MICHAEL WHEATLEY
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199273577
- eISBN:
- 9780191706165
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273577.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
A study of the local press, both nationalist and unionist, indicates that there was no ‘Ulster crisis’ in the five counties studied from the 1910 elections up to the autumn of 1913. Only the outbreak ...
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A study of the local press, both nationalist and unionist, indicates that there was no ‘Ulster crisis’ in the five counties studied from the 1910 elections up to the autumn of 1913. Only the outbreak of mob violence — in Belfast in the summer of 1912 and to a lesser extent Londonderry in August 1913 — generated real nationalist unease. For the rest of the time, the publication and passage of the Home Rule Bill generated a considerable volume of press coverage but few great passions either for or against. ‘Ulster's’ campaign against the bill, and the newly-formed Ulster Volunteer Force, were seen not as a looming and ever-growing physical threat, but as a political and propaganda ‘bluff’ to undermine British support for the bill before it could pass. Confidence, complacency, quietude, and even apathy were more typical characteristics of local debate than wild enthusiasm, chagrin, disappointment, or alarm.Less
A study of the local press, both nationalist and unionist, indicates that there was no ‘Ulster crisis’ in the five counties studied from the 1910 elections up to the autumn of 1913. Only the outbreak of mob violence — in Belfast in the summer of 1912 and to a lesser extent Londonderry in August 1913 — generated real nationalist unease. For the rest of the time, the publication and passage of the Home Rule Bill generated a considerable volume of press coverage but few great passions either for or against. ‘Ulster's’ campaign against the bill, and the newly-formed Ulster Volunteer Force, were seen not as a looming and ever-growing physical threat, but as a political and propaganda ‘bluff’ to undermine British support for the bill before it could pass. Confidence, complacency, quietude, and even apathy were more typical characteristics of local debate than wild enthusiasm, chagrin, disappointment, or alarm.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the unravelling of the Union between 1800 and 1886. The UK of Great Britain and Ireland was created in 1800, and the Union flag then took on its modern design, with crosses to ...
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This chapter examines the unravelling of the Union between 1800 and 1886. The UK of Great Britain and Ireland was created in 1800, and the Union flag then took on its modern design, with crosses to represent England, Scotland, and Ireland (but not Wales). However, the Irish Union was never accepted in the way the Scottish Union was. The unravelling of the Union began seriously in 1886.Less
This chapter examines the unravelling of the Union between 1800 and 1886. The UK of Great Britain and Ireland was created in 1800, and the Union flag then took on its modern design, with crosses to represent England, Scotland, and Ireland (but not Wales). However, the Irish Union was never accepted in the way the Scottish Union was. The unravelling of the Union began seriously in 1886.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the unravelling of the Union between 1886 and 1921. It discusses the continuing link between Union and Empire, the incoherence of Diceyan Unionism, centre-periphery politics, ...
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This chapter examines the unravelling of the Union between 1886 and 1921. It discusses the continuing link between Union and Empire, the incoherence of Diceyan Unionism, centre-periphery politics, the attempted Unionist coup-d’etat in 1910-14, Bonar Law and Ulster paramilitarism, George V’s threatened vetoes, and primoridal and instrumental Unionism. By 1921, the Union question had resolved into a Northern Ireland question and an imperial question. It left two ragged ends from the 1886 attempt to settle it, namely representation and finance in the outlying parts of the Union.Less
This chapter examines the unravelling of the Union between 1886 and 1921. It discusses the continuing link between Union and Empire, the incoherence of Diceyan Unionism, centre-periphery politics, the attempted Unionist coup-d’etat in 1910-14, Bonar Law and Ulster paramilitarism, George V’s threatened vetoes, and primoridal and instrumental Unionism. By 1921, the Union question had resolved into a Northern Ireland question and an imperial question. It left two ragged ends from the 1886 attempt to settle it, namely representation and finance in the outlying parts of the Union.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter analyses what is now called the West Lothian Question (WLQ) after its persistent poser Tam Dalyell MP (formerly for West Lothian). The WLQ asks: Given partial devolution, why can an MP ...
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This chapter analyses what is now called the West Lothian Question (WLQ) after its persistent poser Tam Dalyell MP (formerly for West Lothian). The WLQ asks: Given partial devolution, why can an MP for a devolved territory become involved in devolved matters in England, but not in his own constituency? It has been said that ‘the WLQ is not really a question: every time it is answered, Tam just waits for a bit and then asks it again’. But that merely shows what a persistently nagging question it has been since long before Tam Dalyell. In fact, it was sufficient (although not necessary) to bring down both of Gladstone’s Home Rule Bills (1886 and 1893). The chapter shows how problematic all the proposed solutions are, especially when dealing with divided government where one UK-wide party controls a territory and the other controls the UK government. However, if devolution is to be stable, the governments and parties will have to live with the WLQ. New conventions for cohabitation will arise, and the UK and devolved party systems may diverge, even if party labels do not. The UK electorate treats everything except UK General Elections as second-order.Less
This chapter analyses what is now called the West Lothian Question (WLQ) after its persistent poser Tam Dalyell MP (formerly for West Lothian). The WLQ asks: Given partial devolution, why can an MP for a devolved territory become involved in devolved matters in England, but not in his own constituency? It has been said that ‘the WLQ is not really a question: every time it is answered, Tam just waits for a bit and then asks it again’. But that merely shows what a persistently nagging question it has been since long before Tam Dalyell. In fact, it was sufficient (although not necessary) to bring down both of Gladstone’s Home Rule Bills (1886 and 1893). The chapter shows how problematic all the proposed solutions are, especially when dealing with divided government where one UK-wide party controls a territory and the other controls the UK government. However, if devolution is to be stable, the governments and parties will have to live with the WLQ. New conventions for cohabitation will arise, and the UK and devolved party systems may diverge, even if party labels do not. The UK electorate treats everything except UK General Elections as second-order.
Alvin Jackson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204985
- eISBN:
- 9780191676437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204985.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Edward James Saunderson, who was for twenty years the English face of Unionism, has been consigned to obscurity, the victim of shifting loyalist priorities and myth-building, and of scholarly ...
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Edward James Saunderson, who was for twenty years the English face of Unionism, has been consigned to obscurity, the victim of shifting loyalist priorities and myth-building, and of scholarly disregard. A similarity of achievement between Saunderson and Edward Carson posits a dilemma: if Carson, the opponent of Home Rule in 1912, is consistently resurrected for a contemporary political function, then why has his precursor, Saunderson, encountered complete neglect, and within a tradition which looks to the past for political legitimization? Carson distanced himself from some grubbier northern politics; by contrast, Saunderson long outlived his usefulness, holding onto the chairmanship of the Irish Unionist parliamentary party after the defeat of the second Home Rule Bill, exacerbated by the prospect of reform, forced him to defend his own landed interests.Less
Edward James Saunderson, who was for twenty years the English face of Unionism, has been consigned to obscurity, the victim of shifting loyalist priorities and myth-building, and of scholarly disregard. A similarity of achievement between Saunderson and Edward Carson posits a dilemma: if Carson, the opponent of Home Rule in 1912, is consistently resurrected for a contemporary political function, then why has his precursor, Saunderson, encountered complete neglect, and within a tradition which looks to the past for political legitimization? Carson distanced himself from some grubbier northern politics; by contrast, Saunderson long outlived his usefulness, holding onto the chairmanship of the Irish Unionist parliamentary party after the defeat of the second Home Rule Bill, exacerbated by the prospect of reform, forced him to defend his own landed interests.
Alvin Jackson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204985
- eISBN:
- 9780191676437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204985.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Saunderson had been one of the architects of a cross-class loyalist alliance, and given the relative success of his endeavour by the summer of 1886, his talents as a political evangelist and ...
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Saunderson had been one of the architects of a cross-class loyalist alliance, and given the relative success of his endeavour by the summer of 1886, his talents as a political evangelist and proselytizer were temporarily redundant. Constitutional uncertainty in 1893 extended beyond the question of the Union, and while the fate of the Home Rule Bill might have been predictable, the fate of the Lords and therefore of a key Unionist bulwark was more problematic. Given this political atmosphere, Saunderson’s acute and enduring anxiety becomes unimaginable.Less
Saunderson had been one of the architects of a cross-class loyalist alliance, and given the relative success of his endeavour by the summer of 1886, his talents as a political evangelist and proselytizer were temporarily redundant. Constitutional uncertainty in 1893 extended beyond the question of the Union, and while the fate of the Home Rule Bill might have been predictable, the fate of the Lords and therefore of a key Unionist bulwark was more problematic. Given this political atmosphere, Saunderson’s acute and enduring anxiety becomes unimaginable.
Paul Bew
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207085
- eISBN:
- 9780191677489
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207085.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Ideas
This chapter outlines the historical background of the home rule crisis in Ireland. It started in 1885 when rumours began to circulate that the British Prime Minister William Gladstone was planning ...
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This chapter outlines the historical background of the home rule crisis in Ireland. It started in 1885 when rumours began to circulate that the British Prime Minister William Gladstone was planning to implement a measure of home rule for Ireland. Unionist Belfast reacted to these rumours with dismay and disbelief. In May 1886, Gladstone introduced the first Home Rule Bill in parliament. However, during this time the question of Irish self-government already had a distinct religious or sectarian dimension, and this was highlighted in the result of the 1885 general election where home rule supporters won every seat with a Catholic preponderance.Less
This chapter outlines the historical background of the home rule crisis in Ireland. It started in 1885 when rumours began to circulate that the British Prime Minister William Gladstone was planning to implement a measure of home rule for Ireland. Unionist Belfast reacted to these rumours with dismay and disbelief. In May 1886, Gladstone introduced the first Home Rule Bill in parliament. However, during this time the question of Irish self-government already had a distinct religious or sectarian dimension, and this was highlighted in the result of the 1885 general election where home rule supporters won every seat with a Catholic preponderance.
BEN LEVITAS
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199253432
- eISBN:
- 9780191719196
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199253432.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter tracks the impact on the theatre of the radicalisation of Irish politics following the General Election of 1910. The momentary success of the Home Rule Bill (1912) is set against the ...
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This chapter tracks the impact on the theatre of the radicalisation of Irish politics following the General Election of 1910. The momentary success of the Home Rule Bill (1912) is set against the 1913 Dublin lockout and the Irish Volunteer movements. Left politics, voiced by Larkin and Connolly, are considered resonant with the theatre of Robinson, O'Kelly, St John Ervine, Thomas Murray, Fitzmaurice, and Gerald MacNamara. Left-literati alliances were re-forged against the conservative nationalism of William Martin Murphy and Griffith. The First World War drove republican logics to the fore; indicated both by the pessimism of Wilson's The Slough and the excited radicalism of MacDonagh, Eimar O'Duffy, and Patrick Pearse himself. Republicanism, indicated by Pearse's references to Ibsen and Synge, is shown as having absorbed theatrical forces of display, to be reiterated in the Easter Rising of 1916.Less
This chapter tracks the impact on the theatre of the radicalisation of Irish politics following the General Election of 1910. The momentary success of the Home Rule Bill (1912) is set against the 1913 Dublin lockout and the Irish Volunteer movements. Left politics, voiced by Larkin and Connolly, are considered resonant with the theatre of Robinson, O'Kelly, St John Ervine, Thomas Murray, Fitzmaurice, and Gerald MacNamara. Left-literati alliances were re-forged against the conservative nationalism of William Martin Murphy and Griffith. The First World War drove republican logics to the fore; indicated both by the pessimism of Wilson's The Slough and the excited radicalism of MacDonagh, Eimar O'Duffy, and Patrick Pearse himself. Republicanism, indicated by Pearse's references to Ibsen and Synge, is shown as having absorbed theatrical forces of display, to be reiterated in the Easter Rising of 1916.
Paul Bew
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207085
- eISBN:
- 9780191677489
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207085.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Ideas
This chapter discusses issues associated with the project of Redmondism in Ireland. After the outbreak of the war, the rules of the game of the leaderships of the two principal factions were ...
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This chapter discusses issues associated with the project of Redmondism in Ireland. After the outbreak of the war, the rules of the game of the leaderships of the two principal factions were immediately changed. The Irish unionist leadership became inhibited, feeling that they had lost their freedom of action. They also believed that the government would launch new attempts to placate John Redmond on the home rule issue. However, Redmond was very firm on his instance on the Home Rule Bill being placed upon the statute book.Less
This chapter discusses issues associated with the project of Redmondism in Ireland. After the outbreak of the war, the rules of the game of the leaderships of the two principal factions were immediately changed. The Irish unionist leadership became inhibited, feeling that they had lost their freedom of action. They also believed that the government would launch new attempts to placate John Redmond on the home rule issue. However, Redmond was very firm on his instance on the Home Rule Bill being placed upon the statute book.
Conor Mulvagh
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719099267
- eISBN:
- 9781526115164
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719099267.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter examines the years of dashed hope for the Irish Home Rule movement. 1910 saw the party regain the balance of power at Westminster lost in 1895. Thereafter, the formerly apathetic Liberal ...
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This chapter examines the years of dashed hope for the Irish Home Rule movement. 1910 saw the party regain the balance of power at Westminster lost in 1895. Thereafter, the formerly apathetic Liberal government was dependent on the support of IPP MPs to secure a parliamentary majority. By 1912, a Home Rule Bill was introduced. The members of the leadership are examined in the course of their most intense work and their most difficult trials. Ireland became the central focus in imperial politics in the years 1912-14.The chapter argues that, by the outbreak of the First World War, the leadership, especially Redmond and Dillon, had been elevated from the status of provincial politicians to that of imperial statesmen. This chapter also charts the origins of the partition of Ireland, Ulster unionism’s resistance to Home Rule and the drift from constitutionalism towards paramilitarism in these years.Less
This chapter examines the years of dashed hope for the Irish Home Rule movement. 1910 saw the party regain the balance of power at Westminster lost in 1895. Thereafter, the formerly apathetic Liberal government was dependent on the support of IPP MPs to secure a parliamentary majority. By 1912, a Home Rule Bill was introduced. The members of the leadership are examined in the course of their most intense work and their most difficult trials. Ireland became the central focus in imperial politics in the years 1912-14.The chapter argues that, by the outbreak of the First World War, the leadership, especially Redmond and Dillon, had been elevated from the status of provincial politicians to that of imperial statesmen. This chapter also charts the origins of the partition of Ireland, Ulster unionism’s resistance to Home Rule and the drift from constitutionalism towards paramilitarism in these years.
Eugenio Biagini
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780199683710
- eISBN:
- 9780191823923
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199683710.003.0018
- Subject:
- Religion, Religious Studies, Theology
Dissenters in the long nineteenth century believed that they were on the right side of history. This chapter argues that the involvement of evangelical Nonconformists in politics was primarily driven ...
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Dissenters in the long nineteenth century believed that they were on the right side of history. This chapter argues that the involvement of evangelical Nonconformists in politics was primarily driven by a coherent worldview derived from a Congregationalist understanding of salvation and the gathered nature of the church. That favoured a preference for voluntarism and a commitment to religious equality for all. Although Whig governments responded to the rising electoral clout of Dissenters after 1832 by meeting Dissenting grievances, both they and the Conservatives retained an Erastian approach to church–state relations. This led to tension with both those Dissenters who favoured full separation between church and state, and with Evangelical Churchmen in Scotland, who affirmed the principle of an Established Church, but refused government interference in ministerial appointments. In 1843 this issue resulted in the Disruption of the Church of Scotland and the formation of a large Dissenting body north of the border, the Free Church. Dissenting militancy after mid-century was fostered by the numerical rise of Dissent, especially in cities, the foundation of influential liberal papers often edited by Dissenters such as Edward Miall, and the rise of municipal reforming movements in the Midlands headed by figures such as Joseph Chamberlain. Industrialization also boosted Dissenting political capacity by encouraging both employer paternalism and trades unionism, whose leaders and rank and file were Nonconformists. Ireland constituted an exception to this pattern. The rise of sectarianism owed less to Irish peculiarities than to the presence and concentration of a large Catholic population, such as also fostered anti-Catholicism in Britain, in for instance Lancashire. The politics of the Ultramontane Catholic Church combined with the experience of agrarian violence and sectarian strife to dispose Irish Protestant Dissenters against Home Rule. The 1906 election was the apogee of Dissent’s political power, installing a Presbyterian Prime Minister in Campbell-Bannerman who would give way in due course to the Congregationalist H.H. Asquith, but also ushering in conflicts over Ireland. Under Gladstone, the Liberal party and its Nonconformist supporters had been identified with the championship of oppressed nationalities. Even though Chamberlain and other leading Dissenting liberals such as Isabella Tod resisted the extension of that approach to Ireland after 1886, preferring local government reform to Home Rule, most Dissenting voters had remained loyal to Gladstone. Thanks to succeeding Unionist governments’ aggressive foreign policy, embrace of tariff reform, and 1902 Education Act, Dissenting voters had been keen to return to a Liberal government in 1906. That government’s collision with the House of Lords and loss of seats in the two elections of 1910 made it reliant on the Irish National Party and provoked the introduction in 1912 of a third Home Rule Bill. The paramilitary resistance of Ulster Dissenters to the Bill was far from unanimous but nonetheless drove a wedge between British Nonconformists who had concluded that religion was a private matter and would do business with Irish Constitutional Nationalists and Ulster Nonconformists, who had adopted what looked like a bigoted insistence that religion was a public affair and that the Union was their only preservative against ‘Rome Rule’. The declaration of war in 1914 and the consequent suspension of the election due in 1915 means it is impossible to know how Nonconformists might have dealt with this crisis. It was the end of an era.Less
Dissenters in the long nineteenth century believed that they were on the right side of history. This chapter argues that the involvement of evangelical Nonconformists in politics was primarily driven by a coherent worldview derived from a Congregationalist understanding of salvation and the gathered nature of the church. That favoured a preference for voluntarism and a commitment to religious equality for all. Although Whig governments responded to the rising electoral clout of Dissenters after 1832 by meeting Dissenting grievances, both they and the Conservatives retained an Erastian approach to church–state relations. This led to tension with both those Dissenters who favoured full separation between church and state, and with Evangelical Churchmen in Scotland, who affirmed the principle of an Established Church, but refused government interference in ministerial appointments. In 1843 this issue resulted in the Disruption of the Church of Scotland and the formation of a large Dissenting body north of the border, the Free Church. Dissenting militancy after mid-century was fostered by the numerical rise of Dissent, especially in cities, the foundation of influential liberal papers often edited by Dissenters such as Edward Miall, and the rise of municipal reforming movements in the Midlands headed by figures such as Joseph Chamberlain. Industrialization also boosted Dissenting political capacity by encouraging both employer paternalism and trades unionism, whose leaders and rank and file were Nonconformists. Ireland constituted an exception to this pattern. The rise of sectarianism owed less to Irish peculiarities than to the presence and concentration of a large Catholic population, such as also fostered anti-Catholicism in Britain, in for instance Lancashire. The politics of the Ultramontane Catholic Church combined with the experience of agrarian violence and sectarian strife to dispose Irish Protestant Dissenters against Home Rule. The 1906 election was the apogee of Dissent’s political power, installing a Presbyterian Prime Minister in Campbell-Bannerman who would give way in due course to the Congregationalist H.H. Asquith, but also ushering in conflicts over Ireland. Under Gladstone, the Liberal party and its Nonconformist supporters had been identified with the championship of oppressed nationalities. Even though Chamberlain and other leading Dissenting liberals such as Isabella Tod resisted the extension of that approach to Ireland after 1886, preferring local government reform to Home Rule, most Dissenting voters had remained loyal to Gladstone. Thanks to succeeding Unionist governments’ aggressive foreign policy, embrace of tariff reform, and 1902 Education Act, Dissenting voters had been keen to return to a Liberal government in 1906. That government’s collision with the House of Lords and loss of seats in the two elections of 1910 made it reliant on the Irish National Party and provoked the introduction in 1912 of a third Home Rule Bill. The paramilitary resistance of Ulster Dissenters to the Bill was far from unanimous but nonetheless drove a wedge between British Nonconformists who had concluded that religion was a private matter and would do business with Irish Constitutional Nationalists and Ulster Nonconformists, who had adopted what looked like a bigoted insistence that religion was a public affair and that the Union was their only preservative against ‘Rome Rule’. The declaration of war in 1914 and the consequent suspension of the election due in 1915 means it is impossible to know how Nonconformists might have dealt with this crisis. It was the end of an era.
Kaitlynn Mendes and Jilly Boyce Kay
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781474424929
- eISBN:
- 9781474496087
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474424929.003.0024
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
This chapter provides a review of existing literature on the shifting representations of feminist activism in the press from the 1900s to 2017, as well as a discussion of the ways feminists have ...
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This chapter provides a review of existing literature on the shifting representations of feminist activism in the press from the 1900s to 2017, as well as a discussion of the ways feminists have created their own print materials to agitate for social change. The chapter also provides two original case studies, including how militant Irish suffrage campaigners were represented in the Irish press for protesting the 1912 Home Rule Bill, and how the Irish Women’s Liberation Movement was represented in six Irish newspapers from 1970-1982. Overall, the chapter identifies a gap in research particularly around Irish feminists and the press, who were active, but less studied compared to their British counterparts.Less
This chapter provides a review of existing literature on the shifting representations of feminist activism in the press from the 1900s to 2017, as well as a discussion of the ways feminists have created their own print materials to agitate for social change. The chapter also provides two original case studies, including how militant Irish suffrage campaigners were represented in the Irish press for protesting the 1912 Home Rule Bill, and how the Irish Women’s Liberation Movement was represented in six Irish newspapers from 1970-1982. Overall, the chapter identifies a gap in research particularly around Irish feminists and the press, who were active, but less studied compared to their British counterparts.
Conor Mulvagh
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719099267
- eISBN:
- 9781526115164
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719099267.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter examines how the First World War transformed the leadership of the IPP. John Redmond’s unilateral declarations regarding the Irish Volunteer force – a nationalist alternative to the ...
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This chapter examines how the First World War transformed the leadership of the IPP. John Redmond’s unilateral declarations regarding the Irish Volunteer force – a nationalist alternative to the paramilitary Ulster Volunteer Force – caused tensions, specifically with John Dillon. Redmond’s pledge of the force to Home Defence and subsequently to full participation in the war effort signalled a radical realignment of policy. It builds upon a historiographical tradition that sees the First World War as the defining moment in modern Irish history. It examines the ways in which the Irish party were called upon to assist in wartime recruitment and how the war began a stagnation of the Home Rule movement which had appeared to achieve its goals in September of 1914 with the signing of the Home Rule Bill into law. By mid-1915, correspondence shows that Redmond and Dillon had patched up their differences, at least to the extent that they could find a modus vivendi.Less
This chapter examines how the First World War transformed the leadership of the IPP. John Redmond’s unilateral declarations regarding the Irish Volunteer force – a nationalist alternative to the paramilitary Ulster Volunteer Force – caused tensions, specifically with John Dillon. Redmond’s pledge of the force to Home Defence and subsequently to full participation in the war effort signalled a radical realignment of policy. It builds upon a historiographical tradition that sees the First World War as the defining moment in modern Irish history. It examines the ways in which the Irish party were called upon to assist in wartime recruitment and how the war began a stagnation of the Home Rule movement which had appeared to achieve its goals in September of 1914 with the signing of the Home Rule Bill into law. By mid-1915, correspondence shows that Redmond and Dillon had patched up their differences, at least to the extent that they could find a modus vivendi.