Lara Deeb and Mona Harb
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153650
- eISBN:
- 9781400848560
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153650.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
South Beirut has recently become a vibrant leisure destination with a plethora of cafés and restaurants that cater to the young, fashionable, and pious. What effects have these establishments had on ...
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South Beirut has recently become a vibrant leisure destination with a plethora of cafés and restaurants that cater to the young, fashionable, and pious. What effects have these establishments had on the moral norms, spatial practices, and urban experiences of this Lebanese community? From the diverse voices of young Shi'i Muslims searching for places to hang out, to the Hezbollah officials who want this media-savvy generation to be more politically involved, to the religious leaders worried that Lebanese youth are losing their moral compasses, this book provides a sophisticated and original look at leisure in the Lebanese capital. What makes a café morally appropriate? How do people negotiate morality in relation to different places? And under what circumstances might a pious Muslim go to a café that serves alcohol? This book highlights tensions and complexities exacerbated by the presence of multiple religious authorities, a fraught sectarian political context, class mobility, and a generation that takes religion for granted but wants to have fun. The book elucidates the political, economic, religious, and social changes that have taken place since 2000, and examines leisure's influence on Lebanese sociopolitical and urban situations. Asserting that morality and geography cannot be fully understood in isolation from one another, the book offers a colorful new understanding of the most powerful community in Lebanon today.Less
South Beirut has recently become a vibrant leisure destination with a plethora of cafés and restaurants that cater to the young, fashionable, and pious. What effects have these establishments had on the moral norms, spatial practices, and urban experiences of this Lebanese community? From the diverse voices of young Shi'i Muslims searching for places to hang out, to the Hezbollah officials who want this media-savvy generation to be more politically involved, to the religious leaders worried that Lebanese youth are losing their moral compasses, this book provides a sophisticated and original look at leisure in the Lebanese capital. What makes a café morally appropriate? How do people negotiate morality in relation to different places? And under what circumstances might a pious Muslim go to a café that serves alcohol? This book highlights tensions and complexities exacerbated by the presence of multiple religious authorities, a fraught sectarian political context, class mobility, and a generation that takes religion for granted but wants to have fun. The book elucidates the political, economic, religious, and social changes that have taken place since 2000, and examines leisure's influence on Lebanese sociopolitical and urban situations. Asserting that morality and geography cannot be fully understood in isolation from one another, the book offers a colorful new understanding of the most powerful community in Lebanon today.
Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter looks at the army building in three very different political environments: the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Lebanese civil war (1975–90), and the civil war in El Salvador ...
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This chapter looks at the army building in three very different political environments: the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Lebanese civil war (1975–90), and the civil war in El Salvador (1979–92). Although the objective in both Bosnia and El Salvador was to develop a democratic army in the wake of the civil war, it has not been achieved fully in either setting. Lebanon is unique not just in the category of post-civil war army building but because it is an outlier in the entire group of twenty-seven cases studied in two important respects. First, in the first fifteen years after the civil war, a foreign army of Syria controlled some of Lebanon's territory and was instrumental in rebuilding the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF). Second, aside from the state-controlled LAF, another local, contending or complementary and yet legitimate military force has functioned in the country: the militia of Hezbollah, a Shi'a Islamist political and paramilitary organization.Less
This chapter looks at the army building in three very different political environments: the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Lebanese civil war (1975–90), and the civil war in El Salvador (1979–92). Although the objective in both Bosnia and El Salvador was to develop a democratic army in the wake of the civil war, it has not been achieved fully in either setting. Lebanon is unique not just in the category of post-civil war army building but because it is an outlier in the entire group of twenty-seven cases studied in two important respects. First, in the first fifteen years after the civil war, a foreign army of Syria controlled some of Lebanon's territory and was instrumental in rebuilding the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF). Second, aside from the state-controlled LAF, another local, contending or complementary and yet legitimate military force has functioned in the country: the militia of Hezbollah, a Shi'a Islamist political and paramilitary organization.
Noam Lubell
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199584840
- eISBN:
- 9780191594540
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199584840.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
This chapter begins the examination of whether international humanitarian law is an appropriate legal framework that can be applied to extraterritorial force against non-state actors. This includes ...
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This chapter begins the examination of whether international humanitarian law is an appropriate legal framework that can be applied to extraterritorial force against non-state actors. This includes both the possibilities of such measures being categorised as international armed conflict and non-international armed conflict. The notion of non-international conflicts as including extra-territorial circumstances is considered, as are the criteria for determination of such conflicts, including threshold of violence and identification of the parties to the conflict.Less
This chapter begins the examination of whether international humanitarian law is an appropriate legal framework that can be applied to extraterritorial force against non-state actors. This includes both the possibilities of such measures being categorised as international armed conflict and non-international armed conflict. The notion of non-international conflicts as including extra-territorial circumstances is considered, as are the criteria for determination of such conflicts, including threshold of violence and identification of the parties to the conflict.
Noam Lubell
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199584840
- eISBN:
- 9780191594540
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199584840.003.0011
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
This chapter utilises the analysis conducted throughout the book, and applies it in the context of two cases. The first is the conflict between Israel and the Hezbollah in the summer of 2006. The ...
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This chapter utilises the analysis conducted throughout the book, and applies it in the context of two cases. The first is the conflict between Israel and the Hezbollah in the summer of 2006. The second is the targeted killings conducted by the US in Yemen and Pakistan. The rules of the ius ad bellum are examined, as are the rules regulating the use of force, whether human rights law or international humanitarian law. The chapter concludes with a summary of the analysis and identification of the challenges yet to be resolved.Less
This chapter utilises the analysis conducted throughout the book, and applies it in the context of two cases. The first is the conflict between Israel and the Hezbollah in the summer of 2006. The second is the targeted killings conducted by the US in Yemen and Pakistan. The rules of the ius ad bellum are examined, as are the rules regulating the use of force, whether human rights law or international humanitarian law. The chapter concludes with a summary of the analysis and identification of the challenges yet to be resolved.
Audrey Kurth Cronin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199693627
- eISBN:
- 9780191741258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199693627.003.0028
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In campaigns involving suicide terrorism, individual operatives and parent societies can rarely ‘surrender’ in the conventional wartime sense; however, terrorist organizations sometimes terminate ...
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In campaigns involving suicide terrorism, individual operatives and parent societies can rarely ‘surrender’ in the conventional wartime sense; however, terrorist organizations sometimes terminate their campaigns. The reasons why they do so are widely misunderstood. This overview begins with the Assassins and moves through the history of suicide terrorism. It explains the surprising findings of research done on hundreds of modern groups, with case studies on the Tamil Tigers (LTTE) and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict examined in greater depth. The conclusion discusses the unique challenges, especially for democracies, of compelling groups that use suicide terrorism to end their operations and surrender.Less
In campaigns involving suicide terrorism, individual operatives and parent societies can rarely ‘surrender’ in the conventional wartime sense; however, terrorist organizations sometimes terminate their campaigns. The reasons why they do so are widely misunderstood. This overview begins with the Assassins and moves through the history of suicide terrorism. It explains the surprising findings of research done on hundreds of modern groups, with case studies on the Tamil Tigers (LTTE) and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict examined in greater depth. The conclusion discusses the unique challenges, especially for democracies, of compelling groups that use suicide terrorism to end their operations and surrender.
Amal Alamuddin, Nidal Nabil Jurdi, and David Tolbert (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199687459
- eISBN:
- 9780191767111
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199687459.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
This book provides an analytical overview of the establishment and functioning of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon, the newest and most controversial of the UN-sponsored international criminal ...
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This book provides an analytical overview of the establishment and functioning of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon, the newest and most controversial of the UN-sponsored international criminal courts. In 2005, Lebanese Prime Minister Rafic Hariri was assassinated in a huge blast that reverberated across Lebanon and the region. The Tribunal was established with a mandate to try the perpetrators of the Hariri killing, as well as those responsible for other killings that are ‘connected’ to this core crime. Individuals associated with the Hezbollah group have been indicted to be tried in the court in The Hague — but in their absence as their locations are unknown. The Tribunal is the UN's first attempt at addressing terrorism in an international criminal court, and the first attempt to set up international trials following crimes committed in the Middle East region. The court's narrow mandate and unique procedures have led many to question what kind of precedent it will set in a volatile region. This book looks at how the court was established, its foundational principles based on the Statute of the International Criminal Court and Lebanese domestic law, and the possible further development of its case law.Less
This book provides an analytical overview of the establishment and functioning of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon, the newest and most controversial of the UN-sponsored international criminal courts. In 2005, Lebanese Prime Minister Rafic Hariri was assassinated in a huge blast that reverberated across Lebanon and the region. The Tribunal was established with a mandate to try the perpetrators of the Hariri killing, as well as those responsible for other killings that are ‘connected’ to this core crime. Individuals associated with the Hezbollah group have been indicted to be tried in the court in The Hague — but in their absence as their locations are unknown. The Tribunal is the UN's first attempt at addressing terrorism in an international criminal court, and the first attempt to set up international trials following crimes committed in the Middle East region. The court's narrow mandate and unique procedures have led many to question what kind of precedent it will set in a volatile region. This book looks at how the court was established, its foundational principles based on the Statute of the International Criminal Court and Lebanese domestic law, and the possible further development of its case law.
Aurélie Daher
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190495893
- eISBN:
- 9780190943004
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190495893.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
Almost thirty years after its foundation, Lebanese Hezbollah is an organization that remains difficult to understand. What exactly is Hezbollah? An Islamist terrorist group dedicated to destroying ...
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Almost thirty years after its foundation, Lebanese Hezbollah is an organization that remains difficult to understand. What exactly is Hezbollah? An Islamist terrorist group dedicated to destroying Israel? The first Arab national resistance to have ever defeated Tel Aviv's troops? A patriotic and respectable party or a fascist network having managed to control all levels of Lebanese political life? How did this organization acquire such an important role in the Middle-Eastern game and in Lebanese politics?
This book has three purposes. Firstly, to clearly articulate a definition of Hezbollah, presenting a thorough history of the party, describing its internal structure and the large scope of its social and political action. Secondly, to explain the evolution of the party's mobilization. And finally, to illustrate another path, political but mainly identity-related: that of the Shiite community, the main constituent of Lebanese society today.
Through a rigorous and richly documented study, based on primary sources including hundreds of interviews with rank and file members, executives and officials of the party, and research material never examined before, the author unveils brand new aspects of this organization, thus completing our understanding of both the "Hezbollah phenomenon" and Lebanese politics of the last two decades.Less
Almost thirty years after its foundation, Lebanese Hezbollah is an organization that remains difficult to understand. What exactly is Hezbollah? An Islamist terrorist group dedicated to destroying Israel? The first Arab national resistance to have ever defeated Tel Aviv's troops? A patriotic and respectable party or a fascist network having managed to control all levels of Lebanese political life? How did this organization acquire such an important role in the Middle-Eastern game and in Lebanese politics?
This book has three purposes. Firstly, to clearly articulate a definition of Hezbollah, presenting a thorough history of the party, describing its internal structure and the large scope of its social and political action. Secondly, to explain the evolution of the party's mobilization. And finally, to illustrate another path, political but mainly identity-related: that of the Shiite community, the main constituent of Lebanese society today.
Through a rigorous and richly documented study, based on primary sources including hundreds of interviews with rank and file members, executives and officials of the party, and research material never examined before, the author unveils brand new aspects of this organization, thus completing our understanding of both the "Hezbollah phenomenon" and Lebanese politics of the last two decades.
Bahgat Korany
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774163531
- eISBN:
- 9781617970368
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774163531.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Hamas and Hezbollah are often perceived and categorized as being alike, as a result of similarities in their organizational structure, ideology, and activities. They exhibit comparable ...
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Hamas and Hezbollah are often perceived and categorized as being alike, as a result of similarities in their organizational structure, ideology, and activities. They exhibit comparable characteristics, as they both represent sociopolitical agendas while adhering to ideological paradigms of political Islamism. Attitudes and perceptions of the Middle East generally conform to an “intellectual laziness” or assumption of the unchanging and often static nature of regional actors, state and nonstate alike. A more productive research endeavor is concerned with why nonstate actors (NSAs) have emerged as an alternative form of governance in the region of the Middle East. The formation and development of the two organizations are a consequence of the spillover or “multiplier” effects stemming from two “big bangs”: the creation of the State of Israel in 1948 and the collective failure of the Arab states in the June 1967 War.Less
Hamas and Hezbollah are often perceived and categorized as being alike, as a result of similarities in their organizational structure, ideology, and activities. They exhibit comparable characteristics, as they both represent sociopolitical agendas while adhering to ideological paradigms of political Islamism. Attitudes and perceptions of the Middle East generally conform to an “intellectual laziness” or assumption of the unchanging and often static nature of regional actors, state and nonstate alike. A more productive research endeavor is concerned with why nonstate actors (NSAs) have emerged as an alternative form of governance in the region of the Middle East. The formation and development of the two organizations are a consequence of the spillover or “multiplier” effects stemming from two “big bangs”: the creation of the State of Israel in 1948 and the collective failure of the Arab states in the June 1967 War.
Charles D. Freilich
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- March 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190602932
- eISBN:
- 9780190602963
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190602932.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
This book is the most comprehensive study to date of Israel’s national security. It combines an exhaustive analysis of the military, diplomatic, demographic, and societal challenges Israel faces, ...
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This book is the most comprehensive study to date of Israel’s national security. It combines an exhaustive analysis of the military, diplomatic, demographic, and societal challenges Israel faces, with the responses it has developed, to present a detailed proposal for an overall new national security strategy, the first such proposal ever published on Israel. The book argues that Israel’s national security strategy has been highly successful, that Israel can manage the major military threats that remain, and that delegitimization, the Palestinian issue, and demography are the greatest challenges Israel faces today. It thus proposes a more long-term approach, with greater emphasis on restraint, defense, and diplomacy, and in which resolving the Palestinian issue, ensuring Israel’s Jewish and democratic character, preventing Iran from going nuclear, maintaining the “special relationship” with the United States, and preserving the resolve of Israeli society are the primary objectives.Less
This book is the most comprehensive study to date of Israel’s national security. It combines an exhaustive analysis of the military, diplomatic, demographic, and societal challenges Israel faces, with the responses it has developed, to present a detailed proposal for an overall new national security strategy, the first such proposal ever published on Israel. The book argues that Israel’s national security strategy has been highly successful, that Israel can manage the major military threats that remain, and that delegitimization, the Palestinian issue, and demography are the greatest challenges Israel faces today. It thus proposes a more long-term approach, with greater emphasis on restraint, defense, and diplomacy, and in which resolving the Palestinian issue, ensuring Israel’s Jewish and democratic character, preventing Iran from going nuclear, maintaining the “special relationship” with the United States, and preserving the resolve of Israeli society are the primary objectives.
Rana Jawad
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781861349538
- eISBN:
- 9781447303510
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781861349538.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Sociology of Religion
As religion continues to regain its centrality in both academic and policy circles around the world, this book presents a new framework which examines the complex social and political dynamics ...
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As religion continues to regain its centrality in both academic and policy circles around the world, this book presents a new framework which examines the complex social and political dynamics shaping social welfare in the Middle East. Based on an in-depth study of the major Muslim and Christian religious welfare organisations in Lebanon (including Hezbollah), and drawing upon supplementary research conducted in Iran, Egypt, and Turkey, the book argues that religion is providing sophisticated solutions to the major social and economic problems of the Middle East.Less
As religion continues to regain its centrality in both academic and policy circles around the world, this book presents a new framework which examines the complex social and political dynamics shaping social welfare in the Middle East. Based on an in-depth study of the major Muslim and Christian religious welfare organisations in Lebanon (including Hezbollah), and drawing upon supplementary research conducted in Iran, Egypt, and Turkey, the book argues that religion is providing sophisticated solutions to the major social and economic problems of the Middle East.
El Mustapha Lahlali
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748639090
- eISBN:
- 9780748671304
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748639090.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This chapter is devoted to an analysis of the coverage of the Israeli-Hezbollah conflict in 2006. The genre of language employed in the coverage of the conflict in Arab media channels reveals their ...
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This chapter is devoted to an analysis of the coverage of the Israeli-Hezbollah conflict in 2006. The genre of language employed in the coverage of the conflict in Arab media channels reveals their political and ideological orientations. The analysis shows that the channels adopted different strategies in producing their text/discourses and demonstrated how Arabic channels have shown different approaches in the way they report conflicts. As the analysis shows, Al-Jazeera, Al-Arabiya and Al-Hurra have used different discourses to represent the content and meaning of the news. Al-Hurra and Al-Arabiya have shown some similarities in their coverage of the conflict, and this is manifested in their selection of lexis to represent different parties in the conflict. Both channels seem to cover the conflict, taking into account their sponsors' stance. Al-Jazeera's strategy is different. Its coverage of the conflict could be seen to be from an Arab perspective.Less
This chapter is devoted to an analysis of the coverage of the Israeli-Hezbollah conflict in 2006. The genre of language employed in the coverage of the conflict in Arab media channels reveals their political and ideological orientations. The analysis shows that the channels adopted different strategies in producing their text/discourses and demonstrated how Arabic channels have shown different approaches in the way they report conflicts. As the analysis shows, Al-Jazeera, Al-Arabiya and Al-Hurra have used different discourses to represent the content and meaning of the news. Al-Hurra and Al-Arabiya have shown some similarities in their coverage of the conflict, and this is manifested in their selection of lexis to represent different parties in the conflict. Both channels seem to cover the conflict, taking into account their sponsors' stance. Al-Jazeera's strategy is different. Its coverage of the conflict could be seen to be from an Arab perspective.
Stephen Benedict Dyson
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719079993
- eISBN:
- 9781781702178
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719079993.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Tony Blair's foreign policy following the invasion of Iraq continued to display the features of a high perceived degree of influence over events, certainty in the framing of issues, and the use of ...
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Tony Blair's foreign policy following the invasion of Iraq continued to display the features of a high perceived degree of influence over events, certainty in the framing of issues, and the use of tightly held decision-making processes, coupled with a determined closeness to the United States. Blair's room for manoeuvre was quite narrow during this late period of his prime ministership—having staked his career on Iraq and involved the British state in a war against the better judgment of much of the domestic political scene, he would have found it very difficult to recant the decision or resile from its consequences. The dynamics that had emerged in the run up to war—an eager prime minister seeking to rationalize and multilateralise US policy without having a very compelling hand to play—continued into the postwar phase. The extent to which Iraq had damaged Blair's standing in the UK, but conversely had strengthened his core foreign policy convictions, was manifest in the summer 2006 Israel–Hezbollah war.Less
Tony Blair's foreign policy following the invasion of Iraq continued to display the features of a high perceived degree of influence over events, certainty in the framing of issues, and the use of tightly held decision-making processes, coupled with a determined closeness to the United States. Blair's room for manoeuvre was quite narrow during this late period of his prime ministership—having staked his career on Iraq and involved the British state in a war against the better judgment of much of the domestic political scene, he would have found it very difficult to recant the decision or resile from its consequences. The dynamics that had emerged in the run up to war—an eager prime minister seeking to rationalize and multilateralise US policy without having a very compelling hand to play—continued into the postwar phase. The extent to which Iraq had damaged Blair's standing in the UK, but conversely had strengthened his core foreign policy convictions, was manifest in the summer 2006 Israel–Hezbollah war.
Daniel C. Kurtzer, Scott B. Lasensky, William B. Quandt, Steven L. Spiegel, and Shibley Z. Telhami
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451478
- eISBN:
- 9780801465864
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451478.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter looks at George W. Bush's second term, during which the administration supported Palestinian elections that brought Hamas—a Palestinian Islamic fundamentalist organization—to power. This ...
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This chapter looks at George W. Bush's second term, during which the administration supported Palestinian elections that brought Hamas—a Palestinian Islamic fundamentalist organization—to power. This resulted to the anomalous situation in which Bush could declare the Palestinian elections to have been “free, fair and democratic” but also vow that the United States would not deal with Hamas unless it changed its policies and its involvement in terrorism. Meanwhile, the Lebanon War in 2006—initially supported by the administration as offering the possibility of defeating Hezbollah—gave way to Israeli despair and demands from Arab moderates for the United States to reengage in peacemaking. Bush then organized the Annapolis conference in November 2007, wherein the administration promoted a new opportunity to negotiate a conflict-ending agreement and set a one-year deadline, but then assumed a noninterventionist posture. In the end, nothing was concluded.Less
This chapter looks at George W. Bush's second term, during which the administration supported Palestinian elections that brought Hamas—a Palestinian Islamic fundamentalist organization—to power. This resulted to the anomalous situation in which Bush could declare the Palestinian elections to have been “free, fair and democratic” but also vow that the United States would not deal with Hamas unless it changed its policies and its involvement in terrorism. Meanwhile, the Lebanon War in 2006—initially supported by the administration as offering the possibility of defeating Hezbollah—gave way to Israeli despair and demands from Arab moderates for the United States to reengage in peacemaking. Bush then organized the Annapolis conference in November 2007, wherein the administration promoted a new opportunity to negotiate a conflict-ending agreement and set a one-year deadline, but then assumed a noninterventionist posture. In the end, nothing was concluded.
Falk Jähnigen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9789774165405
- eISBN:
- 9781617971358
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774165405.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter describes the many social actors involved in urban planning for two informal settlements in the same southern suburb of Beirut. It studies resident committees that support Hezbollah and ...
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This chapter describes the many social actors involved in urban planning for two informal settlements in the same southern suburb of Beirut. It studies resident committees that support Hezbollah and organize basic public services in return for municipal financial support, and Jihad al-Binaa, the branch of Hezbollah in charge of building basic infrastructure. Hezbollah's refusal to invest in the urban renewal of informal settlements, because it considers that to be a duty of the state, is detrimental to economic development in this coastal area, which has great economic potential.Less
This chapter describes the many social actors involved in urban planning for two informal settlements in the same southern suburb of Beirut. It studies resident committees that support Hezbollah and organize basic public services in return for municipal financial support, and Jihad al-Binaa, the branch of Hezbollah in charge of building basic infrastructure. Hezbollah's refusal to invest in the urban renewal of informal settlements, because it considers that to be a duty of the state, is detrimental to economic development in this coastal area, which has great economic potential.
Lawrence Rubin
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780804790796
- eISBN:
- 9780804792103
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804790796.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines Saudi Arabia and Egypt's threat perception and policies of this type of ideational threat during the 1990s and 2000s. This chapter shows that ideational power can threaten ...
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This chapter examines Saudi Arabia and Egypt's threat perception and policies of this type of ideational threat during the 1990s and 2000s. This chapter shows that ideational power can threaten indirectly through symbolic policies that have communicative political value. Moreover, ideational balancing by Saudi Arabia and Egypt took on more of a coordinated effort as seen in how Riyadh and Cairo framed the Iranian threat in sectarian terms. This securitization of sectarianism attempted to coordinate policies at the domestic and international levels and had slightly different meanings for each state. While it would seem that Iran's pursuit of its nuclear program should trigger traditional forms of balancing (which it did), this chapter points out how fears of this development enhanced the ideational threat and reaction at home. Lastly, these developments further demonstrate how the ideational security dilemma can be destabilizing.Less
This chapter examines Saudi Arabia and Egypt's threat perception and policies of this type of ideational threat during the 1990s and 2000s. This chapter shows that ideational power can threaten indirectly through symbolic policies that have communicative political value. Moreover, ideational balancing by Saudi Arabia and Egypt took on more of a coordinated effort as seen in how Riyadh and Cairo framed the Iranian threat in sectarian terms. This securitization of sectarianism attempted to coordinate policies at the domestic and international levels and had slightly different meanings for each state. While it would seem that Iran's pursuit of its nuclear program should trigger traditional forms of balancing (which it did), this chapter points out how fears of this development enhanced the ideational threat and reaction at home. Lastly, these developments further demonstrate how the ideational security dilemma can be destabilizing.
Jacquelyn K. Davis and Robert L. Pfaltzgraff
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231166225
- eISBN:
- 9780231535946
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231166225.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter examines the implications of Iran's nuclear development for hybrid warfare and deterrence of nonstate and rogue actors. Nuclear weapons will greatly enhance Iran's ability to conduct ...
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This chapter examines the implications of Iran's nuclear development for hybrid warfare and deterrence of nonstate and rogue actors. Nuclear weapons will greatly enhance Iran's ability to conduct hybrid warfare with a broad range of instruments through a combination of techniques from asymmetric and irregular warfare. These include the use of nonstate armed groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas, together with high-end military technologies such as cyberwarfare capabilities, missiles, and, potentially, nuclear weapons. This chapter considers how Iran is using asymmetric operations to strike at soft targets as well as covert financial and political campaigns to enhance its influence and undermine that of the United States in and beyond the Middle East. In particular, it looks at the activities of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps and its Qods Force elements outside Iran. It also suggests strategies for deterring rogue elements or nonstate armed groups based on a combination of deterrence by punishment and deterrence by denial. Finally, it discusses twenty-first-century deterrence planning based on the three heuristic models of a nuclear Iran: a Defensive Iran, an Aggressive Iran, and an Unstable Iran.Less
This chapter examines the implications of Iran's nuclear development for hybrid warfare and deterrence of nonstate and rogue actors. Nuclear weapons will greatly enhance Iran's ability to conduct hybrid warfare with a broad range of instruments through a combination of techniques from asymmetric and irregular warfare. These include the use of nonstate armed groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas, together with high-end military technologies such as cyberwarfare capabilities, missiles, and, potentially, nuclear weapons. This chapter considers how Iran is using asymmetric operations to strike at soft targets as well as covert financial and political campaigns to enhance its influence and undermine that of the United States in and beyond the Middle East. In particular, it looks at the activities of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps and its Qods Force elements outside Iran. It also suggests strategies for deterring rogue elements or nonstate armed groups based on a combination of deterrence by punishment and deterrence by denial. Finally, it discusses twenty-first-century deterrence planning based on the three heuristic models of a nuclear Iran: a Defensive Iran, an Aggressive Iran, and an Unstable Iran.
Boaz Ganor
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231172127
- eISBN:
- 9780231538916
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231172127.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter tackles what is usually a less conspicuous aspect of the terrorist threat: state support for terrorism. It parses this support into its ideological, financial, and military components, ...
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This chapter tackles what is usually a less conspicuous aspect of the terrorist threat: state support for terrorism. It parses this support into its ideological, financial, and military components, and explains the advantages and disadvantages to both the terrorist organization and the state sponsor of terrorism in maintaining a state/non-state relationship. Depending on the degree of state involvement in terrorism (which can range from merely providing support to outright perpetrating the act of terrorism), counter-terrorism policies can be more easily formulated to monitor and impose sanctions upon state-sponsored terrorism. Iran, which supports Hezbollah and other Islamist terrorist organizations, is presented as a case in point, as the nation has participated in all levels of state involvement in terrorism since 1979.Less
This chapter tackles what is usually a less conspicuous aspect of the terrorist threat: state support for terrorism. It parses this support into its ideological, financial, and military components, and explains the advantages and disadvantages to both the terrorist organization and the state sponsor of terrorism in maintaining a state/non-state relationship. Depending on the degree of state involvement in terrorism (which can range from merely providing support to outright perpetrating the act of terrorism), counter-terrorism policies can be more easily formulated to monitor and impose sanctions upon state-sponsored terrorism. Iran, which supports Hezbollah and other Islamist terrorist organizations, is presented as a case in point, as the nation has participated in all levels of state involvement in terrorism since 1979.
Boaz Ganor
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231172127
- eISBN:
- 9780231538916
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231172127.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter fully explores the metamorphosis from “classic” to “hybrid” terrorist organization, in which the hybrid terrorist organization takes on the features of the classic in terms of conducting ...
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This chapter fully explores the metamorphosis from “classic” to “hybrid” terrorist organization, in which the hybrid terrorist organization takes on the features of the classic in terms of conducting illegitimate or militant activities while at the same time engaging in pseudo-legitimate and voluntary ventures such as welfare—or even politics. It takes no great leap for a terrorist organization to go from accepting state sponsorship and its attendant obligations to wielding political power as part of a state apparatus, even as it continues to affect policy and politics by deploying political violence. A “hybrid terrorist organization” thrives simultaneously in the social-welfare, political, and military spheres by endearing themselves to their constituents, thereby easing their way into power in the latter two sectors. Hezbollah and Hamas are two such hybrid organizations; their involvement in politics is further analyzed in conjunction with the above definitions.Less
This chapter fully explores the metamorphosis from “classic” to “hybrid” terrorist organization, in which the hybrid terrorist organization takes on the features of the classic in terms of conducting illegitimate or militant activities while at the same time engaging in pseudo-legitimate and voluntary ventures such as welfare—or even politics. It takes no great leap for a terrorist organization to go from accepting state sponsorship and its attendant obligations to wielding political power as part of a state apparatus, even as it continues to affect policy and politics by deploying political violence. A “hybrid terrorist organization” thrives simultaneously in the social-welfare, political, and military spheres by endearing themselves to their constituents, thereby easing their way into power in the latter two sectors. Hezbollah and Hamas are two such hybrid organizations; their involvement in politics is further analyzed in conjunction with the above definitions.
Christopher Phillips
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780300217179
- eISBN:
- 9780300222173
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300217179.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter investigates Assad's allies, particularly Iran, and their support for the regime. From the beginning of Syria's civil war, Assad's allies were more willing to ensure the regime's ...
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This chapter investigates Assad's allies, particularly Iran, and their support for the regime. From the beginning of Syria's civil war, Assad's allies were more willing to ensure the regime's survival than those states that wished to hasten its fall. For the first four years, Iran was by far Assad's most important ally. Major General Qassem Suleimani led a major reorganisation of the regime's forces, brought in Hezbollah and other Shia militias, and directed key aspects of military strategy. Financial and military support prevented the regime from collapsing under pressure, while Iran and Hezbollah's role significantly contributed to sectarianising the conflict. Such deep involvement by Assad's allies greatly impacted the shape of the Syrian civil war.Less
This chapter investigates Assad's allies, particularly Iran, and their support for the regime. From the beginning of Syria's civil war, Assad's allies were more willing to ensure the regime's survival than those states that wished to hasten its fall. For the first four years, Iran was by far Assad's most important ally. Major General Qassem Suleimani led a major reorganisation of the regime's forces, brought in Hezbollah and other Shia militias, and directed key aspects of military strategy. Financial and military support prevented the regime from collapsing under pressure, while Iran and Hezbollah's role significantly contributed to sectarianising the conflict. Such deep involvement by Assad's allies greatly impacted the shape of the Syrian civil war.
Charles D. Freilich
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451041
- eISBN:
- 9780801465741
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451041.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter examines Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon in 2000, eighteen years after the invasion. The withdrawal was carried out unilaterally on May 23, in a hasty and disorderly fashion, under ...
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This chapter examines Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon in 2000, eighteen years after the invasion. The withdrawal was carried out unilaterally on May 23, in a hasty and disorderly fashion, under Hezbollah fire. Hezbollah claimed credit for having driven Israel out of Lebanon, an assessment shared by many in Israel. This chapter first considers the strategic setting in which Israel's specific national security decision-making process (DMP) took place. It then discusses the five DMP pathologies, with particular emphasis on the impact of partisan politics and coalition maintenance as well as public opinion on the process. It also explores the withdrawal in relation to the Israeli government's semi-organized anarchy, along with the role of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and the defense establishment in the DMP of the withdrawal.Less
This chapter examines Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon in 2000, eighteen years after the invasion. The withdrawal was carried out unilaterally on May 23, in a hasty and disorderly fashion, under Hezbollah fire. Hezbollah claimed credit for having driven Israel out of Lebanon, an assessment shared by many in Israel. This chapter first considers the strategic setting in which Israel's specific national security decision-making process (DMP) took place. It then discusses the five DMP pathologies, with particular emphasis on the impact of partisan politics and coalition maintenance as well as public opinion on the process. It also explores the withdrawal in relation to the Israeli government's semi-organized anarchy, along with the role of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and the defense establishment in the DMP of the withdrawal.
