Daniel J. Levine
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199916061
- eISBN:
- 9780199980246
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199916061.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter develops the themes of the book along the lines discussed above: its goals, and the key concepts it advances to achieve them. It sets out the longstanding challenge of sustainable ...
More
This chapter develops the themes of the book along the lines discussed above: its goals, and the key concepts it advances to achieve them. It sets out the longstanding challenge of sustainable critique in light of the problem of reification. It also surveys the effects of reification across eight decades of IR scholarship, framing and summarizing the case studies undertaken in Chapters 3-5.Less
This chapter develops the themes of the book along the lines discussed above: its goals, and the key concepts it advances to achieve them. It sets out the longstanding challenge of sustainable critique in light of the problem of reification. It also surveys the effects of reification across eight decades of IR scholarship, framing and summarizing the case studies undertaken in Chapters 3-5.
Stefano Guzzini
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265529
- eISBN:
- 9780191760334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265529.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter shows that current IR (International Relations) theorizing finds liberal order a difficult topic. It confirms the concern voiced at the beginning of the volume that the IR academy in its ...
More
This chapter shows that current IR (International Relations) theorizing finds liberal order a difficult topic. It confirms the concern voiced at the beginning of the volume that the IR academy in its use of liberalism as a label for theorizing the international has at once endowed liberal internationalism with more idealism than it can rightfully claim whilst at the same time has shorn liberalism of its normative and value-based foundations. It suggests that, paradoxically, when going back to ‘liberal basics’, some versions of realism are in fact based upon a specific vision of politics, which gives rise to liberal order. Liberal orders are not, and cannot be based on an ahistorical ‘view from nowhere’, but have to face an ever-changing historical setting. As result the philosophy cannot provide a final foundation, but nor can liberals — or for that matter realists — do without it.Less
This chapter shows that current IR (International Relations) theorizing finds liberal order a difficult topic. It confirms the concern voiced at the beginning of the volume that the IR academy in its use of liberalism as a label for theorizing the international has at once endowed liberal internationalism with more idealism than it can rightfully claim whilst at the same time has shorn liberalism of its normative and value-based foundations. It suggests that, paradoxically, when going back to ‘liberal basics’, some versions of realism are in fact based upon a specific vision of politics, which gives rise to liberal order. Liberal orders are not, and cannot be based on an ahistorical ‘view from nowhere’, but have to face an ever-changing historical setting. As result the philosophy cannot provide a final foundation, but nor can liberals — or for that matter realists — do without it.
Daniel J. Levine
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199916061
- eISBN:
- 9780199980246
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199916061.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Why is reification so resilient, and critique so difficult to sustain? Developing a critique of knowledge with its roots in Theodor Adorno’s Negative Dialectics, this chapter shows the depth of the ...
More
Why is reification so resilient, and critique so difficult to sustain? Developing a critique of knowledge with its roots in Theodor Adorno’s Negative Dialectics, this chapter shows the depth of the problem in conceptual-philosophical terms and sketches a conceptual path for meeting it.Less
Why is reification so resilient, and critique so difficult to sustain? Developing a critique of knowledge with its roots in Theodor Adorno’s Negative Dialectics, this chapter shows the depth of the problem in conceptual-philosophical terms and sketches a conceptual path for meeting it.
J. Samuel Barkin and Laura Sjoberg
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- March 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190463427
- eISBN:
- 9780190463458
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190463427.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
This chapter returns to the concept of affordances introduced in chapter 1. It proceeds in the spirit of thinking through theoretical approaches’ affordances to ask how specific critical theories and ...
More
This chapter returns to the concept of affordances introduced in chapter 1. It proceeds in the spirit of thinking through theoretical approaches’ affordances to ask how specific critical theories and constructivisms might inform each other in the absence of a broader constructivist–critical theory synthesis. It does so in two parts. The first looks at examples of specific overlaps in which the affordances of a particular constructivism serve the needs of a particular exercise in critical theory, or vice-versa. It demonstrates that, while there are approaches that do not afford overlap, there are also approaches that do afford overlap. The second part argues that a politics and an ontology are not strictly analogous; the scope for constructivist tools in critical research is in fact narrower than the scope for critical reading of constructivist research.Less
This chapter returns to the concept of affordances introduced in chapter 1. It proceeds in the spirit of thinking through theoretical approaches’ affordances to ask how specific critical theories and constructivisms might inform each other in the absence of a broader constructivist–critical theory synthesis. It does so in two parts. The first looks at examples of specific overlaps in which the affordances of a particular constructivism serve the needs of a particular exercise in critical theory, or vice-versa. It demonstrates that, while there are approaches that do not afford overlap, there are also approaches that do afford overlap. The second part argues that a politics and an ontology are not strictly analogous; the scope for constructivist tools in critical research is in fact narrower than the scope for critical reading of constructivist research.
Casper Sylvest
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719079092
- eISBN:
- 9781781703151
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719079092.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter summarises the arguments of the book and discusses their wider implications for, in particular, the historiography of International Relations (IR), contemporary liberal IR theory and ...
More
This chapter summarises the arguments of the book and discusses their wider implications for, in particular, the historiography of International Relations (IR), contemporary liberal IR theory and British intellectual history of the period. Liberal internationalism enjoys a position in the current theoretical landscape of IR as opaque as that which it occupies in real-world political practice. The liberal internationalist vision is at once pervasive, ignored and exploited. Diversity in unity is a central characteristic of liberal internationalist ideology from the late nineteenth century through to the inter-war years. The history of internationalist ideas provides a marked contrast to the technical and bloodless versions of liberalism that are predominant in contemporary American IR. Liberal internationalism clearly had many drawbacks, including an unwarranted faith in gradual or manufactured progress and a complacent attitude towards the achievements of civilisation.Less
This chapter summarises the arguments of the book and discusses their wider implications for, in particular, the historiography of International Relations (IR), contemporary liberal IR theory and British intellectual history of the period. Liberal internationalism enjoys a position in the current theoretical landscape of IR as opaque as that which it occupies in real-world political practice. The liberal internationalist vision is at once pervasive, ignored and exploited. Diversity in unity is a central characteristic of liberal internationalist ideology from the late nineteenth century through to the inter-war years. The history of internationalist ideas provides a marked contrast to the technical and bloodless versions of liberalism that are predominant in contemporary American IR. Liberal internationalism clearly had many drawbacks, including an unwarranted faith in gradual or manufactured progress and a complacent attitude towards the achievements of civilisation.
Ted Hopf
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190255473
- eISBN:
- 9780190255503
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190255473.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter argues that constructivist identity theory has not been tested in large-n quantitative work, not because constructivism is incompatible with such tests, but because an intersubjective ...
More
This chapter argues that constructivist identity theory has not been tested in large-n quantitative work, not because constructivism is incompatible with such tests, but because an intersubjective data set has never been created. Instead, the chapter shows that existing quantitative work reduces identity to single measures of language, religion, or ethnicity that do not capture the intersubjective content of national identities. The chapter reviews constructivist contributions to IR theory to make the case that testing constructivism with appropriate data is important because identity is an alternative explanation for war, peace, cooperation, and conflict. Finally, the chapter explores how national identity might contribute to a more comprehensive theory of international hegemony with relevance for international politics today.Less
This chapter argues that constructivist identity theory has not been tested in large-n quantitative work, not because constructivism is incompatible with such tests, but because an intersubjective data set has never been created. Instead, the chapter shows that existing quantitative work reduces identity to single measures of language, religion, or ethnicity that do not capture the intersubjective content of national identities. The chapter reviews constructivist contributions to IR theory to make the case that testing constructivism with appropriate data is important because identity is an alternative explanation for war, peace, cooperation, and conflict. Finally, the chapter explores how national identity might contribute to a more comprehensive theory of international hegemony with relevance for international politics today.
Jürgen Rüland
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781503602854
- eISBN:
- 9781503604544
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9781503602854.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The chapter recapitulates the norm appropriation by the Indonesian foreign policy community. Most stakeholders localized external ideas and norms. In the process, the government was exposed to ...
More
The chapter recapitulates the norm appropriation by the Indonesian foreign policy community. Most stakeholders localized external ideas and norms. In the process, the government was exposed to localization pressures by nonstate actors from below. Legislators and business representatives mainly drew from extant beliefs, while in their majority NGOs, academics, and the press vocally propagated the European ideas of regional integration. By charting additional pathways of norm diffusion and distinguishing defensive and offensive localization, the study nuanced existing norm diffusion theory. Indonesian foreign policy stakeholders also imported ideas from Africa and Latin America, making norm diffusion an omnidirectional process. The study provides strong evidence that ASEAN’s cooperation norms continue to differ from the EU. Highlighting the normative agency of Indonesian foreign policy stakeholders, the study contributes to the project of a Global IR, which more than hitherto takes into account events and processes in the Global South.Less
The chapter recapitulates the norm appropriation by the Indonesian foreign policy community. Most stakeholders localized external ideas and norms. In the process, the government was exposed to localization pressures by nonstate actors from below. Legislators and business representatives mainly drew from extant beliefs, while in their majority NGOs, academics, and the press vocally propagated the European ideas of regional integration. By charting additional pathways of norm diffusion and distinguishing defensive and offensive localization, the study nuanced existing norm diffusion theory. Indonesian foreign policy stakeholders also imported ideas from Africa and Latin America, making norm diffusion an omnidirectional process. The study provides strong evidence that ASEAN’s cooperation norms continue to differ from the EU. Highlighting the normative agency of Indonesian foreign policy stakeholders, the study contributes to the project of a Global IR, which more than hitherto takes into account events and processes in the Global South.
Mark Raymond
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- March 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190913113
- eISBN:
- 9780190913144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190913113.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
This chapter begins by outlining the conceptions of rules, institutions, and social practices employed throughout the book. It demonstrates that attention to procedural rules for rule-making and ...
More
This chapter begins by outlining the conceptions of rules, institutions, and social practices employed throughout the book. It demonstrates that attention to procedural rules for rule-making and interpretation, or secondary rules, sheds light on the puzzle of how actors know how and when to engage in particular forms of social construction and therefore on why we observe patterned practices of global rule-making. Secondary rules shape the way actors present and evaluate proposals for making, changing, and interpreting rules. As such, they are a key overlooked cause of the form, process, and timing of change in the rules and institutions of the international system. They also help explain the success or failure of particular attempts to create such change, since proposals presented according to relevant secondary rules are more likely to be accepted. Finally, the chapter outlines the book’s significance and contributions, and discusses issues of method and evidence.Less
This chapter begins by outlining the conceptions of rules, institutions, and social practices employed throughout the book. It demonstrates that attention to procedural rules for rule-making and interpretation, or secondary rules, sheds light on the puzzle of how actors know how and when to engage in particular forms of social construction and therefore on why we observe patterned practices of global rule-making. Secondary rules shape the way actors present and evaluate proposals for making, changing, and interpreting rules. As such, they are a key overlooked cause of the form, process, and timing of change in the rules and institutions of the international system. They also help explain the success or failure of particular attempts to create such change, since proposals presented according to relevant secondary rules are more likely to be accepted. Finally, the chapter outlines the book’s significance and contributions, and discusses issues of method and evidence.
Gregorio Bettiza
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- July 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190949464
- eISBN:
- 9780190949495
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190949464.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The chapter presents the book’s theoretical framework, which is grounded in a sociological approach to international relations (IR) theory. It suggests that to explain the causes and shape of the ...
More
The chapter presents the book’s theoretical framework, which is grounded in a sociological approach to international relations (IR) theory. It suggests that to explain the causes and shape of the operationalization of religion in US foreign policy attention needs to be paid to the combined effects of macro-level forces represented by the emergence of a postsecular world society, and the mobilization at the micro-level of a diverse range of desecularizing actors who seek to contest the secularity of American foreign policy through the deployment of multiple desecularizing discourses. The chapter then conceptualizes four different processes of foreign policy desecularization—institutional, epistemic, ideological, and state-normative—which take place as religion increasingly becomes an organized subject and object of US foreign policy. Finally, it advances three hypotheses about the global effects of America’s religious foreign policies: they shape religious landscapes around the world in ways that reflect American values and interests; they contribute to religionizing world politics; and they promote similar policies internationally.Less
The chapter presents the book’s theoretical framework, which is grounded in a sociological approach to international relations (IR) theory. It suggests that to explain the causes and shape of the operationalization of religion in US foreign policy attention needs to be paid to the combined effects of macro-level forces represented by the emergence of a postsecular world society, and the mobilization at the micro-level of a diverse range of desecularizing actors who seek to contest the secularity of American foreign policy through the deployment of multiple desecularizing discourses. The chapter then conceptualizes four different processes of foreign policy desecularization—institutional, epistemic, ideological, and state-normative—which take place as religion increasingly becomes an organized subject and object of US foreign policy. Finally, it advances three hypotheses about the global effects of America’s religious foreign policies: they shape religious landscapes around the world in ways that reflect American values and interests; they contribute to religionizing world politics; and they promote similar policies internationally.
Ted Hopf and Bentley B. Allan (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190255473
- eISBN:
- 9780190255503
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190255473.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Making Identity Count outlines a method for the interpretive and quantitative study of national identity. It argues that constructivist international relations (IR) theories of identity have not yet ...
More
Making Identity Count outlines a method for the interpretive and quantitative study of national identity. It argues that constructivist international relations (IR) theories of identity have not yet been tested in large-n quantitative work because an intersubjective data set has never been produced. Instead, existing quantitative work reduces identity to language, ethnicity, or religion. However, these variables do not capture the intersubjective content of national identities. Other methods for measuring identity such as surveys or content analysis do not employ an inductive “ethnographic sensibility” that allows subjects speak and salient identities to emerge. This volume argues that interpretivist ethnographic sensibility and quantitative concerns with replicability can be fruitfully combined in a method of discourse analysis to produce a large-n intersubjective database of national identity. The empirical chapters present the first step of this project: examples of transparent, replicable discourse analysis of national identity that can be used as the basis for quantitative operationalizations of identity. The volume presents results from nine country reports: Brazil, China, France, Germany, India (Hindi), India (English), Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The results are used to theorize a constructivist account of hegemonic transition and draw out the implications of the results for the future of Western democratic neoliberal hegemony. The volume concludes that while there is strong support for the democratic elements of Western hegemony, mass texts all over the world express concern with the negative effects of neoliberal capitalism.Less
Making Identity Count outlines a method for the interpretive and quantitative study of national identity. It argues that constructivist international relations (IR) theories of identity have not yet been tested in large-n quantitative work because an intersubjective data set has never been produced. Instead, existing quantitative work reduces identity to language, ethnicity, or religion. However, these variables do not capture the intersubjective content of national identities. Other methods for measuring identity such as surveys or content analysis do not employ an inductive “ethnographic sensibility” that allows subjects speak and salient identities to emerge. This volume argues that interpretivist ethnographic sensibility and quantitative concerns with replicability can be fruitfully combined in a method of discourse analysis to produce a large-n intersubjective database of national identity. The empirical chapters present the first step of this project: examples of transparent, replicable discourse analysis of national identity that can be used as the basis for quantitative operationalizations of identity. The volume presents results from nine country reports: Brazil, China, France, Germany, India (Hindi), India (English), Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The results are used to theorize a constructivist account of hegemonic transition and draw out the implications of the results for the future of Western democratic neoliberal hegemony. The volume concludes that while there is strong support for the democratic elements of Western hegemony, mass texts all over the world express concern with the negative effects of neoliberal capitalism.
K.P. Vijayalakshmi
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198070801
- eISBN:
- 9780199082759
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198070801.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter posits that understanding the determinants of US policy for the region is vital for theorizing South Asian security. It argues that structural realist explanations do not adequately ...
More
This chapter posits that understanding the determinants of US policy for the region is vital for theorizing South Asian security. It argues that structural realist explanations do not adequately capture post–Cold War security dynamics or US policy in South Asia, and that a more fine-tuned approach sensitive to domestic and bureaucratic politics in the United States and in both India and Pakistan is necessary. Tracing the US foreign policy towards India and Pakistan from the latter part of the Clinton administration to the administration of George W. Bush, if focuses on: factors/variables affecting the formulation of US policy towards India and Pakistan in the post–Cold War period, the impact of domestic variables on foreign policy, and the interactive nature of domestic and external interests that aids the definition of the situation, enabling the decision-maker to act. This study examines patterns of interaction among the various actors that led to a re-appraisal of US policy towards Indian and Pakistan. This chapter argues that, in foreign policy analysis, policy behaviour is the product of individuals acting in the name of the state.Less
This chapter posits that understanding the determinants of US policy for the region is vital for theorizing South Asian security. It argues that structural realist explanations do not adequately capture post–Cold War security dynamics or US policy in South Asia, and that a more fine-tuned approach sensitive to domestic and bureaucratic politics in the United States and in both India and Pakistan is necessary. Tracing the US foreign policy towards India and Pakistan from the latter part of the Clinton administration to the administration of George W. Bush, if focuses on: factors/variables affecting the formulation of US policy towards India and Pakistan in the post–Cold War period, the impact of domestic variables on foreign policy, and the interactive nature of domestic and external interests that aids the definition of the situation, enabling the decision-maker to act. This study examines patterns of interaction among the various actors that led to a re-appraisal of US policy towards Indian and Pakistan. This chapter argues that, in foreign policy analysis, policy behaviour is the product of individuals acting in the name of the state.
Mark Raymond
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- March 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190913113
- eISBN:
- 9780190913144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190913113.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
The concluding chapter summarizes the main argument of the book concerning the nature and operation of social practices of rule-making and reviews the main findings from the four empirical cases. It ...
More
The concluding chapter summarizes the main argument of the book concerning the nature and operation of social practices of rule-making and reviews the main findings from the four empirical cases. It then discusses the book’s significance. It sheds light on how to resolve comparability issues and investigate scope conditions among various proposed mechanisms for creating shared knowledge such as rules and institutions. It extends the range of applications of the practice-turn to the practice of rule-making, and identifies synergies between rule and practice constructivisms. It also demonstrates that the study of social practices of rule-making improves existing explanations of change in international systems. In doing so, it highlights the importance of these practices to contemporary global governance, as well as the overlooked importance of global governance for the study of international systems and world orders. Finally, it demonstrates the book’s utility for studying hierarchy and authority in world politics.Less
The concluding chapter summarizes the main argument of the book concerning the nature and operation of social practices of rule-making and reviews the main findings from the four empirical cases. It then discusses the book’s significance. It sheds light on how to resolve comparability issues and investigate scope conditions among various proposed mechanisms for creating shared knowledge such as rules and institutions. It extends the range of applications of the practice-turn to the practice of rule-making, and identifies synergies between rule and practice constructivisms. It also demonstrates that the study of social practices of rule-making improves existing explanations of change in international systems. In doing so, it highlights the importance of these practices to contemporary global governance, as well as the overlooked importance of global governance for the study of international systems and world orders. Finally, it demonstrates the book’s utility for studying hierarchy and authority in world politics.
Mark Raymond
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- March 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190913113
- eISBN:
- 9780190913144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190913113.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
This chapter questions standard interpretations of the interwar period as one of failed utopianism. It demonstrates that the Locarno agreements and especially the Kellogg-Briand Pact were part of a ...
More
This chapter questions standard interpretations of the interwar period as one of failed utopianism. It demonstrates that the Locarno agreements and especially the Kellogg-Briand Pact were part of a larger rule system originating in the late nineteenth century that sought to curtail the state’s right to use force. In particular, it shows that secondary rules can create unintended outcomes. Neither Kellogg nor Briand sought to create a multilateral treaty banning war except in self-defense and collective security. Rather, in seeking to manipulate procedural rules to force each other into abandoning the treaty, both men came to genuinely embrace it. This norm clearly informed subsequent state practice, despite being imperfectly adhered to, and was reasserted in the UN Charter. The case also shows the robustness of social practices of rule-making, which were adhered to consistently even by new states like Japan and states like the Soviet Union that had renounced international institutions.Less
This chapter questions standard interpretations of the interwar period as one of failed utopianism. It demonstrates that the Locarno agreements and especially the Kellogg-Briand Pact were part of a larger rule system originating in the late nineteenth century that sought to curtail the state’s right to use force. In particular, it shows that secondary rules can create unintended outcomes. Neither Kellogg nor Briand sought to create a multilateral treaty banning war except in self-defense and collective security. Rather, in seeking to manipulate procedural rules to force each other into abandoning the treaty, both men came to genuinely embrace it. This norm clearly informed subsequent state practice, despite being imperfectly adhered to, and was reasserted in the UN Charter. The case also shows the robustness of social practices of rule-making, which were adhered to consistently even by new states like Japan and states like the Soviet Union that had renounced international institutions.
Mark Raymond
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- March 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190913113
- eISBN:
- 9780190913144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190913113.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
This chapter explains the puzzling 2013 agreement of the UN Group of Governmental Experts (GGE) on cybersecurity that existing international law applies to state military use of information and ...
More
This chapter explains the puzzling 2013 agreement of the UN Group of Governmental Experts (GGE) on cybersecurity that existing international law applies to state military use of information and communication technologies (ICTs), and the 2015 GGE report that extended the consensus reached in 2013. These important developments in the emergence of rules and norms for cyberspace took place despite deteriorating relations between the United States and Russia. They also took place despite increasing global contention over Internet governance and cybersecurity issues more broadly, and occurred with less controversy than related (but lower-priority) Internet governance issues. The chapter argues that the 2013 and 2015 GGE reports were reached in large part as a result of a conscious process of rule-making and interpretation structured by agreed-upon secondary rules, and that the timing of the agreements reflected emerging consensus among participants despite remaining divergence on substantive preferences about governance arrangements for cyberspace.Less
This chapter explains the puzzling 2013 agreement of the UN Group of Governmental Experts (GGE) on cybersecurity that existing international law applies to state military use of information and communication technologies (ICTs), and the 2015 GGE report that extended the consensus reached in 2013. These important developments in the emergence of rules and norms for cyberspace took place despite deteriorating relations between the United States and Russia. They also took place despite increasing global contention over Internet governance and cybersecurity issues more broadly, and occurred with less controversy than related (but lower-priority) Internet governance issues. The chapter argues that the 2013 and 2015 GGE reports were reached in large part as a result of a conscious process of rule-making and interpretation structured by agreed-upon secondary rules, and that the timing of the agreements reflected emerging consensus among participants despite remaining divergence on substantive preferences about governance arrangements for cyberspace.
Mark Raymond
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- March 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190913113
- eISBN:
- 9780190913144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190913113.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
This chapter shows that secondary rules help to explain the emergence of active practices of great power management of the international system after the Napoleonic Wars. Actors were aware of ...
More
This chapter shows that secondary rules help to explain the emergence of active practices of great power management of the international system after the Napoleonic Wars. Actors were aware of themselves as joint participants in a practice of rule-making and interpretation. They presented proposals according to the rules of that practice, both criticizing and justifying proposals on procedural grounds. The chapter covers the initial creation of great power management in the Congress of Vienna, and its development in the initial conferences of the Concert of Europe at Aix-la-Chapelle, Troppau, Laibach, and Verona. Actors who more skillfully employed secondary rules were more successful in obtaining their goals. Talleyrand secured France’s readmission to the ranks of the great powers, and Metternich and Castlereagh consistently employed procedural rules to achieve their objectives. Procedural rules also help explain the failure of the Tsar’s proposed Holy Alliance in contrast to the substantively similar Quadruple Alliance.Less
This chapter shows that secondary rules help to explain the emergence of active practices of great power management of the international system after the Napoleonic Wars. Actors were aware of themselves as joint participants in a practice of rule-making and interpretation. They presented proposals according to the rules of that practice, both criticizing and justifying proposals on procedural grounds. The chapter covers the initial creation of great power management in the Congress of Vienna, and its development in the initial conferences of the Concert of Europe at Aix-la-Chapelle, Troppau, Laibach, and Verona. Actors who more skillfully employed secondary rules were more successful in obtaining their goals. Talleyrand secured France’s readmission to the ranks of the great powers, and Metternich and Castlereagh consistently employed procedural rules to achieve their objectives. Procedural rules also help explain the failure of the Tsar’s proposed Holy Alliance in contrast to the substantively similar Quadruple Alliance.
Mark Raymond
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- March 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190913113
- eISBN:
- 9780190913144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190913113.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
This chapter examines public dialogue between al-Qaeda and the United States from 1996 until the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Both sides spoke clearly and consistently about actual and preferred rules for ...
More
This chapter examines public dialogue between al-Qaeda and the United States from 1996 until the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Both sides spoke clearly and consistently about actual and preferred rules for the international system, and the way they should be applied; and both sides engaged in procedural criticism and justification. Both sides knew that conflict was overdetermined, and that they had deep disagreements about relevant social practices of rule-making. So why engage in futile dialogue? Attempts to reach like-minded audiences clearly matter, but esoteric appeals about legitimate rule-making procedures are typically not expected to move political audiences. The chapter argues that participants on both sides had internalized ideas about legitimate rule-making practices, and tied these understandings to conceptions of the appropriate nature and ends of political community. The case demonstrates the emotional power of secondary rules, and the difficulty of resolving conflict in the absence of common rule-making practices.Less
This chapter examines public dialogue between al-Qaeda and the United States from 1996 until the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Both sides spoke clearly and consistently about actual and preferred rules for the international system, and the way they should be applied; and both sides engaged in procedural criticism and justification. Both sides knew that conflict was overdetermined, and that they had deep disagreements about relevant social practices of rule-making. So why engage in futile dialogue? Attempts to reach like-minded audiences clearly matter, but esoteric appeals about legitimate rule-making procedures are typically not expected to move political audiences. The chapter argues that participants on both sides had internalized ideas about legitimate rule-making practices, and tied these understandings to conceptions of the appropriate nature and ends of political community. The case demonstrates the emotional power of secondary rules, and the difficulty of resolving conflict in the absence of common rule-making practices.
