Carolyn L. Karcher
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469627953
- eISBN:
- 9781469627977
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469627953.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Chapter 5 highlights Tourgée’s extensive anti-lynching journalism, which filled his “Bystander” column from 1888 on. The chapter centers around Tourgée’s collaboration with Ida B. Wells and Harry C. ...
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Chapter 5 highlights Tourgée’s extensive anti-lynching journalism, which filled his “Bystander” column from 1888 on. The chapter centers around Tourgée’s collaboration with Ida B. Wells and Harry C. Smith, editor of the Cleveland Gazette, in a three-way campaign against lynching through the press, public lectures, and the legislative arena. The three journalists formulated similar critiques of lynching, quoted each other’s writings, promoted each other’s political agendas, and paid homage to each other. All three not only exposed the sexual and racial double standard used to justify lynching, but uncovered the economic motives behind mob violence and called for armed resistance against lynch mobs. After his election to the Ohio state legislature, Smith secured passage of an anti-lynching law that Tourgée drafted, which became a model for those in nine other states, as well as for the NAACP.Less
Chapter 5 highlights Tourgée’s extensive anti-lynching journalism, which filled his “Bystander” column from 1888 on. The chapter centers around Tourgée’s collaboration with Ida B. Wells and Harry C. Smith, editor of the Cleveland Gazette, in a three-way campaign against lynching through the press, public lectures, and the legislative arena. The three journalists formulated similar critiques of lynching, quoted each other’s writings, promoted each other’s political agendas, and paid homage to each other. All three not only exposed the sexual and racial double standard used to justify lynching, but uncovered the economic motives behind mob violence and called for armed resistance against lynch mobs. After his election to the Ohio state legislature, Smith secured passage of an anti-lynching law that Tourgée drafted, which became a model for those in nine other states, as well as for the NAACP.
Jeffrey Helgeson
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780226130699
- eISBN:
- 9780226130729
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226130729.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
At the same time that black women engaged in the “politics of home” during the Depression (Ch. 1), this chapter shows that among the largely male-led political networks, a diversity of competing ...
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At the same time that black women engaged in the “politics of home” during the Depression (Ch. 1), this chapter shows that among the largely male-led political networks, a diversity of competing leaders created the possibility for powerful collaborations during the late 1930s. The chapter details the formation of political networks that have been overshadowed until now in histories of radical labor-civil rights organizing. In particular, the battle for the construction of the Ida B. Wells Homes, the first public housing project for African Americans in the city, not only energized the new protest politics of the late 1930s, but also helped develop a heterogenous group of organizations – including groups of black building trades workers, reformers in social work organizations, and politicians building the first black Democratic machine – that endured well beyond the Black Popular Front era of the late 1930s and late 1940s.Less
At the same time that black women engaged in the “politics of home” during the Depression (Ch. 1), this chapter shows that among the largely male-led political networks, a diversity of competing leaders created the possibility for powerful collaborations during the late 1930s. The chapter details the formation of political networks that have been overshadowed until now in histories of radical labor-civil rights organizing. In particular, the battle for the construction of the Ida B. Wells Homes, the first public housing project for African Americans in the city, not only energized the new protest politics of the late 1930s, but also helped develop a heterogenous group of organizations – including groups of black building trades workers, reformers in social work organizations, and politicians building the first black Democratic machine – that endured well beyond the Black Popular Front era of the late 1930s and late 1940s.
Margaret Garb
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780226135908
- eISBN:
- 9780226136066
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226136066.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
The World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago in 1893 provoked wide-ranging protests from African Americans who were largely excluded from the Fair's exhibits. The famed anti-lynching activist Ida B. ...
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The World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago in 1893 provoked wide-ranging protests from African Americans who were largely excluded from the Fair's exhibits. The famed anti-lynching activist Ida B. Wells travelled to Chicago and joined forces with Frederick Douglass and Ferdinand Barnett to write a powerful critique of white America. The World's Fair also sparked Chicago's first organizations led by black women, who in the following decades formed a wide array of social reform, racial uplift and political organizations in the city. The women's reform work, which was part of the larger black club movement and paralleled the work of white women reformers, helped to establish a sense of a black community in the increasingly segregated city.Less
The World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago in 1893 provoked wide-ranging protests from African Americans who were largely excluded from the Fair's exhibits. The famed anti-lynching activist Ida B. Wells travelled to Chicago and joined forces with Frederick Douglass and Ferdinand Barnett to write a powerful critique of white America. The World's Fair also sparked Chicago's first organizations led by black women, who in the following decades formed a wide array of social reform, racial uplift and political organizations in the city. The women's reform work, which was part of the larger black club movement and paralleled the work of white women reformers, helped to establish a sense of a black community in the increasingly segregated city.
Carolyn L. Karcher
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469627953
- eISBN:
- 9781469627977
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469627953.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Chapter 1 introduces Tourgée and illuminates his ethos, first, by tracing his career from the Reconstruction era to 1890, when he entered on his most intensive collaboration with African Americans, ...
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Chapter 1 introduces Tourgée and illuminates his ethos, first, by tracing his career from the Reconstruction era to 1890, when he entered on his most intensive collaboration with African Americans, and second, by sampling his exchanges with selected African American correspondents, among them Charles W. Chesnutt, William H. Anderson, T. Thomas Fortune, Ida B. Wells, and Louis A. Martinet, with whom Tourgée developed his warmest friendship. The spirited dialogue in which Tourgée engages with his African American correspondents reveals his commitment to plain speaking, his generosity, his occasional insensitivity, his sympathetic understanding of the humiliation that racism inflicted, and African Americans’ appreciation of a white ally who did not treat them with condescension. One major episode—Tourgée’s uncompromising opposition to the flawed Blair Education Bill, which African Americans pragmatically supported as their sole viable option—also exemplifies the racial arrogance he could sometimes display.Less
Chapter 1 introduces Tourgée and illuminates his ethos, first, by tracing his career from the Reconstruction era to 1890, when he entered on his most intensive collaboration with African Americans, and second, by sampling his exchanges with selected African American correspondents, among them Charles W. Chesnutt, William H. Anderson, T. Thomas Fortune, Ida B. Wells, and Louis A. Martinet, with whom Tourgée developed his warmest friendship. The spirited dialogue in which Tourgée engages with his African American correspondents reveals his commitment to plain speaking, his generosity, his occasional insensitivity, his sympathetic understanding of the humiliation that racism inflicted, and African Americans’ appreciation of a white ally who did not treat them with condescension. One major episode—Tourgée’s uncompromising opposition to the flawed Blair Education Bill, which African Americans pragmatically supported as their sole viable option—also exemplifies the racial arrogance he could sometimes display.
Shawn Leigh Alexander
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813032320
- eISBN:
- 9780813039084
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813032320.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter presents the essay, “Mob Law in the South,” written by Fortune for the Independent, appealing to the nation for assistance in ending the brutal acts of lynching. He extoled the actions ...
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This chapter presents the essay, “Mob Law in the South,” written by Fortune for the Independent, appealing to the nation for assistance in ending the brutal acts of lynching. He extoled the actions of Ida B. Wells-Barnett and her internationalization of the issue—an act he supported early on as he and the Afro-American League held meetings to raise money for her travels. Fortune also employed Wells-Barnett when she fled the South after the 1893 lynching of her friends and the firestorm that her editorials started. In the end, Fortune, like Wells-Barnett, placed the blame for the continued lynchings squarely on the apathy and silence of the nation.Less
This chapter presents the essay, “Mob Law in the South,” written by Fortune for the Independent, appealing to the nation for assistance in ending the brutal acts of lynching. He extoled the actions of Ida B. Wells-Barnett and her internationalization of the issue—an act he supported early on as he and the Afro-American League held meetings to raise money for her travels. Fortune also employed Wells-Barnett when she fled the South after the 1893 lynching of her friends and the firestorm that her editorials started. In the end, Fortune, like Wells-Barnett, placed the blame for the continued lynchings squarely on the apathy and silence of the nation.
Arna Bontemps
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252037696
- eISBN:
- 9780252094958
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252037696.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter discusses Ida. B. Wells's crusade against Negro lynching and other abuses. Illinois newspapers adhering to the Democratic Party almost invariably treated the Negroes with undisguised ...
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This chapter discusses Ida. B. Wells's crusade against Negro lynching and other abuses. Illinois newspapers adhering to the Democratic Party almost invariably treated the Negroes with undisguised hostility, while even the Republican press often subjected them to heavy-handed humor. While attention was centered upon those unfortunate enough to become involved with the police, the most eminent colored people were not immune to ridicule and abuse. This chapter looks at the efforts of Wells, whose reputation as a journalist and crusader against lynching spread after the 1893 World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago, when she collaborated with Frederick Douglass, I. Garland Penn, and Ferdinand L. Barnett on writing a booklet recording the achievements of American Negroes and refuting the false impressions created by most of the newspapers. Wells wrote for various Negro publications under the pseudonym “Iola” and was recognized as the most implacable and effective enemy of mob rule and racial discrimination in general.Less
This chapter discusses Ida. B. Wells's crusade against Negro lynching and other abuses. Illinois newspapers adhering to the Democratic Party almost invariably treated the Negroes with undisguised hostility, while even the Republican press often subjected them to heavy-handed humor. While attention was centered upon those unfortunate enough to become involved with the police, the most eminent colored people were not immune to ridicule and abuse. This chapter looks at the efforts of Wells, whose reputation as a journalist and crusader against lynching spread after the 1893 World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago, when she collaborated with Frederick Douglass, I. Garland Penn, and Ferdinand L. Barnett on writing a booklet recording the achievements of American Negroes and refuting the false impressions created by most of the newspapers. Wells wrote for various Negro publications under the pseudonym “Iola” and was recognized as the most implacable and effective enemy of mob rule and racial discrimination in general.
Marcus Anthony Hunter and Zandria F. Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780520292826
- eISBN:
- 9780520966178
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520292826.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
Using the life and times of pioneering antilynching activist and sociologist Ida B. Wells, this chapter begins the exploration of chocolate cities as black villages. One of the defining attributes, ...
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Using the life and times of pioneering antilynching activist and sociologist Ida B. Wells, this chapter begins the exploration of chocolate cities as black villages. One of the defining attributes, the village illustrates how a critical mass of black people living, working, and striving alongside one another creates ripples that affect the politics and movement of black people near and far.Less
Using the life and times of pioneering antilynching activist and sociologist Ida B. Wells, this chapter begins the exploration of chocolate cities as black villages. One of the defining attributes, the village illustrates how a critical mass of black people living, working, and striving alongside one another creates ripples that affect the politics and movement of black people near and far.
Susan D. Carle
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199945740
- eISBN:
- 9780199369843
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199945740.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century, Social History
This chapter argues that the role of the National Association of Colored Women in early law-related civil rights activism should be reconceptualized to emphasize the importance of African American ...
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This chapter argues that the role of the National Association of Colored Women in early law-related civil rights activism should be reconceptualized to emphasize the importance of African American club women's work in pushing the boundaries of the public/private divide. These activists built private social welfare institutions to serve African Americans' communities excluded from the benefits of the emerging social welfare state—as a first step that utilized the avenues for agency presented by the political conditions of the times—and then often followed up these efforts with requests that the public institutions of the state take over or fund institutions built through private, voluntarist efforts.Less
This chapter argues that the role of the National Association of Colored Women in early law-related civil rights activism should be reconceptualized to emphasize the importance of African American club women's work in pushing the boundaries of the public/private divide. These activists built private social welfare institutions to serve African Americans' communities excluded from the benefits of the emerging social welfare state—as a first step that utilized the avenues for agency presented by the political conditions of the times—and then often followed up these efforts with requests that the public institutions of the state take over or fund institutions built through private, voluntarist efforts.
Richard T. Hughes
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780252042065
- eISBN:
- 9780252050800
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252042065.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
Capitalism in the United States is unthinkable apart from the myth of White Supremacy, for capitalism was built on stolen land and stolen people. Further, white Americans imagined that capitalism was ...
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Capitalism in the United States is unthinkable apart from the myth of White Supremacy, for capitalism was built on stolen land and stolen people. Further, white Americans imagined that capitalism was God-ordained, grounded in “Nature and Nature’s God,” and heralded a golden age of peace and prosperity for all humankind. Following the Civil War, the myth of the Chosen Nation morphed into the myth that God blessed the righteous with wealth and the wicked with poverty—the central assumption of the Gospel of Wealth. Andrew Carnegie appealed to all these myths in his 1889 essay, “Wealth,” in the North American Review. Likewise, many American industrialists invoked these myths to justify their goal: the economic conquest of the world. Government and industry, however, typically excluded blacks from this engine of economic prosperity, thereby contributing to realities already in place—systemic racism and white privilege. In the early twentieth century, laissez-faire capitalism and the myths that sustained it came under withering assault from labor, the Social Gospel movement, and black social critics like W. E. B. Du Bois, Ida B. Wells, and Langston Hughes, especially since the wealth of the Gilded Age contrasted with unprecedented numbers of lynchings of America’s blacks.Less
Capitalism in the United States is unthinkable apart from the myth of White Supremacy, for capitalism was built on stolen land and stolen people. Further, white Americans imagined that capitalism was God-ordained, grounded in “Nature and Nature’s God,” and heralded a golden age of peace and prosperity for all humankind. Following the Civil War, the myth of the Chosen Nation morphed into the myth that God blessed the righteous with wealth and the wicked with poverty—the central assumption of the Gospel of Wealth. Andrew Carnegie appealed to all these myths in his 1889 essay, “Wealth,” in the North American Review. Likewise, many American industrialists invoked these myths to justify their goal: the economic conquest of the world. Government and industry, however, typically excluded blacks from this engine of economic prosperity, thereby contributing to realities already in place—systemic racism and white privilege. In the early twentieth century, laissez-faire capitalism and the myths that sustained it came under withering assault from labor, the Social Gospel movement, and black social critics like W. E. B. Du Bois, Ida B. Wells, and Langston Hughes, especially since the wealth of the Gilded Age contrasted with unprecedented numbers of lynchings of America’s blacks.
Marva Griffin Carter
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195108910
- eISBN:
- 9780199865796
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195108910.003.0004
- Subject:
- Music, History, American
This chapter begins by discussing the designation of “Colored American Day” on August 25, 1893. It then explains that this day was designated in order to combat the exclusionary climate during the ...
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This chapter begins by discussing the designation of “Colored American Day” on August 25, 1893. It then explains that this day was designated in order to combat the exclusionary climate during the World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago, wherein almost all black Americans were excluded in the planning and execution of the fair’s exhibitions. Ida B. Wells and other African-Americans urged blacks to boycott the fair for they feared the event might provide whites with ammunition to mock the race. It discusses that “Colored American Day” was observed in a dignified manner and the appearance and demeanor of the participants brought honor to the race. This chapter adds that the event demonstrated that acculturation was the avenue to greater acceptance into the larger social order. The emergence of ragtime and The Creole Show was a cultural innovation, an important first step toward the development of the black musical comedies.Less
This chapter begins by discussing the designation of “Colored American Day” on August 25, 1893. It then explains that this day was designated in order to combat the exclusionary climate during the World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago, wherein almost all black Americans were excluded in the planning and execution of the fair’s exhibitions. Ida B. Wells and other African-Americans urged blacks to boycott the fair for they feared the event might provide whites with ammunition to mock the race. It discusses that “Colored American Day” was observed in a dignified manner and the appearance and demeanor of the participants brought honor to the race. This chapter adds that the event demonstrated that acculturation was the avenue to greater acceptance into the larger social order. The emergence of ragtime and The Creole Show was a cultural innovation, an important first step toward the development of the black musical comedies.
Susan Scott Parrish
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691168838
- eISBN:
- 9781400884261
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691168838.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The Great Mississippi Flood of 1927, which covered nearly thirty thousand square miles across seven states, was the most destructive river flood in U.S. history. Due to the speed of new media and the ...
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The Great Mississippi Flood of 1927, which covered nearly thirty thousand square miles across seven states, was the most destructive river flood in U.S. history. Due to the speed of new media and the slow progress of the flood, this was the first environmental disaster to be experienced on a mass scale. As it moved from north to south down an environmentally and technologically altered valley, inundating plantations and displacing more than half a million people, the flood provoked an intense and lasting cultural response. This book shows how the event took on public meanings. Americans at first seemed united in what Herbert Hoover called a “great relief machine,” but deep rifts soon arose. Southerners, pointing to faulty federal levee design, decried the attack of Yankee water. The condition of African American evacuees in “concentration camps” prompted pundits like W. E. B. Du Bois and Ida B. Wells to warn of the return of slavery to Dixie. And environmentalists like Gifford Pinchot called the flood “the most colossal blunder in civilized history.” This book examines how these and other key figures shaped public awareness and collective memory of the event. The crises of this period that usually dominate historical accounts are war and financial collapse, this book enables us to assess how mediated environmental disasters became central to modern consciousness.Less
The Great Mississippi Flood of 1927, which covered nearly thirty thousand square miles across seven states, was the most destructive river flood in U.S. history. Due to the speed of new media and the slow progress of the flood, this was the first environmental disaster to be experienced on a mass scale. As it moved from north to south down an environmentally and technologically altered valley, inundating plantations and displacing more than half a million people, the flood provoked an intense and lasting cultural response. This book shows how the event took on public meanings. Americans at first seemed united in what Herbert Hoover called a “great relief machine,” but deep rifts soon arose. Southerners, pointing to faulty federal levee design, decried the attack of Yankee water. The condition of African American evacuees in “concentration camps” prompted pundits like W. E. B. Du Bois and Ida B. Wells to warn of the return of slavery to Dixie. And environmentalists like Gifford Pinchot called the flood “the most colossal blunder in civilized history.” This book examines how these and other key figures shaped public awareness and collective memory of the event. The crises of this period that usually dominate historical accounts are war and financial collapse, this book enables us to assess how mediated environmental disasters became central to modern consciousness.
Jean E. Snyder
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252039942
- eISBN:
- 9780252098109
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252039942.003.0006
- Subject:
- Music, History, American
This chapter focuses on Harry T. Burleigh's participation in the 1893 World's Columbian Exposition, also known as the Chicago World's Fair, as representative of African American music. The exposition ...
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This chapter focuses on Harry T. Burleigh's participation in the 1893 World's Columbian Exposition, also known as the Chicago World's Fair, as representative of African American music. The exposition was designed to celebrate four centuries of progress toward building a lively industrial nation, which Chicago seemed to symbolize. It drew Americans from across the country, in company with Europeans, royals as well as commoners, to see whether the Americans might very literally be able to outshine the Paris Exposition of 1889. Despite resistance by the fair commission, there was some official representation of African Americans. This chapter examines how the World's Fair gave Burleigh, together with Frederick Douglass and Ida B. Wells, the opportunity to address issues of representation and the ambiguous role that music and public performance could play in confronting discrimination and racist stereotyping.Less
This chapter focuses on Harry T. Burleigh's participation in the 1893 World's Columbian Exposition, also known as the Chicago World's Fair, as representative of African American music. The exposition was designed to celebrate four centuries of progress toward building a lively industrial nation, which Chicago seemed to symbolize. It drew Americans from across the country, in company with Europeans, royals as well as commoners, to see whether the Americans might very literally be able to outshine the Paris Exposition of 1889. Despite resistance by the fair commission, there was some official representation of African Americans. This chapter examines how the World's Fair gave Burleigh, together with Frederick Douglass and Ida B. Wells, the opportunity to address issues of representation and the ambiguous role that music and public performance could play in confronting discrimination and racist stereotyping.
Andrew Dilts
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780823262410
- eISBN:
- 9780823268986
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823262410.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter takes up the relationship between suffrage, slavery, and punishment in the US through a critique of Judith Shklar’s account of citizenship as standing. Shklar argues that citizenship is ...
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This chapter takes up the relationship between suffrage, slavery, and punishment in the US through a critique of Judith Shklar’s account of citizenship as standing. Shklar argues that citizenship is an expression of a relational public standing signified by the rights to work and vote, rather than a legal status. Shklar does not acknowledge, however, that these rights are instrumental in producing the identities of groups within a polity, causing her to insist that universal suffrage has been achieved in the US despite the longstanding exclusion of criminals. This “blindness” to criminal exclusions is symptomatic of a broader liberal blindness to the discursive fabrication of criminological figures. Through the work of Joel Olson, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Ida B Wells, this chapter demonstrates Shklar’s presumption of an underlying “truth” to the moral standing of criminals. Yet there is little reason to assume that categories of “guilty” and “innocent” are stable reflections of one’s actions, but rather are built on previous notions of membership and labor under chattel slavery. The perverse outcome is that voting becomes a fetish object; it is not simply a demonstration of membership and political standing but an expression of innocence purchased on the backs of felons.Less
This chapter takes up the relationship between suffrage, slavery, and punishment in the US through a critique of Judith Shklar’s account of citizenship as standing. Shklar argues that citizenship is an expression of a relational public standing signified by the rights to work and vote, rather than a legal status. Shklar does not acknowledge, however, that these rights are instrumental in producing the identities of groups within a polity, causing her to insist that universal suffrage has been achieved in the US despite the longstanding exclusion of criminals. This “blindness” to criminal exclusions is symptomatic of a broader liberal blindness to the discursive fabrication of criminological figures. Through the work of Joel Olson, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Ida B Wells, this chapter demonstrates Shklar’s presumption of an underlying “truth” to the moral standing of criminals. Yet there is little reason to assume that categories of “guilty” and “innocent” are stable reflections of one’s actions, but rather are built on previous notions of membership and labor under chattel slavery. The perverse outcome is that voting becomes a fetish object; it is not simply a demonstration of membership and political standing but an expression of innocence purchased on the backs of felons.
Amy G. Richter
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814769133
- eISBN:
- 9780814769157
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814769133.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
As the domestic ideal increasingly included those beyond the white middle class (albeit in uneven and problematic ways), it inspired unexpected claims for political rights and supported new notions ...
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As the domestic ideal increasingly included those beyond the white middle class (albeit in uneven and problematic ways), it inspired unexpected claims for political rights and supported new notions of citizenship. Chapter 3 documents how politically marginalized groups—advocates for abolition, woman’s rights, racial equality, Native American citizenship, and trade unionism—used domestic norms, goods, and labor to lay claim to “civilization” and to articulate their particular demands. Sources in this chapter include an excerpt from Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin and writings by W.E.B. Du Bois, Ida B. Wells, and Frances Willard. Susan La Flesche depicts Native American domesticity, and Caroline Dall and William Sylvis consider the relationship between waged labor, domesticity, and gender.Less
As the domestic ideal increasingly included those beyond the white middle class (albeit in uneven and problematic ways), it inspired unexpected claims for political rights and supported new notions of citizenship. Chapter 3 documents how politically marginalized groups—advocates for abolition, woman’s rights, racial equality, Native American citizenship, and trade unionism—used domestic norms, goods, and labor to lay claim to “civilization” and to articulate their particular demands. Sources in this chapter include an excerpt from Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin and writings by W.E.B. Du Bois, Ida B. Wells, and Frances Willard. Susan La Flesche depicts Native American domesticity, and Caroline Dall and William Sylvis consider the relationship between waged labor, domesticity, and gender.
Richard T. Hughes
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780252042065
- eISBN:
- 9780252050800
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252042065.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
While America’s founders sought to create a nation of religious freedom, not a Christian nation, Christians in the early nineteenth century effectively Christianized the American Republic through the ...
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While America’s founders sought to create a nation of religious freedom, not a Christian nation, Christians in the early nineteenth century effectively Christianized the American Republic through the Second Great Awakening. Over the course of American history, many whites have accepted the claim that America is a Christian nation. Blacks from an early date, however, have argued that Christian America is a hollow concept, informed by assumptions of white supremacy. In the nineteenth century, David Walker ridiculed the notion of Christian America, while Frederick Douglass and Ida B. Wells claimed that the idea of Christian America was a cover for horrendous crimes against blacks. In the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, blacks as disparate as Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X, James Baldwin, Ta-Nehisi Coates, and James Cone unmasked the myth of a Christian America. By the twenty-first century, the collapse of Christian dominance in the United States could be traced, at least in part, to the complicity of white American Christians in the myth of White Supremacy. Many white Christians responded by attempting to restore a lost golden age, ignoring their complicity in the myth of White Supremacy that had helped bring on America’s fourth time of trial.Less
While America’s founders sought to create a nation of religious freedom, not a Christian nation, Christians in the early nineteenth century effectively Christianized the American Republic through the Second Great Awakening. Over the course of American history, many whites have accepted the claim that America is a Christian nation. Blacks from an early date, however, have argued that Christian America is a hollow concept, informed by assumptions of white supremacy. In the nineteenth century, David Walker ridiculed the notion of Christian America, while Frederick Douglass and Ida B. Wells claimed that the idea of Christian America was a cover for horrendous crimes against blacks. In the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, blacks as disparate as Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X, James Baldwin, Ta-Nehisi Coates, and James Cone unmasked the myth of a Christian America. By the twenty-first century, the collapse of Christian dominance in the United States could be traced, at least in part, to the complicity of white American Christians in the myth of White Supremacy. Many white Christians responded by attempting to restore a lost golden age, ignoring their complicity in the myth of White Supremacy that had helped bring on America’s fourth time of trial.
William D. Green
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780816693467
- eISBN:
- 9781452950594
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816693467.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
Chapter 13 documents the conference of Washington’s National Afro-American Council (NAAC) that was held in St. Paul, 1902, organized by McGhee. What was intended to be his springboard to national ...
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Chapter 13 documents the conference of Washington’s National Afro-American Council (NAAC) that was held in St. Paul, 1902, organized by McGhee. What was intended to be his springboard to national prominence turned instead into a “defining moment” when McGhee became disillusioned with the Wizard of Tuskegee.Less
Chapter 13 documents the conference of Washington’s National Afro-American Council (NAAC) that was held in St. Paul, 1902, organized by McGhee. What was intended to be his springboard to national prominence turned instead into a “defining moment” when McGhee became disillusioned with the Wizard of Tuskegee.
Kimberley Mangun and Larry R. Gerlach
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252037467
- eISBN:
- 9780252094651
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252037467.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This chapter focuses on Utah, another Mountain state, using a case study of press coverage of the 1925 lynching of African American Robert Marshall. It analyzes early-twentieth-century race relations ...
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This chapter focuses on Utah, another Mountain state, using a case study of press coverage of the 1925 lynching of African American Robert Marshall. It analyzes early-twentieth-century race relations and a recent contentious debate over the public memory of racial lynching in a state historically dominated by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (the Mormons). Memphis journalist Ida B. Wells was the first to identify the underlying causes of lynching. In three long investigative pamphlets published between 1892 and 1900, she discussed how allegations of rape obscured the real reason behind the killings of black men: white rage over economic advances among a rising black middle class. Lynching has received considerable scholarly and popular attention since Wells' groundbreaking work.Less
This chapter focuses on Utah, another Mountain state, using a case study of press coverage of the 1925 lynching of African American Robert Marshall. It analyzes early-twentieth-century race relations and a recent contentious debate over the public memory of racial lynching in a state historically dominated by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (the Mormons). Memphis journalist Ida B. Wells was the first to identify the underlying causes of lynching. In three long investigative pamphlets published between 1892 and 1900, she discussed how allegations of rape obscured the real reason behind the killings of black men: white rage over economic advances among a rising black middle class. Lynching has received considerable scholarly and popular attention since Wells' groundbreaking work.
William D. Green
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780816693467
- eISBN:
- 9781452950594
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816693467.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter records the final days of McGhee, Wheaton (who had relocated to New York), and John Adams who showed ambivalence to Washington during the Wizard’ decline in power. Upon Adams’ death, his ...
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This chapter records the final days of McGhee, Wheaton (who had relocated to New York), and John Adams who showed ambivalence to Washington during the Wizard’ decline in power. Upon Adams’ death, his family selects a young journalism major at the University of Minnesota, to take over the newspaper. His name was Roy Wilkins, who would become president of the NAACP.Less
This chapter records the final days of McGhee, Wheaton (who had relocated to New York), and John Adams who showed ambivalence to Washington during the Wizard’ decline in power. Upon Adams’ death, his family selects a young journalism major at the University of Minnesota, to take over the newspaper. His name was Roy Wilkins, who would become president of the NAACP.
John Ernest
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807833377
- eISBN:
- 9781469605074
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807898505_ernest.4
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This book is inspired by numerous conversations, conferences, articles, and books over the years, but basically it was sparked by the author's initial experience of reading and trying to understand ...
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This book is inspired by numerous conversations, conferences, articles, and books over the years, but basically it was sparked by the author's initial experience of reading and trying to understand Frances E. W. Harper's Iola Leroy. Intrigued by the names of the characters in Harper's novel, the author started to do some very elementary research on such names as Iola, Delaney, Latimer, Latrobe, and Gresham, and in so doing found his way to Ida B. Wells, Lucille Delaney, George Latimer, John Hazlehurst Boneval Latrobe, and Gresham's Law, among many other entrances to the complexities of nineteenth-century American history and culture. Since then, the author has had many occasions for realizing anew that he did not know nearly enough about the literary and cultural history on which, according to his doctorate and professional experience, he was supposed to be an expert.Less
This book is inspired by numerous conversations, conferences, articles, and books over the years, but basically it was sparked by the author's initial experience of reading and trying to understand Frances E. W. Harper's Iola Leroy. Intrigued by the names of the characters in Harper's novel, the author started to do some very elementary research on such names as Iola, Delaney, Latimer, Latrobe, and Gresham, and in so doing found his way to Ida B. Wells, Lucille Delaney, George Latimer, John Hazlehurst Boneval Latrobe, and Gresham's Law, among many other entrances to the complexities of nineteenth-century American history and culture. Since then, the author has had many occasions for realizing anew that he did not know nearly enough about the literary and cultural history on which, according to his doctorate and professional experience, he was supposed to be an expert.
William D. Green
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780816693467
- eISBN:
- 9781452950594
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816693467.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
Spanning the half-century after the Civil War, Degrees of Freedom draws a rare picture of black experience in a northern state and of the nature of black discontent and action within a predominantly ...
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Spanning the half-century after the Civil War, Degrees of Freedom draws a rare picture of black experience in a northern state and of the nature of black discontent and action within a predominantly white, ostensibly progressive society. William D. Green reveals little-known historical characters among the black men and women who moved to Minnesota following the Fifteenth Amendment; worked as farmhands and laborers; built communities (such as Pig’s Eye Landing, later renamed St. Paul), businesses, and a newspaper (the Western Appeal); and embodied the slow but inexorable advancement of race relations in the state over time. Within this absorbing, often surprising, narrative we meet “ordinary” citizens, like former slave and early settler Jim Thompson and black barbers catering to a white clientele, but also personages of national stature, such as Frederick Douglass, Booker T. Washington, and W. E. B. Du Bois, all of whom championed civil rights in Minnesota. And we see how, in a state where racial prejudice and oppression wore a liberal mask, black settlers and entrepreneurs, politicians, and activists maneuvered within a restricted political arena to bring about real and lasting change.Less
Spanning the half-century after the Civil War, Degrees of Freedom draws a rare picture of black experience in a northern state and of the nature of black discontent and action within a predominantly white, ostensibly progressive society. William D. Green reveals little-known historical characters among the black men and women who moved to Minnesota following the Fifteenth Amendment; worked as farmhands and laborers; built communities (such as Pig’s Eye Landing, later renamed St. Paul), businesses, and a newspaper (the Western Appeal); and embodied the slow but inexorable advancement of race relations in the state over time. Within this absorbing, often surprising, narrative we meet “ordinary” citizens, like former slave and early settler Jim Thompson and black barbers catering to a white clientele, but also personages of national stature, such as Frederick Douglass, Booker T. Washington, and W. E. B. Du Bois, all of whom championed civil rights in Minnesota. And we see how, in a state where racial prejudice and oppression wore a liberal mask, black settlers and entrepreneurs, politicians, and activists maneuvered within a restricted political arena to bring about real and lasting change.
