Nathan Hofer
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780748694211
- eISBN:
- 9781474416115
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748694211.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Saladin founded his khānqāh a hospice known as the Saʿīd al-Su
ʿadāʾ or al-Íalā ªīya– in 569/1173 in order to house Sufis newly arrived in Cairo. He built it in the heart of the city and funded it ...
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Saladin founded his khānqāh a hospice known as the Saʿīd al-Su
ʿadāʾ or al-Íalā ªīya– in 569/1173 in order to house Sufis newly arrived in Cairo. He built it in the heart of the city and funded it with an endowment (waqf) to ensure that it would continue to provide a home for Sufis long after he had passed away.1 But the Saʿīd al-Su
ʿadāʾ did not simply house itinerant Sufis. Saladin also created a stipendiary position (man‚ib) at the top of the hierarchy of the khānqāh’s organisation, known as the shaykh al-shuyūkh
(literally ‘the master of masters’, hereafter ‘Chief Sufi’). This office was a kind of Sufi counterpart to that of the Chief Judge (qā∂ī al-qu
āt). The Chief Sufi was supposed to mentor the Sufis of the khānqāh and to act as a liaison between the ruling elite and local communities of Sufis in Egypt and Greater Syria. Theoretically, then, the authority of the Chief Sufi was geographically coterminous with Ayyubid rule itself. In reality it did not work so neatly.Less
Saladin founded his khānqāh a hospice known as the Saʿīd al-Su
ʿadāʾ or al-Íalā ªīya– in 569/1173 in order to house Sufis newly arrived in Cairo. He built it in the heart of the city and funded it with an endowment (waqf) to ensure that it would continue to provide a home for Sufis long after he had passed away.1 But the Saʿīd al-Su
ʿadāʾ did not simply house itinerant Sufis. Saladin also created a stipendiary position (man‚ib) at the top of the hierarchy of the khānqāh’s organisation, known as the shaykh al-shuyūkh
(literally ‘the master of masters’, hereafter ‘Chief Sufi’). This office was a kind of Sufi counterpart to that of the Chief Judge (qā∂ī al-qu
āt). The Chief Sufi was supposed to mentor the Sufis of the khānqāh and to act as a liaison between the ruling elite and local communities of Sufis in Egypt and Greater Syria. Theoretically, then, the authority of the Chief Sufi was geographically coterminous with Ayyubid rule itself. In reality it did not work so neatly.
Philippe Carles and Jean-Louis Comolli
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781628460391
- eISBN:
- 9781626740846
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628460391.003.0005
- Subject:
- Music, History, American
This transitional section takes stock of the contributions of traditional white, Western jazz criticism. It has reproduced in this specific field the alienation of African American culture at large ...
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This transitional section takes stock of the contributions of traditional white, Western jazz criticism. It has reproduced in this specific field the alienation of African American culture at large and music specifically from Western society. First scorned, African American music was assimilated with the help of critics. They notably contributed to an understanding of the music that eschewed social, historical and economic context in which the music was originally created. Promoting a classically Western understanding of art as distinct from social life, it allowed for a consumption of jazz devoid of political critique. This would change with the advent of black jazz criticism.Less
This transitional section takes stock of the contributions of traditional white, Western jazz criticism. It has reproduced in this specific field the alienation of African American culture at large and music specifically from Western society. First scorned, African American music was assimilated with the help of critics. They notably contributed to an understanding of the music that eschewed social, historical and economic context in which the music was originally created. Promoting a classically Western understanding of art as distinct from social life, it allowed for a consumption of jazz devoid of political critique. This would change with the advent of black jazz criticism.
W. Underhill James
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748638420
- eISBN:
- 9780748671809
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748638420.003.0007
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Theoretical Linguistics
This short chapter introduces Wilhelm von Humboldt's concept of worldview. It considers the way the terms Weltbegriff and Weltanschauung were used by Humboldt's predecessor, Kant, and the way those ...
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This short chapter introduces Wilhelm von Humboldt's concept of worldview. It considers the way the terms Weltbegriff and Weltanschauung were used by Humboldt's predecessor, Kant, and the way those concepts were harnessed and promoted by Hegel. It considers political worldviews such as the Nazi worldview studied by Klemperer. But the author shows the relevance of Jürgen Trabant's crucial distinction, between political, ideological or religious worldviews, on the one hand, and the concept of a language as a human conceptual construction of the world as a place in which each speaker takes his or her place. Ideologies can be discussed and argued over, but only language gives us the concepts, of man, history, destiny, nation, and morality, and so on, which allow us to debate the foundations and validity of ideologies and systems of thought.Less
This short chapter introduces Wilhelm von Humboldt's concept of worldview. It considers the way the terms Weltbegriff and Weltanschauung were used by Humboldt's predecessor, Kant, and the way those concepts were harnessed and promoted by Hegel. It considers political worldviews such as the Nazi worldview studied by Klemperer. But the author shows the relevance of Jürgen Trabant's crucial distinction, between political, ideological or religious worldviews, on the one hand, and the concept of a language as a human conceptual construction of the world as a place in which each speaker takes his or her place. Ideologies can be discussed and argued over, but only language gives us the concepts, of man, history, destiny, nation, and morality, and so on, which allow us to debate the foundations and validity of ideologies and systems of thought.
David P. Wright
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195304756
- eISBN:
- 9780199866830
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195304756.003.0012
- Subject:
- Religion, Biblical Studies
This chapter discusses more technical but fundamental issues regarding the composition of the apodictic laws. It argues that the apodictic laws are not later additions to the text but part of the ...
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This chapter discusses more technical but fundamental issues regarding the composition of the apodictic laws. It argues that the apodictic laws are not later additions to the text but part of the basic composition of the Covenant Code. It explores the question of whether the laws and clauses in which second person plural forms are found are an addition to the text. It gives evidence that they may be original and were generated by the use of sources or by other contextual concerns. It also argues that, for the most part, various motive or explanatory clauses are original to the apodictic laws. Finally, the chapter argues that the Covenant Code was probably written in connection with a version of the narrative of the book of Exodus and discusses the Covenant Code's compositional and chronological relationship to the book of Deuteronomy.Less
This chapter discusses more technical but fundamental issues regarding the composition of the apodictic laws. It argues that the apodictic laws are not later additions to the text but part of the basic composition of the Covenant Code. It explores the question of whether the laws and clauses in which second person plural forms are found are an addition to the text. It gives evidence that they may be original and were generated by the use of sources or by other contextual concerns. It also argues that, for the most part, various motive or explanatory clauses are original to the apodictic laws. Finally, the chapter argues that the Covenant Code was probably written in connection with a version of the narrative of the book of Exodus and discusses the Covenant Code's compositional and chronological relationship to the book of Deuteronomy.
Thomas McFarland
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198182870
- eISBN:
- 9780191673894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198182870.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century Literature and Romanticism
This chapter begins by discussing the different views on and the texture of the text called Romanticism. It explains that Romanticism enscribes virtually all English cultural figures from Chatterton ...
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This chapter begins by discussing the different views on and the texture of the text called Romanticism. It explains that Romanticism enscribes virtually all English cultural figures from Chatterton and Percy to Carlyle, virtually all French authors from Rousseau and Chateaubriand to Baudelaire, virtually all German authors — and most especially Goethe and Schiller — from Leibniz's Nouveaux essais of 1765 to Nietzsche a hundred years later. It discusses the arguments regarding Romantic Ideology as presented by several well-known literary artists.Less
This chapter begins by discussing the different views on and the texture of the text called Romanticism. It explains that Romanticism enscribes virtually all English cultural figures from Chatterton and Percy to Carlyle, virtually all French authors from Rousseau and Chateaubriand to Baudelaire, virtually all German authors — and most especially Goethe and Schiller — from Leibniz's Nouveaux essais of 1765 to Nietzsche a hundred years later. It discusses the arguments regarding Romantic Ideology as presented by several well-known literary artists.
James A. Gross
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501714252
- eISBN:
- 9781501714276
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501714252.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Occupations, Professions, and Work
This book makes four important contributions to our understanding of U.S. labor law and policy. First, given my previous three volume study of the work of the NLRB, this book is able to discuss the ...
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This book makes four important contributions to our understanding of U.S. labor law and policy. First, given my previous three volume study of the work of the NLRB, this book is able to discuss the Board’s path under Chairmen Gould, Truesdale, Battista and Liebman in historical context. Second, this book demonstrates the consequences of applying different and conflicting values to real world issues of labor law. Third, the book’s inward assessment of U.S. labor law and policy using international human rights principles as standards for judgment constitutes new perspectives on old issues. These new perspectives challenge the commonly held view among practitioners and academics that workers’ organizing and collective bargaining are merely tests of economic power by adversarial interest groups exercising commercial rights not human rights. Finally, rather than joining those writing obituaries for the Act and the NLRB, this book maintains, despite the unrelenting pounding of hostile forces, that the core of the Act remains a solid foundation for the realization of workers’ rights–but calls for a new more creative vision because more is needed than merely fine tuning for marginal adjustments.Less
This book makes four important contributions to our understanding of U.S. labor law and policy. First, given my previous three volume study of the work of the NLRB, this book is able to discuss the Board’s path under Chairmen Gould, Truesdale, Battista and Liebman in historical context. Second, this book demonstrates the consequences of applying different and conflicting values to real world issues of labor law. Third, the book’s inward assessment of U.S. labor law and policy using international human rights principles as standards for judgment constitutes new perspectives on old issues. These new perspectives challenge the commonly held view among practitioners and academics that workers’ organizing and collective bargaining are merely tests of economic power by adversarial interest groups exercising commercial rights not human rights. Finally, rather than joining those writing obituaries for the Act and the NLRB, this book maintains, despite the unrelenting pounding of hostile forces, that the core of the Act remains a solid foundation for the realization of workers’ rights–but calls for a new more creative vision because more is needed than merely fine tuning for marginal adjustments.
Muhammad Idrees Ahmad
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780748693023
- eISBN:
- 9781474406086
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748693023.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
The Road to Iraq is an empirical investigation that explains the causes of the Iraq War, identifies its main agents, and demonstrates how the war was sold to decision makers and by decision makers to ...
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The Road to Iraq is an empirical investigation that explains the causes of the Iraq War, identifies its main agents, and demonstrates how the war was sold to decision makers and by decision makers to the public. It shows how a small but ideologically coherent and socially cohesive group of determined political agents used the contingency of 9/11 to outflank a sceptical foreign policy establishment, military brass and intelligence apparatus and provoked a war that has had disastrous consequences.Less
The Road to Iraq is an empirical investigation that explains the causes of the Iraq War, identifies its main agents, and demonstrates how the war was sold to decision makers and by decision makers to the public. It shows how a small but ideologically coherent and socially cohesive group of determined political agents used the contingency of 9/11 to outflank a sceptical foreign policy establishment, military brass and intelligence apparatus and provoked a war that has had disastrous consequences.
Daniel DiSalvo
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199891702
- eISBN:
- 9780199949410
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199891702.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The effort to modify or defend a party’s program means that factions must develop a public philosophy of their own. A party’s public philosophy is an outlook on public affairs comprised of four ...
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The effort to modify or defend a party’s program means that factions must develop a public philosophy of their own. A party’s public philosophy is an outlook on public affairs comprised of four different levels of ideas: fundamental principles, such as natural rights or progress; views about the role of government in society, which designate the areas and extent to which government should intervene; “theories of governance” relating to the distribution of power among institutions and levels of government; and particular policy ideas. A faction will espouse a different recipe, challenging the dominant view within the party on one or all of these levels. This chapter details these challenges. Tracing ideas to factions cuts through a number of scholarly debates about the origins, status, and role of ideas within American parties.Less
The effort to modify or defend a party’s program means that factions must develop a public philosophy of their own. A party’s public philosophy is an outlook on public affairs comprised of four different levels of ideas: fundamental principles, such as natural rights or progress; views about the role of government in society, which designate the areas and extent to which government should intervene; “theories of governance” relating to the distribution of power among institutions and levels of government; and particular policy ideas. A faction will espouse a different recipe, challenging the dominant view within the party on one or all of these levels. This chapter details these challenges. Tracing ideas to factions cuts through a number of scholarly debates about the origins, status, and role of ideas within American parties.
Roland Végső
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780823245567
- eISBN:
- 9780823252534
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823245567.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
The book argues that the political ideologies of modernity were determined in a fundamental manner by four basic figures: the world, the enemy, the secret, and the catastrophe. While the “world” ...
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The book argues that the political ideologies of modernity were determined in a fundamental manner by four basic figures: the world, the enemy, the secret, and the catastrophe. While the “world” names the totality that functioned as the ultimate horizon of modern political imagination, the three other figures define the necessary limits of this totality by reflecting on the limits of representation. Although the four figures have formed a number of different historical constellations, the book highlights their enduring presence in the modern imagination through the detailed analysis of one concrete historical example: American anti-Communist politics of the 1950s. Within this historical context, the primary objective of the book is to describe the internal mechanisms of what we could call an anti-Communist “aesthetic ideology.” The book traces the way anti-Communist popular culture emerged in the discourse of Cold War liberalism as a political symptom of modernism. Based on a discursive analysis of American anti-Communist politics, the book presents parallel readings of modernism and popular fiction from the 1950s (nuclear holocaust novels, spy novels, and popular political novels) in order to show that in spite of the radical separation of the two cultural fields they both participated in a common ideological program.Less
The book argues that the political ideologies of modernity were determined in a fundamental manner by four basic figures: the world, the enemy, the secret, and the catastrophe. While the “world” names the totality that functioned as the ultimate horizon of modern political imagination, the three other figures define the necessary limits of this totality by reflecting on the limits of representation. Although the four figures have formed a number of different historical constellations, the book highlights their enduring presence in the modern imagination through the detailed analysis of one concrete historical example: American anti-Communist politics of the 1950s. Within this historical context, the primary objective of the book is to describe the internal mechanisms of what we could call an anti-Communist “aesthetic ideology.” The book traces the way anti-Communist popular culture emerged in the discourse of Cold War liberalism as a political symptom of modernism. Based on a discursive analysis of American anti-Communist politics, the book presents parallel readings of modernism and popular fiction from the 1950s (nuclear holocaust novels, spy novels, and popular political novels) in order to show that in spite of the radical separation of the two cultural fields they both participated in a common ideological program.
Carole Hillenbrand
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748625727
- eISBN:
- 9780748671359
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748625727.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter examines the strategies and tropes used by the Arab and Persian chroniclers in the medieval Muslim narratives of the battle of Manzikert, and the didactic purposes for which these ...
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This chapter examines the strategies and tropes used by the Arab and Persian chroniclers in the medieval Muslim narratives of the battle of Manzikert, and the didactic purposes for which these narratives are used. Qur'anic resonances, such as presenting the arrogant Byzantine emperor Romanus as a latter-day Pharaoh, and other Muslim elements in these accounts, such as the importance of positioning the battle on a Friday, are discussed. Narrative techniques, including theatrical features, are analysed. The influence of the Mirrors for Princes advice literature is also examined. This chapter emphasises in its conclusion that these accounts can hardly be described as providing concrete details about the actual battle of Manzikert; instead, they are vehicles through which Arabic and Persian writers can praise their Turkish overlords, can vaunt the military prowess traditionally associated with the Turks, and – through the triumphal symbol of none other than the captured Byzantine emperor himself – can proclaim the triumph of Islam over Christianity. Thus Manzikert provides not only a spur but also an examplar for subsequent Muslim victories over the Christian foe.Less
This chapter examines the strategies and tropes used by the Arab and Persian chroniclers in the medieval Muslim narratives of the battle of Manzikert, and the didactic purposes for which these narratives are used. Qur'anic resonances, such as presenting the arrogant Byzantine emperor Romanus as a latter-day Pharaoh, and other Muslim elements in these accounts, such as the importance of positioning the battle on a Friday, are discussed. Narrative techniques, including theatrical features, are analysed. The influence of the Mirrors for Princes advice literature is also examined. This chapter emphasises in its conclusion that these accounts can hardly be described as providing concrete details about the actual battle of Manzikert; instead, they are vehicles through which Arabic and Persian writers can praise their Turkish overlords, can vaunt the military prowess traditionally associated with the Turks, and – through the triumphal symbol of none other than the captured Byzantine emperor himself – can proclaim the triumph of Islam over Christianity. Thus Manzikert provides not only a spur but also an examplar for subsequent Muslim victories over the Christian foe.
Jerome J. McGann
- Published in print:
- 1988
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198117506
- eISBN:
- 9780191670961
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198117506.003.0013
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
The Romantic Ideology tried to graph the characteristic patterns of Romantic displacement in poetry. The object of this exercise was twofold: first, to expose the tragic and/or ...
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The Romantic Ideology tried to graph the characteristic patterns of Romantic displacement in poetry. The object of this exercise was twofold: first, to expose the tragic and/or self-critical aspects of Romantic poetry, and especially of Romantic poetry carried out under utopian or transcendental signs; and second, to persuade scholars that criticism ought to be trying not to reify, or recuperate, or repeat Romantic interests and experience, but to use them for clarifying and criticizing one's immediate interests and experiences. This chapter concludes that the central stylistic device of Romantic poetry, the act of displacement, also locates the radically utopian element of the Romantic ideology. The act of displacement at once perpetuates the condition of desire and calls attention to the lost object of desire.Less
The Romantic Ideology tried to graph the characteristic patterns of Romantic displacement in poetry. The object of this exercise was twofold: first, to expose the tragic and/or self-critical aspects of Romantic poetry, and especially of Romantic poetry carried out under utopian or transcendental signs; and second, to persuade scholars that criticism ought to be trying not to reify, or recuperate, or repeat Romantic interests and experience, but to use them for clarifying and criticizing one's immediate interests and experiences. This chapter concludes that the central stylistic device of Romantic poetry, the act of displacement, also locates the radically utopian element of the Romantic ideology. The act of displacement at once perpetuates the condition of desire and calls attention to the lost object of desire.
John Etty
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781496820525
- eISBN:
- 9781496820563
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496820525.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Comics Studies
Krokodil produced state-sanctioned satirical comments on Soviet and international affairs from 1922 onward. Authored by professional and non-professional contributors, and published by Pravda in ...
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Krokodil produced state-sanctioned satirical comments on Soviet and international affairs from 1922 onward. Authored by professional and non-professional contributors, and published by Pravda in Moscow, it became the satirical magazine with the largest circulation in the world. Every Soviet citizen and every scholar of the USSR was familiar with Krokodil as the most significant and influential source of graphic satire in the USSR. This book uses an original framework for reconsidering the forms, production, consumption, and functions of Krokodil magazine. It considers the magazine's content, structures and conventions; it also uses modern cultural and media theory to look beyond content analysis to consider visual language and the performative construction of character. Empirical analysis of Krokodil is thus used to extend and nuance our understanding of Soviet graphic satire beyond state-sponsored propaganda.
In several ways, this book challenges existing approaches. It conducts close readings of a large range of different types of cartoons that have not before been discussed in depth, and it does so in ways that reveal new insights. It shows that Krokodil's satire was complex, subtle and intermedial. It highlights the importance of Krokodil's readers' and artists' collaborative exploration and shaping of the boundaries of permissible discourse, and it argues that Krokodil's cartoons simultaneously affirmed, refracted and critiqued official discourses, counterposing them with visions of Soviet citizens' responses. Ideology, Krokodil's satire suggests, is an interpretive tool for negotiating everyday reality and official discourses, and it was not always to be taken seriously.Less
Krokodil produced state-sanctioned satirical comments on Soviet and international affairs from 1922 onward. Authored by professional and non-professional contributors, and published by Pravda in Moscow, it became the satirical magazine with the largest circulation in the world. Every Soviet citizen and every scholar of the USSR was familiar with Krokodil as the most significant and influential source of graphic satire in the USSR. This book uses an original framework for reconsidering the forms, production, consumption, and functions of Krokodil magazine. It considers the magazine's content, structures and conventions; it also uses modern cultural and media theory to look beyond content analysis to consider visual language and the performative construction of character. Empirical analysis of Krokodil is thus used to extend and nuance our understanding of Soviet graphic satire beyond state-sponsored propaganda.
In several ways, this book challenges existing approaches. It conducts close readings of a large range of different types of cartoons that have not before been discussed in depth, and it does so in ways that reveal new insights. It shows that Krokodil's satire was complex, subtle and intermedial. It highlights the importance of Krokodil's readers' and artists' collaborative exploration and shaping of the boundaries of permissible discourse, and it argues that Krokodil's cartoons simultaneously affirmed, refracted and critiqued official discourses, counterposing them with visions of Soviet citizens' responses. Ideology, Krokodil's satire suggests, is an interpretive tool for negotiating everyday reality and official discourses, and it was not always to be taken seriously.
Thomas Yarrow
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501738494
- eISBN:
- 9781501738500
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501738494.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
Part One Introduces the people, places and routines that constitute the everyday working lives of the nine architects on which the book focuses. The role of the author is described as researcher and ...
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Part One Introduces the people, places and routines that constitute the everyday working lives of the nine architects on which the book focuses. The role of the author is described as researcher and interloper. It is suggested these architects' work is centrally about the difficulties and rewards of inhabiting 'spaces between': poised between competing interests, diverse social groups, and forms of knowledge, architects encounter and resolve a series of ethical conundrums, epistemic difficulties and problems from which creative possibilities also flow.Less
Part One Introduces the people, places and routines that constitute the everyday working lives of the nine architects on which the book focuses. The role of the author is described as researcher and interloper. It is suggested these architects' work is centrally about the difficulties and rewards of inhabiting 'spaces between': poised between competing interests, diverse social groups, and forms of knowledge, architects encounter and resolve a series of ethical conundrums, epistemic difficulties and problems from which creative possibilities also flow.
Georgina Blakeley and Brendan Evans
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780719084409
- eISBN:
- 9781781707708
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719084409.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
East Manchester was the site of one of the most substantial regeneration projects internationally. Urban regeneration was a central plank of New Labour policy and the approach radically altered with ...
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East Manchester was the site of one of the most substantial regeneration projects internationally. Urban regeneration was a central plank of New Labour policy and the approach radically altered with the election of the Coalition Government in 2010. East Manchester was one of the most deprived areas of Britain in 1997, referred to as a ‘basket case’ in dire need of regeneration. This book explores the role of Manchester City Council and other public agencies in the regeneration of the area such as New East Manchester, NDC/Beacons and the Housing Market Renewal Programme; the Manchester voluntary sector and the private sector including the major investments linked to Manchester City Football Club and the Etihad Campus. While the book focuses on a single regeneration initiative, it has wider relevance to national and international regeneration processes. The book assesses the outcome of the regeneration initiative although it demonstrates the difficulties in producing a definitive evaluation. It has a political focus and illuminates and challenges many assumptions underpinning three major current academic debates: governance, participatory democracy and ideology.Less
East Manchester was the site of one of the most substantial regeneration projects internationally. Urban regeneration was a central plank of New Labour policy and the approach radically altered with the election of the Coalition Government in 2010. East Manchester was one of the most deprived areas of Britain in 1997, referred to as a ‘basket case’ in dire need of regeneration. This book explores the role of Manchester City Council and other public agencies in the regeneration of the area such as New East Manchester, NDC/Beacons and the Housing Market Renewal Programme; the Manchester voluntary sector and the private sector including the major investments linked to Manchester City Football Club and the Etihad Campus. While the book focuses on a single regeneration initiative, it has wider relevance to national and international regeneration processes. The book assesses the outcome of the regeneration initiative although it demonstrates the difficulties in producing a definitive evaluation. It has a political focus and illuminates and challenges many assumptions underpinning three major current academic debates: governance, participatory democracy and ideology.
Eunice Goes
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719090707
- eISBN:
- 9781526109637
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719090707.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
When Ed Miliband was elected leader of the Labour Party in 2010 he sought to turn the page on New Labour and use the global financial crisis as an opportunity to renew social democracy. With great ...
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When Ed Miliband was elected leader of the Labour Party in 2010 he sought to turn the page on New Labour and use the global financial crisis as an opportunity to renew social democracy. With great intellectual and ideological gusto Miliband and his team searched, adopted and adapted new and old ideas that would address the policy puzzles left open by the global financial crisis. This book seeks to determine whether Ed Miliband was successful in his task by analysing the different ideas that were adopted and adapted by the Labour Party in the period 2010-15. Using discursive institutionalism and historical institutionalism, this book will map the political ideas and will identify the main ideational, institutional and political constraints that impacted and shaped the Labour Party’s political agenda. The book argues that the Labour Party under Ed Miliband tried but failed to renew social democracy. The timing, the prevalence of the neoliberalism in public discourse as well as Miliband’s inability to find a coalition of supporters for his transformative agenda and his own shortcomings as party leader led to a watered down political agenda that lacked boldness, clarity and definition. This lack of definition and clarity was one of the reasons why Milibandism was so overwhelmingly rejected by voters in May 2015.Less
When Ed Miliband was elected leader of the Labour Party in 2010 he sought to turn the page on New Labour and use the global financial crisis as an opportunity to renew social democracy. With great intellectual and ideological gusto Miliband and his team searched, adopted and adapted new and old ideas that would address the policy puzzles left open by the global financial crisis. This book seeks to determine whether Ed Miliband was successful in his task by analysing the different ideas that were adopted and adapted by the Labour Party in the period 2010-15. Using discursive institutionalism and historical institutionalism, this book will map the political ideas and will identify the main ideational, institutional and political constraints that impacted and shaped the Labour Party’s political agenda. The book argues that the Labour Party under Ed Miliband tried but failed to renew social democracy. The timing, the prevalence of the neoliberalism in public discourse as well as Miliband’s inability to find a coalition of supporters for his transformative agenda and his own shortcomings as party leader led to a watered down political agenda that lacked boldness, clarity and definition. This lack of definition and clarity was one of the reasons why Milibandism was so overwhelmingly rejected by voters in May 2015.
Michael Loadenthal
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781526114457
- eISBN:
- 9781526128454
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526114457.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
The politics of attack is an exploration of insurrectionary anarchist praxis, with a particular focus on the rhetoric, discourse, and theory found in communiqués. This book challenges the reader to ...
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The politics of attack is an exploration of insurrectionary anarchist praxis, with a particular focus on the rhetoric, discourse, and theory found in communiqués. This book challenges the reader to consider the marginalized ideas put forth by those political actors that communicate through bombs, arson, and broken windows, and who are rejected through the state’s construction of terrorism. When a police station is firebombed, the subsequent discussions focus more on the illegality of the act rather than the socio-political critique the actor put forth. What if we were to embrace the means through which the militant, ‘organic intellectual’ acts, and consider the communiqué’s content, the way one would consider any political text? This inter-textual analysis is presented within a political and historical context, with the hopes of elevating the discussion of insurrectionary praxis beyond notions of terrorism and securitization and towards its application for intersectional challenges to structural violence and domination.
In the social war being waged by insurrectionary anarchists, small acts of violence are announced and contextualized through written communiqués, which are posted online, translated, and circulated globally. This book offers the first contemporary history of these post-millennial, digitally-mediated, insurrectionary anarchist networks, and seeks to locate this tendency within anti-state struggles from the past. Through an examination of thousands of movement documents, this book presents the discourse offered by clandestine, urban guerrillas fighting capitalism, the state, and the omnipresent forces of violence and coercion.Less
The politics of attack is an exploration of insurrectionary anarchist praxis, with a particular focus on the rhetoric, discourse, and theory found in communiqués. This book challenges the reader to consider the marginalized ideas put forth by those political actors that communicate through bombs, arson, and broken windows, and who are rejected through the state’s construction of terrorism. When a police station is firebombed, the subsequent discussions focus more on the illegality of the act rather than the socio-political critique the actor put forth. What if we were to embrace the means through which the militant, ‘organic intellectual’ acts, and consider the communiqué’s content, the way one would consider any political text? This inter-textual analysis is presented within a political and historical context, with the hopes of elevating the discussion of insurrectionary praxis beyond notions of terrorism and securitization and towards its application for intersectional challenges to structural violence and domination.
In the social war being waged by insurrectionary anarchists, small acts of violence are announced and contextualized through written communiqués, which are posted online, translated, and circulated globally. This book offers the first contemporary history of these post-millennial, digitally-mediated, insurrectionary anarchist networks, and seeks to locate this tendency within anti-state struggles from the past. Through an examination of thousands of movement documents, this book presents the discourse offered by clandestine, urban guerrillas fighting capitalism, the state, and the omnipresent forces of violence and coercion.
David Martin Jones
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780197510612
- eISBN:
- 9780197520765
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197510612.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The end of the Cold War announced a new world order. Liberal democracy prevailed, ideological conflict abated, and world politics set off for the promised land of a secular, cosmopolitan, ...
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The end of the Cold War announced a new world order. Liberal democracy prevailed, ideological conflict abated, and world politics set off for the promised land of a secular, cosmopolitan, market-friendly end of history. Or so it seemed. Thirty years later, this unipolar worldview— premised on shared values, open markets, open borders and abstract social justice—lies in tatters. What happened?
David Martin Jones examines the progressive ideas behind liberal Western practice since the end of the twentieth century, at home and abroad. This mentality, he argues, took an excessively long view of the future and a short view of the past, abandoning politics in favour of ideas, and failing to address or understand rejection of liberal norms by non-Western ‘others’. He explores the inevitable consequences of this liberal hubris: political and economic confusion, with the chaotic results we have seen. Finally, he advocates a return to more sceptical political thinking— with prudent statecraft abroad, and defence of political order at home—in order to rescue the West from its widely advertised demise.Less
The end of the Cold War announced a new world order. Liberal democracy prevailed, ideological conflict abated, and world politics set off for the promised land of a secular, cosmopolitan, market-friendly end of history. Or so it seemed. Thirty years later, this unipolar worldview— premised on shared values, open markets, open borders and abstract social justice—lies in tatters. What happened?
David Martin Jones examines the progressive ideas behind liberal Western practice since the end of the twentieth century, at home and abroad. This mentality, he argues, took an excessively long view of the future and a short view of the past, abandoning politics in favour of ideas, and failing to address or understand rejection of liberal norms by non-Western ‘others’. He explores the inevitable consequences of this liberal hubris: political and economic confusion, with the chaotic results we have seen. Finally, he advocates a return to more sceptical political thinking— with prudent statecraft abroad, and defence of political order at home—in order to rescue the West from its widely advertised demise.
Roland Végső
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780823245567
- eISBN:
- 9780823252534
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823245567.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
The introduction presents a basic overview of the structure of the book. It outlines the sequence of chapters and provides basic descriptions.
The introduction presents a basic overview of the structure of the book. It outlines the sequence of chapters and provides basic descriptions.
Colin Copus
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719088322
- eISBN:
- 9781526104236
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719088322.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The chapter examines the strategies councillors develop in dealing with political conflict and devising political action. It introduces the concept of RealLokalPolitik as a framework within which to ...
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The chapter examines the strategies councillors develop in dealing with political conflict and devising political action. It introduces the concept of RealLokalPolitik as a framework within which to explore whether and how councillors approach political issues from an ideological, party-centric view or from a pragmatic view based on assessment of what can realistically be achieved in any political circumstances. It also provides two models of councillor action: the corporate and associated councillor – which reflect the relationship councillors have to working inside or outside of the council; and the lay or professional councillor, which assess the nature of the approach councillor take to their office. The chapter provides two vignettes which explore these models in actionLess
The chapter examines the strategies councillors develop in dealing with political conflict and devising political action. It introduces the concept of RealLokalPolitik as a framework within which to explore whether and how councillors approach political issues from an ideological, party-centric view or from a pragmatic view based on assessment of what can realistically be achieved in any political circumstances. It also provides two models of councillor action: the corporate and associated councillor – which reflect the relationship councillors have to working inside or outside of the council; and the lay or professional councillor, which assess the nature of the approach councillor take to their office. The chapter provides two vignettes which explore these models in action
Stephen Howe
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719096013
- eISBN:
- 9781526103963
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719096013.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
There is a considerable, often highly polemical, literature on Labour’s 1980s-90s internal battles, as there is increasingly on British political debates and policies towards Northern Ireland in ...
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There is a considerable, often highly polemical, literature on Labour’s 1980s-90s internal battles, as there is increasingly on British political debates and policies towards Northern Ireland in these years. Far less has been written on the intellectual roots of the rival positions advanced. This chapter attempts to remedy that deficiency, exploring the intellectual origins (especially in varied kinds of Marxist thought, and in rival readings of Irish history) of the often bitter disputes. On one side stood a group of positions broadly describable as anti-imperialist, and enjoining support for Irish nationalism, Republicanism and of course (though most contentiously and sometimes mutedly) for armed struggle. On the other lay a constellation of stances which was considerably more diffuse still: ‘two nations’ views, ‘primacy of class politics’, and ‘primacy of peacemaking’ perspectives. The chapter examines, then, the intellectual rigour and dynamics behind these multiple initiatives, lobbies and clashes.Less
There is a considerable, often highly polemical, literature on Labour’s 1980s-90s internal battles, as there is increasingly on British political debates and policies towards Northern Ireland in these years. Far less has been written on the intellectual roots of the rival positions advanced. This chapter attempts to remedy that deficiency, exploring the intellectual origins (especially in varied kinds of Marxist thought, and in rival readings of Irish history) of the often bitter disputes. On one side stood a group of positions broadly describable as anti-imperialist, and enjoining support for Irish nationalism, Republicanism and of course (though most contentiously and sometimes mutedly) for armed struggle. On the other lay a constellation of stances which was considerably more diffuse still: ‘two nations’ views, ‘primacy of class politics’, and ‘primacy of peacemaking’ perspectives. The chapter examines, then, the intellectual rigour and dynamics behind these multiple initiatives, lobbies and clashes.
