Bahgat Korany (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774163531
- eISBN:
- 9781617970368
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774163531.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In the era of globalization, change is the order of the day, but the conventional view of the Arab Middle East is that of a rigid and even stagnant region. This book counters the static perception ...
More
In the era of globalization, change is the order of the day, but the conventional view of the Arab Middle East is that of a rigid and even stagnant region. This book counters the static perception and focuses instead on regional dynamics. After first discussing types of change, identifying catalysts, and tracing the evolution of the region over the last sixty years, the team of contributors go on to evaluate the development of Arab civil society; examine the opportunities and challenges facing the Arab media; link the debates concerning Arab political thought to the evolving regional and international context; look at the transformation of armed Islamist movements into deradicalized factions; assess how and to what extent women's empowerment is breaking down patriarchy; and analyze the rise of non-state actors such as Hizbollah and Hamas that rival central political authority. The book concludes with data tables that provide a quantitative guide to some aspects of these regional dynamics.Less
In the era of globalization, change is the order of the day, but the conventional view of the Arab Middle East is that of a rigid and even stagnant region. This book counters the static perception and focuses instead on regional dynamics. After first discussing types of change, identifying catalysts, and tracing the evolution of the region over the last sixty years, the team of contributors go on to evaluate the development of Arab civil society; examine the opportunities and challenges facing the Arab media; link the debates concerning Arab political thought to the evolving regional and international context; look at the transformation of armed Islamist movements into deradicalized factions; assess how and to what extent women's empowerment is breaking down patriarchy; and analyze the rise of non-state actors such as Hizbollah and Hamas that rival central political authority. The book concludes with data tables that provide a quantitative guide to some aspects of these regional dynamics.
Dilip Hiro
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- June 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190944650
- eISBN:
- 9780190055905
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190944650.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
In his 21 May 2017speech to the Arab-Islamic summit in Riyadh, US President Donald Trump conflated Shia radicalism with Sunni jihadism. His thesis fell apart on 7 June when ISIS suicide bombers ...
More
In his 21 May 2017speech to the Arab-Islamic summit in Riyadh, US President Donald Trump conflated Shia radicalism with Sunni jihadism. His thesis fell apart on 7 June when ISIS suicide bombers attacked Iran’s parliament. Undeterred, Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman led a diplomatic and commercial boycott of Qatar for maintaining normal relations with Tehran. His move drew Qatar and Iran closer. After declaring Lebanese Hizbollah a terrorist organization, Bin Salman pressured Saad Hariri, the Sunni prime minister, to dismiss the two Hizbollah ministers in his cabinet. When Hariri dithered, he was summoned to Riyadh where he announced his resignation under duress. Fearing destabilization of Lebanon, holding one million Syrian refugees, America and France pressed Bin Salman to let Hariri return to Beirut, where he withdrew his resignation. On 6 December, Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, thus legitimizing the annexation of East Jerusalem after the 1967 Arab-Israeli War in violation of international law. As
Organization of Islamic Cooperation president, Turkey called a summit in Istanbul to denounce Trump’s move. King Salman was not among the fifty-odd heads of state or government attendees. With that, Saudi Arabia forfeited its claim to be primus inter pares among Muslim nations.Less
In his 21 May 2017speech to the Arab-Islamic summit in Riyadh, US President Donald Trump conflated Shia radicalism with Sunni jihadism. His thesis fell apart on 7 June when ISIS suicide bombers attacked Iran’s parliament. Undeterred, Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman led a diplomatic and commercial boycott of Qatar for maintaining normal relations with Tehran. His move drew Qatar and Iran closer. After declaring Lebanese Hizbollah a terrorist organization, Bin Salman pressured Saad Hariri, the Sunni prime minister, to dismiss the two Hizbollah ministers in his cabinet. When Hariri dithered, he was summoned to Riyadh where he announced his resignation under duress. Fearing destabilization of Lebanon, holding one million Syrian refugees, America and France pressed Bin Salman to let Hariri return to Beirut, where he withdrew his resignation. On 6 December, Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, thus legitimizing the annexation of East Jerusalem after the 1967 Arab-Israeli War in violation of international law. As
Organization of Islamic Cooperation president, Turkey called a summit in Istanbul to denounce Trump’s move. King Salman was not among the fifty-odd heads of state or government attendees. With that, Saudi Arabia forfeited its claim to be primus inter pares among Muslim nations.
Dilip Hiro
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- June 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190944650
- eISBN:
- 9780190055905
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190944650.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
After Islamic revolutionary movement’s success in overthrowing Iran’s secular Pahlavi dynasty in 1979, Saudi royals felt that full cooperation between their theocratic kingdom and the Islamic ...
More
After Islamic revolutionary movement’s success in overthrowing Iran’s secular Pahlavi dynasty in 1979, Saudi royals felt that full cooperation between their theocratic kingdom and the Islamic Republic would follow. This was not to be. The basic differences between a republic and a monarchy were compounded by the two nations’ contradictory relations with America. The US, the ultimate protector of Saudi Arabia, was decried as the Great Satan by Khomeini. A détente between the two states, forged in 1994, fell apart in 2002. In the renewed rivalry, Riyadh tried to gain an upper hand by stressing Iran as a country of Shias, a minority sect in Islam. Tehran made gains by default in the aftermath of Washington’s disastrous invasion of Iraq in 2003, and as a result of the Riyadh-led diplomatic and commercial blockade of Qatar in 2017. Its strategic alliance with Syria, ruled by an Alawi president, remained intact. In the Yemeni civil war between Iran-backed Houthi rebels, occupying the capital, and the government of Riyadh-based President al Hadi, the conflict remained unresolved. Bin Salman failed to secure the expulsion of the pro-Iranian Hizbollah ministers from Lebanon’s national unity government. Overall, Tehran enjoyed superiority over Riyadh in the Middle East.Less
After Islamic revolutionary movement’s success in overthrowing Iran’s secular Pahlavi dynasty in 1979, Saudi royals felt that full cooperation between their theocratic kingdom and the Islamic Republic would follow. This was not to be. The basic differences between a republic and a monarchy were compounded by the two nations’ contradictory relations with America. The US, the ultimate protector of Saudi Arabia, was decried as the Great Satan by Khomeini. A détente between the two states, forged in 1994, fell apart in 2002. In the renewed rivalry, Riyadh tried to gain an upper hand by stressing Iran as a country of Shias, a minority sect in Islam. Tehran made gains by default in the aftermath of Washington’s disastrous invasion of Iraq in 2003, and as a result of the Riyadh-led diplomatic and commercial blockade of Qatar in 2017. Its strategic alliance with Syria, ruled by an Alawi president, remained intact. In the Yemeni civil war between Iran-backed Houthi rebels, occupying the capital, and the government of Riyadh-based President al Hadi, the conflict remained unresolved. Bin Salman failed to secure the expulsion of the pro-Iranian Hizbollah ministers from Lebanon’s national unity government. Overall, Tehran enjoyed superiority over Riyadh in the Middle East.
