottish Union is in serious difficulty. This is not because of a profound cultural divide between England and Scotland but because recent decades have seen the rebuilding of Scotland as a political community while the ideology and practices of the old unionism have atrophied. Yet while Britishness is in decline, it has not been replaced by a dominant ideology of Scottish independence. Rather Scots are looking to renegotiate union to find a new place in the Isles, in Europe and in the world. There are few legal, constitutional or political obstacles to Scottish independence, but an independent Scotland would need to forge a new social and economic project as a small nation in the global market-place, and there has been little serious thinking about the implications of this. Short of independence, there is a range of constitutional options for renegotiating the Union to allow more Scottish self-government on the lines that public opinion seems to favour. The limits are posed not by constitutional principles but by the unwillingness of English opinion to abandon their unitary conception of the state. The end of the United Kingdom may be provoked, not by Scottish nationalism but by English unionism.Less
After three hundred years, the Anglo-Scottish Union is in serious difficulty. This is not because of a profound cultural divide between England and Scotland but because recent decades have seen the rebuilding of Scotland as a political community while the ideology and practices of the old unionism have atrophied. Yet while Britishness is in decline, it has not been replaced by a dominant ideology of Scottish independence. Rather Scots are looking to renegotiate union to find a new place in the Isles, in Europe and in the world. There are few legal, constitutional or political obstacles to Scottish independence, but an independent Scotland would need to forge a new social and economic project as a small nation in the global market-place, and there has been little serious thinking about the implications of this. Short of independence, there is a range of constitutional options for renegotiating the Union to allow more Scottish self-government on the lines that public opinion seems to favour. The limits are posed not by constitutional principles but by the unwillingness of English opinion to abandon their unitary conception of the state. The end of the United Kingdom may be provoked, not by Scottish nationalism but by English unionism.
Michael Keating
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199545957
- eISBN:
- 9780191719967
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199545957.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
There are no strong legal, constitutional or political obstacles to Scottish independence. There would be arguments about dividing assets but these could be resolved by compromise. Scotland might ...
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There are no strong legal, constitutional or political obstacles to Scottish independence. There would be arguments about dividing assets but these could be resolved by compromise. Scotland might have to apply to join the European Union, in which case it could lose the British opt-outs. Scottish nationalists would need to decide which sort of Europe they favour. More Europe would mean greater distance from the United Kingdom.Less
There are no strong legal, constitutional or political obstacles to Scottish independence. There would be arguments about dividing assets but these could be resolved by compromise. Scotland might have to apply to join the European Union, in which case it could lose the British opt-outs. Scottish nationalists would need to decide which sort of Europe they favour. More Europe would mean greater distance from the United Kingdom.
Benjamin L. Carp
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195304022
- eISBN:
- 9780199788606
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195304022.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
Philadelphia is the case study for this chapter because of the famous political meetings that occurred inside the State House (now known as Independence Hall), as well as the dramatic mobilization of ...
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Philadelphia is the case study for this chapter because of the famous political meetings that occurred inside the State House (now known as Independence Hall), as well as the dramatic mobilization of Philadelphians “out of doors.” This chapter examines the various types of political activity that took place outside the Court House and the town meetings in the State House Yard (now Independence Square). During the decade that preceded the Revolution, groups outside the political elite increasingly began mobilizing just outside the halls of power. They became frustrated with the unresponsive, oligarchic legislature. By 1774, these outdoor gatherings had cleared the way for the meetings of the Continental Congress at Carpenter's Hall and the State House that ordained Philadelphia the capital of the American Revolution.Less
Philadelphia is the case study for this chapter because of the famous political meetings that occurred inside the State House (now known as Independence Hall), as well as the dramatic mobilization of Philadelphians “out of doors.” This chapter examines the various types of political activity that took place outside the Court House and the town meetings in the State House Yard (now Independence Square). During the decade that preceded the Revolution, groups outside the political elite increasingly began mobilizing just outside the halls of power. They became frustrated with the unresponsive, oligarchic legislature. By 1774, these outdoor gatherings had cleared the way for the meetings of the Continental Congress at Carpenter's Hall and the State House that ordained Philadelphia the capital of the American Revolution.
Mark Weston Janis
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199579341
- eISBN:
- 9780191722653
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199579341.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Legal History
This book is an exploration of the ways in which Americans have perceived, applied, advanced, and frustrated international law. It demonstrates the varieties and continuities of America's approaches ...
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This book is an exploration of the ways in which Americans have perceived, applied, advanced, and frustrated international law. It demonstrates the varieties and continuities of America's approaches to international law. The book begins with the important role the law of nations played for founders like Jefferson and Madison in framing the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. It then discusses the intellectual contributions to international law made by leaders in the New Republic — Kent and Wheaton — and the place of international law in the 19th century judgments of Marshall, Story, and Taney. The book goes on to examine the contributions of American utopians — Dodge, Worcester, Ladd, Burritt, and Carnegie — to the establishment of the League of Nations, the World Court, the International Law Association, and the American Society of International Law. It finishes with an analysis of the wavering support to international law given by Woodrow Wilson and the emergence of a new American isolationism following the disappointment of World War I.Less
This book is an exploration of the ways in which Americans have perceived, applied, advanced, and frustrated international law. It demonstrates the varieties and continuities of America's approaches to international law. The book begins with the important role the law of nations played for founders like Jefferson and Madison in framing the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. It then discusses the intellectual contributions to international law made by leaders in the New Republic — Kent and Wheaton — and the place of international law in the 19th century judgments of Marshall, Story, and Taney. The book goes on to examine the contributions of American utopians — Dodge, Worcester, Ladd, Burritt, and Carnegie — to the establishment of the League of Nations, the World Court, the International Law Association, and the American Society of International Law. It finishes with an analysis of the wavering support to international law given by Woodrow Wilson and the emergence of a new American isolationism following the disappointment of World War I.
Joël Félix
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265383
- eISBN:
- 9780191760433
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265383.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
Despite its iconic status, Necker's Compte-rendu au roi is one of the most debated but least understood historical documents of the Ancien Regime. This chapter challenges the assumption that the ...
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Despite its iconic status, Necker's Compte-rendu au roi is one of the most debated but least understood historical documents of the Ancien Regime. This chapter challenges the assumption that the Compte-rendu was the first of its kind to be published and shows how it fitted within an established administrative tradition. It also rejects the classic interpretation according to which publication of the Compte-rendu was part of Necker's attempt at deceiving the public and justifying his popular but unsustainable policy of funding the American war without taxes. It is shown that the Compte-rendu's main objective, which drew heavily on the British fiscal system described by Necker as best practice, was to justify the necessity of additional fiscal resources — and fiscal transparency — for raising new loans to pay for the war. Rejection by Louis XVI of tax increase for fear of parlementaire opposition partly explains Necker's resignation.Less
Despite its iconic status, Necker's Compte-rendu au roi is one of the most debated but least understood historical documents of the Ancien Regime. This chapter challenges the assumption that the Compte-rendu was the first of its kind to be published and shows how it fitted within an established administrative tradition. It also rejects the classic interpretation according to which publication of the Compte-rendu was part of Necker's attempt at deceiving the public and justifying his popular but unsustainable policy of funding the American war without taxes. It is shown that the Compte-rendu's main objective, which drew heavily on the British fiscal system described by Necker as best practice, was to justify the necessity of additional fiscal resources — and fiscal transparency — for raising new loans to pay for the war. Rejection by Louis XVI of tax increase for fear of parlementaire opposition partly explains Necker's resignation.
Mark David Hall
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199929849
- eISBN:
- 9780199980574
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199929849.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Roger Sherman was the only founder to sign the Declaration and Resolves (1774), Articles of Association (1774), Declaration of Independence (1776), Articles of Confederation (1777, 1778), and ...
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Roger Sherman was the only founder to sign the Declaration and Resolves (1774), Articles of Association (1774), Declaration of Independence (1776), Articles of Confederation (1777, 1778), and Constitution (1787). He served on the five-man committee that drafted the Declaration of Independence, and he was among the most influential delegates at the Constitutional Convention. As a Representative and Senator in the new republic, he played important roles in determining the proper scope of the national government's power and in drafting the Bill of Rights. Even as he was helping to build a new nation, Sherman was a member of the Connecticut General Assembly and a Superior Court judge. In 1783, he and a colleague revised all of the state's laws. This book explores Sherman's political theory and shows how it informed his many contributions to America's founding. A central thesis of the work is that Sherman, like many founders, was heavily influenced by Calvinist political thought. This tradition had a significant impact on the founding generation's opposition to Great Britain, and it led them to develop political institutions designed to prevent corruption, promote virtue, and protect rights. Contrary to oft-repeated assertions by jurists and scholars that the founders advocated a strictly secular polity, this book argues persuasively that most founders believed Christianity should play an important role in the new American republic.Less
Roger Sherman was the only founder to sign the Declaration and Resolves (1774), Articles of Association (1774), Declaration of Independence (1776), Articles of Confederation (1777, 1778), and Constitution (1787). He served on the five-man committee that drafted the Declaration of Independence, and he was among the most influential delegates at the Constitutional Convention. As a Representative and Senator in the new republic, he played important roles in determining the proper scope of the national government's power and in drafting the Bill of Rights. Even as he was helping to build a new nation, Sherman was a member of the Connecticut General Assembly and a Superior Court judge. In 1783, he and a colleague revised all of the state's laws. This book explores Sherman's political theory and shows how it informed his many contributions to America's founding. A central thesis of the work is that Sherman, like many founders, was heavily influenced by Calvinist political thought. This tradition had a significant impact on the founding generation's opposition to Great Britain, and it led them to develop political institutions designed to prevent corruption, promote virtue, and protect rights. Contrary to oft-repeated assertions by jurists and scholars that the founders advocated a strictly secular polity, this book argues persuasively that most founders believed Christianity should play an important role in the new American republic.
Mark Weston Janis
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199579341
- eISBN:
- 9780191722653
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199579341.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Legal History
No group of America's leaders has ever been more mindful of the law of nations than were the Founding Fathers. This chapter tells a little of that story. It begins with American perceptions of the ...
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No group of America's leaders has ever been more mindful of the law of nations than were the Founding Fathers. This chapter tells a little of that story. It begins with American perceptions of the law of nations during the Revolution and Confederation (1776-1789), focusing on Thomas Jefferson and the Declaration of Independence. Second, it turns to the importance of the law of nations in the framing of the US Constitution (1787-1789), focusing on James Madison. Third, the chapter explores how the founders relied on international law in early American diplomacy. Finally, it looks to the incorporation of the law of nations in early American judicial practice, particularly the contribution made by John Marshall.Less
No group of America's leaders has ever been more mindful of the law of nations than were the Founding Fathers. This chapter tells a little of that story. It begins with American perceptions of the law of nations during the Revolution and Confederation (1776-1789), focusing on Thomas Jefferson and the Declaration of Independence. Second, it turns to the importance of the law of nations in the framing of the US Constitution (1787-1789), focusing on James Madison. Third, the chapter explores how the founders relied on international law in early American diplomacy. Finally, it looks to the incorporation of the law of nations in early American judicial practice, particularly the contribution made by John Marshall.
Constanze Güthenke
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199231850
- eISBN:
- 9780191716188
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199231850.003.0004
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, European History: BCE to 500CE
One of the guiding questions of this study is whether a change took place in the representation of the Greek land with the emergence of the Greek nation state. This chapter looks at the strategies ...
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One of the guiding questions of this study is whether a change took place in the representation of the Greek land with the emergence of the Greek nation state. This chapter looks at the strategies that politicize Greek nature and make it relevant to a German context after the outbreak of the Greek War of Independence in 1821. Greece was declared different from other national movements, and, according to the Romantic correspondence with nature, it was not the Greeks but Greek nature that liberated itself, enhancing its special position. The same imagery allowed for reflection on the German poetic voice and its standpoint in a politically conservative climate. One of the most prominent textual strategies is the use and notion of folk song. The main textual body is the popular poetry of Wilhelm Müller, supplemented with material from political pamphlets and geographical accounts.Less
One of the guiding questions of this study is whether a change took place in the representation of the Greek land with the emergence of the Greek nation state. This chapter looks at the strategies that politicize Greek nature and make it relevant to a German context after the outbreak of the Greek War of Independence in 1821. Greece was declared different from other national movements, and, according to the Romantic correspondence with nature, it was not the Greeks but Greek nature that liberated itself, enhancing its special position. The same imagery allowed for reflection on the German poetic voice and its standpoint in a politically conservative climate. One of the most prominent textual strategies is the use and notion of folk song. The main textual body is the popular poetry of Wilhelm Müller, supplemented with material from political pamphlets and geographical accounts.
Joy Connolly
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199212989
- eISBN:
- 9780191594205
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199212989.003.0005
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Prose and Writers: Classical, Early, and Medieval
This chapter examines classical rhetoric's central role in the formation of early American cultural identity. It surveys classical education in eighteenth‐ and early nineteenth‐century America, ...
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This chapter examines classical rhetoric's central role in the formation of early American cultural identity. It surveys classical education in eighteenth‐ and early nineteenth‐century America, focusing on the way claims about the universalist appeal of eloquence and certain habits of elocution transformed the exemplary tradition of civic republican virtue into a lived stylistics of democracy. Inculcating a personal style of classical ‘simplicity’ and ‘naturalness’, classical rhetoric both reinforced notions of white male superiority and (through its own universalist claims) opened a way for women and people of colour to claim roles in civic life. In concluding, it argues that, like the imperfect or suicidal heroes dear to colonial and revolutionary Americans, rhetoric's status as an ethically and epistemologically suspect discourse reveals the dissonances and compromises resting at the heart of republican culture.Less
This chapter examines classical rhetoric's central role in the formation of early American cultural identity. It surveys classical education in eighteenth‐ and early nineteenth‐century America, focusing on the way claims about the universalist appeal of eloquence and certain habits of elocution transformed the exemplary tradition of civic republican virtue into a lived stylistics of democracy. Inculcating a personal style of classical ‘simplicity’ and ‘naturalness’, classical rhetoric both reinforced notions of white male superiority and (through its own universalist claims) opened a way for women and people of colour to claim roles in civic life. In concluding, it argues that, like the imperfect or suicidal heroes dear to colonial and revolutionary Americans, rhetoric's status as an ethically and epistemologically suspect discourse reveals the dissonances and compromises resting at the heart of republican culture.
James Mitchell, Lynn Bennie, and Rob Johns
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199580002
- eISBN:
- 9780191731099
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580002.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Attitudes on Scotland’s constitutional status as well as other policy positions and views on party strategy are explored in this chapter. Most members endorse the official policy of independence in ...
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Attitudes on Scotland’s constitutional status as well as other policy positions and views on party strategy are explored in this chapter. Most members endorse the official policy of independence in Europe though a sizeable minority oppose EU membership and a section of the party cites an extension of devolution, rather than independence, as first choice. The membership are both moderate left of centre in their subjective assessment of themselves and the party and objectively in terms of various policy positions. It emerges as less coherent on the authoritarian–libertarian spectrum but more liberal than the public at large. It appears to be pragmatic though this may arise from its recent election success.Less
Attitudes on Scotland’s constitutional status as well as other policy positions and views on party strategy are explored in this chapter. Most members endorse the official policy of independence in Europe though a sizeable minority oppose EU membership and a section of the party cites an extension of devolution, rather than independence, as first choice. The membership are both moderate left of centre in their subjective assessment of themselves and the party and objectively in terms of various policy positions. It emerges as less coherent on the authoritarian–libertarian spectrum but more liberal than the public at large. It appears to be pragmatic though this may arise from its recent election success.
