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This chapter explores how students' private concerns came to occupy the center of campus and national politics in the 1960s and in so doing thrust higher education into the thick of the nascent rights revolution. Students' rights-based reconstruction of the educated citizen marked a departure from the older reciprocal-based formulation that had been decisive in the creation of past higher education policy. From the 1930s through the 1950s, the state provided citizens with educational opportunities in order to repay them for their sacrifices during the Great Depression and the brutal war years that followed. But the gradual expansion of educational access and of federal involvement in higher education set in motion a sequence of unexpected social and political reactions that prepared the way for the shift from a reciprocal to a rights-based conception of the educated citizen founded on the principle of diversity.

This chapter discusses deliberations and predispositions that were made before the final approval of the establishment of the Arts and Humanities Research Council/Board. After the second reading of the Higher Education Bill, the AHRB and the Bill was subjected to a more detailed review. Between February and March, fifteen sittings of the Standing Committee H were conducted to examine the proposal and the legislation clause by clause. Whilst the head of the committee, Alan Johnson declared a seemingly unanimous support for the Bill as no demonstrations against the arts and humanities aspect of the Bill occurred. Many of the members of the committee averted that they needed time to consider and scrutinize every aspect of the bill. In the House of Lords the Bill was warmly welcomed. However, as with the House of Commons and the Standing Committee, some of the aspects of the Bill were met by antagonism. The most serious opposition against the Bill was against Part 1 of the Higher Education Bill which expressed that devolved administrations can perform arts and humanities research on their own. After much deliberation and considerations, on the evening of July 1, 2004, the Higher Education Bill received Royal Assent and was considered as the Higher Education Act.

This chapter outlines the unique approach taken by this study of the changing academic-student relationship in the context of both massification and the marketisation of British Higher Education. The book explores how the meaning of the ‘University experience’ is produced and interpreted by prospective and current undergraduates, by those working in Higher Education, and by wider networks of family and friends. It considers how the purpose of the University, and the role of students and academics, has been framed by politicians, over successive waves of policy making, and the disjuncture between these narratives and the ways in which those working and studying in Universities articulate what they do and why. By taking a generational perspective, the book considers how discussions about the University today are contextualised by historical experience.

This chapter discusses the existence of support for the AHRB during its struggle for recognition and acceptance. In January 22, 2003, the White Paper on the Future of Higher Education created uproar. This furore over the White Paper was due to concerns over the government's proposal to allow universities to raise fees and to provide deferred loans by which the students might meet those charges. The uproar was also heightened by the government's declared intention to concentrate on research funding. Amidst the din over the AHRB's establishment and the government's intention of giving research funds to research councils, the AHRB found immense support from various groups. Iain Gray, Scotland's Minister For Enterprise and Lifelong Learning, expressed support for the creation of the AHRB. The same warm response to the White Paper and to the prospect of the creation of the AHRB was also expressed by the RCUK Strategy Group which emphasized the importance of arts and humanities as equal to those of engineering, science, and technology. The same response was also accorded by the House of Commons. In addition to the positive responses to the proposal of creating a humanities research council, UK government and political officials were beginning to include the White Paper recommendations into their debates. By mid-summer, widespread support for the AHRB was garnered and on January 27 2004, a second reading of the Higher Education Bill approved the creation of the Arts and Humanities Research Council.

As at the time of the Great Depression, the Americans were caught up in events over which they appeared to have no control. Life was changed quickly by this war, and higher education in Kentucky soon adjusted to the exigencies of wartime. Kentucky college students were already leaving for the military, government posts, or civilian jobs long before Pearl Harbor and the formal declaration of war. World War II had a profound and lasting impact on higher education in Kentucky. The GI Bill in Kentucky suddenly changed higher education in the state forever. At the end of World War II, three studies were conducted that suggested change in the public higher education system of the commonwealth. All the public universities now had their individual charges from the Council on Higher Education. Everyone understood that the heyday of the post-World War II years was over. Enrollments continued to stagnate or at best grow slowly at public universities.

American higher education expanded significantly in the economic boom years following the Second World War. The federal government underwrote the growth of these institutions as providers of mass education and as modern research universities. Presidents played a key role in nurturing the nascent student loan industry.

This chapter addresses the role that the Bologna Process for the construction of a European Higher Education Area has played in promoting changes in Spanish legal education, and the role that clinical legal education can play in the transition from a classical model of legal education to the model, methodology, and aims of the Bologna Process. It presents a brief overview of the origins and state of legal education in Spain, an explanation of how the Bologna Process can influence Spanish legal education, and a discussion of existing clinical programs in Spain. The chapter demonstrates that clinical education has had an impact at some of the leading law schools in Spain since the beginning of the implementation of the Bologna Process, and argues that it can be one of the most useful tools to achieve the aims of legal education reform in continental Europe: updating, modernizing, internationalizing, and promoting social awareness.

Chapter 4 considers how lawmakers used the Higher Education Act (HEA) of 1965 to further entrench higher education programming in the fabric of US social policy and to amplify individual-level aid for college students. The HEA provides a valuable example of how “targeting within universalism” can help to generate broad political support for a social policy. Moreover, its creation provides a powerful example of the role that path dependency has played in the development of higher education policy. In addition to illustrating the significance of policy design to the political viability of social policy reforms, this case study highlights the pivotal role that executive leadership has played in the development of US higher education policy. Taken together, these forces were central to lawmakers’ ability to reinforce and build upon the gender-egalitarian higher education policy that had emerged during the late 1950s.

This chapter explores the reforms brought about through the Kentucky Education Reform Act and the changes that occurred in higher education from the Patton years to the near present. Education in Kentucky in the latter decades of the twentieth century could not help but change, owing to the forces both within the state and beyond that pushed for reform. In the early twenty-first century, Kentucky appeared to have the most integrated public school system in the nation. Public higher education in Kentucky, under the leadership of the Council on Higher Education from the mid-1980s into the 1990s, continued to search for a better way to fund an increasingly expensive system. The year 2006 may have been a high-water mark early in the new century for public higher education in Kentucky. As it has happened throughout the history of Kentucky, education moves forward in fits and starts, regressing during difficult economic times or because of indifference by the citizens of the state.

This chapter asks who conservative students are by drawing on two sources. First are the surveys administered by the University of California at Los Angeles's Higher Education Research Institute to thousands of incoming college freshmen and graduating seniors during the 2000s. The second source is the data collected on different campuses, designed to shed light on the formative years of the students and alumni/ae in their families and their schools, their early experiences with conservatism, and how they acquired the politics bug. Using this information, the chapter examines the students' demographics, political identifications, precollege political styles, ideological orientations, religious affiliation, and social class background as well as their families' political backgrounds.

There has been centuries of ongoing debate derived from potential conflicts between clinical and scientific graduate values, of external standards and need for independence among graduate departments, and of accreditation governance. In the United States, it has been a matter of non-government or government scrutiny. APA standards consider the competency in professional psychology through doctoral training, but with the broad areas of knowledge, skill, and professional function, the consistency of accredited programs being questioned. To address this issue, a conference was held in 2002, under the leadership of the National Council of Schools Programs in Professional Psychology, to confer competencies for professional psychology. This marked the development of an improved model or system of assessing competencies, formally established by the APA Board of Educational Affairs and many education and training organizations and regulatory bodies in professional psychology in 2005.

This chapter offers a vignette of the policy and administrative environment in which a State Education Department has to function. It describes the challenge of administering a mammoth regulatory system, of managing relationship with Chief Minister, politicians, and Vice-Chancellors, and managing teacher unions the crippling burden of litigation, and the establishment of the country’s first State Council of Higher Education. It also explores questions such as: What is a university? Should an institution encompass almost all significant branches of knowledge, combine teaching and research, and be engaged in the creation of knowledge if it were to be called a university? Can a university promote arts and culture? How is a woman’s university different? What could be the State-level mechanism for regulation of and coordination among universities? Should private participation in the expansion of access be encouraged, and if so how? What should be the policy towards minority education institutions?

This chapter offers an overview of the global trends in education systems driven by the five inter-connected forces: democratization of the society, rise of private education, globalization, advent of new information technologies, and knowledge economy. This overview is offered so that there could be a more nuanced understanding of the gales of creative destruction which spectacularly altered the Indian education landscape. It outlines the consequences of the transition of a higher education system transits from an elite system with low levels of enrolment to a mass system with very high levels of enrolment: extraordinary diversification of the purpose of higher education, financing, student body, and content and process of higher education. It outlines the salient features of internationalization and globalization of education, of General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), the private revolution in higher education and the quality assurance mechanisms. The overview focuses on the developments in some countries like the United States, United Kingdom, France, and China.

This chapter describes the far reaching changes as a result of which the Indian education system ceased to be almost exclusively public funded and closed system, how these far reaching changes were not steered by any policy of the Government, and how the policy has to catch up to do. It describes how the early initiatives of the Manmohan Government aroused great hopes that higher education was poised for remarkable transformation, and how these hopes were dashed as the Prime Minister was only a minor centre of power and could not prevail upon Arjun Singh to accept the ambitious reform agenda drawn up by the National Knowledge Commission (NKC) he set up. It also describes the special focus on skill development and the new initiatives launched during the Eleventh Five Year Plan such as the expansion of Central Universities, IITs, IIMs and NITs, and the launch of Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan (RMSA). It compares and contrasts the philosophical underpinnings and recommendations of the NKC and Yash Pal Committee on the rejuvenation of Higher Education, and critques the recommendations of that Committee’s idea of university, and its proposal to constitute a National Commission on Higher Education and Research as an imperium imperio.

Thanks to the rapid expansion of private colleges and universities, India has been able to raise gross enrollment ratios in higher education at a satisfactory pace during the last twenty years. There has not been similar success in raising the quality of higher education, however. India has no universities in the top one hundred in any international rankings, particularly lagging behind in social sciences and humanities. This chapter argues that the key bottleneck is the highly centralized governance system flowing from the archaic University Grants Commission (UGC) Act of 1956. Drawing on the experiences of the United States, United Kingdom, and China, this chapter suggests a complete overhaul of the system, giving autonomy to colleges and universities in all matters and establishing an accreditation system that would evaluate all institutions, with better-performing institutions receiving a larger volume of government funds. Institutions will also be freed to raise their own resources.

This chapter describes the extraordinary efforts made by Kapil Sibal to reform almost every aspect of education, and his refreshing courage in advocating polices shunned by the political class such as promotion of private participation, and encouraging reputed foreign institutions to establish campuses in India. It describes the successes he achieved like enactment of the RTE Act, and the heroic failure to enact as many as six acts which would have totally restructured the policy and regulatory framework of higher education. By focusing on the process and politics of policymaking it brings out that the failure was mainly due to strategic and tactical mistakes, and adopting a no-holds barred adversarial approach that is eminently appropriate in a courtroom is utterly inappropriate in policymaking. All in all, Sibal’s achievements and failure offer valuable lessons for policy entrepreneurship. It also describes the failed efforts of the Health Ministry to establish the National Commission for Human Resources for Health as a super-regulator in Medical Education in place of multiple regulatory authorities like the Medical Council, Dental Council and so on.