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This chapter begins by concentrating on the so-called Treaty of Winchester (or Westminster), between Stephen and the future Henry II, which, in November 1153, established Henry as Stephen's successor. This settlement has been the subject of a great deal of scholarly attention. This chapter re-examines the evidence and shows that the existing analyses are flawed. It argues that the settlement marked an ingenious (and successful) attempt to solve the problem of insecure royal succession and prospective interregnal turmoil, which had been consequent on the justification of the Conquest. Although it was an attempted solution, it was perforce framed in terms originally set by the Conqueror's claim; and it left untouched the tenurial system which had been shaped by the implications of that claim. That tenurial system began to be undermined only by the legal innovations of the first two decades of Henry II's reign — what would later be called the common law. But these, too, are shown to have been devised by reference to Henry II's professed title to the throne, and therefore, ultimately, to William the Conqueror's claim. The legal argument which justified William's succession thereby remained intrinsic to the genesis of English common law.

This chapter traces the evolution of assemblies from the Norman Conquest to the death of Henry II. It shows that the Norman kings took over the Anglo‐Saxon institution of the witan, but transformed it in two ways: by making attendance depend on tenure (those present were the leading tenants of the crown), and by demanding counsel as a feudal right, to which the lord‐king was entitled. It analyses the king's reasons for wanting counsel—it spread responsibility for major decisions and promoted political harmony—and the magnates' reasons for attending councils to give it. Though notions of restraints on the crown were very much in the air, promoted by the coronation charters which some kings granted at the start of their reigns, there was as yet no sense that councils were able to impose those restraints. But at the end of the period the introduction of national taxation was beginning to give rise to the need for magnate consent for taxes. This was to be one of the roots of parliament.

In 1166, Henry II ordered a new inquest into knights' fees, ostensibly encompassing all those in England who held land in chief from the king, and those who held from them; the result was the Cartae Baronum. In the same decade, a recension of the Domesday inquest for Herefordshire was made, known as the Herefordshire Domesday. This was an exchequer document, intended to trace the current holders of Domesday fees in the county. It reflects the increased reach of royal power by which Henry II and his sons brought border counties such as Herefordshire more securely within the ambit of royal government. This chapter examines the formation of this district up to the early years of Henry II and the role of the leading aristocratic families in that process.

This chapter examines Benoît de Sainte-Maure's Chronique des ducs de Normandie and why it was commissioned by Henry II. It first compares Chronique des ducs de Normandie with Wace's Roman de Rou before discussing Benoît's self-conscious presentation of the history of the Norman dukes based on the belief that that God has orchestrated the ascent of the Norman dynasty. In particular, Benoît attributed the dukes' continued prosperity, especially that of Henry II, and the Norman Conquest as the products of God's plan. Benoît also devoted almost 3,000 lines to William the Conqueror, including his pacification of England. This chapter also considers Benoît's account of Henry I's accession to the English throne and his marriage to Edith-Matilda, the daughter of King Malcolm and Queen Margaret of Scotland.

This chapter examines the nature of Henry II's power as well as his motives for commissioning a vernacular historiography of his Norman ancestors. It considers the four most important threats to Henry's power: the Norman disdain for his father, Geoffrey of Anjou; the very means by which Henry had ascended the throne; the need to continuously legitimize the restoration of royal government by appealing to justice, tradition, and precedent; and the threat that the lack of clear rules governing the Anglo-Norman succession posed for the survival of Henry's dynasty. It argues that Henry's patronage of Wace's Roman de Rou and Benoît de Sainte-Maure's Chronique des ducs de Normandie was part of his sustained efforts to enhance the prestige of his dynasty and promote its survival by cultivating the public memory of his ancestors.

This chapter examines Wace's Roman de Rou and why it was commissioned by Henry II. The Roman de Rou is divided into three main parts and an appendix. Part I is a 315-line poem composed in twelve-syllable laisses, which briefly sets out the history of the Norman dukes and kings of England in ascending order, beginning with Henry II and ending with the dynasty's founder, Rollo. Part II traces the history of the Normans from Rollo to the beginning of Duke Richard I's reign in 4,425 twelve-syllable lines known as Alexandrines. This chapter focuses on Part III, which continues the history from Richard I's marriage to Gunnor to the 1106 battle of Tinchebray, and considers Wace's representation of Norman history as well as the reasons why he lost Henry's support. It also analyzes why Henry patronized a vernacular historiography of his ancestors, arguing that he wanted to aggrandize his dynasty and to affirm his hereditary right to rule England and Normandy.

This chapter discusses the following: Henry's affairs in equilibrium; de Lacy and Strongbow in Ireland; assistance from Ireland to Henry in the Angevin dominions; battle of Fornham, August 1173; Scottish king captured, July 1174; Strongbow's agreement with Raymond le Gros, 1173; campaigns in Munster; Domnall Mór Ua Briain attacks Kilkenny, late 1173; Anglo-Norman reverses at Thurles and Waterford; Ua Conchobair marches on Dublin; Raymond's counter-offensive; Anglo-Norman reprisals; Raymond's expedition to Limerick, October 1175; Ruaidrí Ua Conchabair's negotiations with Henry; treaty of Windsor, October 1175; Anglo-Normans at Limerick besieged by Ua Briain, 1176; relieved by Raymond; death of Strongbow, May 1176; Limerick turned over to Ua Briain and destroyed; failure of treaty of Windsor; council of Oxford, May 1177; Ireland within the ‘Angevin empire’; arrangements for a lordship under John III; Anglo-Norman takeover in Desmond, late 1177; John de Caurcy in Ulster, 1177–81; Cardinal Vivian and the synod of Dublin, 1177; royal representatives: Hugh de Lacy; Lorcán Ua Tuathail as archbishop of Dublin; Ua Tuathail dies, 14 November 1180; the way cleared for John's lordship; John's entourage and appurtenances; John's expedition to Ireland, April–December 1185; de Lacy's murder; and a kingdom of Ireland?

This chapter examines Henry the Young King's conflict with his father, Henry II, that planted the seeds of the rebellion of 1173–1174. It begins with a discussion of the proposed marriage treaty of Maurienne, regarded by Henry II as a key element in his grand diplomacy, and proceeds by looking at the causes of his rift with young Henry. It then considers how pressures from within Henry II's household exacerbated the underlying tensions between father and son, along with young Henry's flight from Chinon to France after his father discovered the planned rebellion against him. It also explains how the Young King's flight to France exposed the divisions within his own household and concludes with an analysis of the role of Eleanor of Aquitaine in the conspiracy, young Henry's formation of a coalition of allies against Henry II, his baronial supporters of the rebellion, and the rebels' motives and ambitions.

This chapter focuses on the peace agreement between the supporters of Henry the Young King and Henry II through the Treaty of Montlouis of 1174. It begins with a discussion of the terms of the Treaty of Montlouis and the crucial issues addressed by the peace settlement, including the provision for Henry II's sons. It then considers young Henry's act of submission and reconciliation, begging his father to receive homage and allegiance from him. It also examines the impact of the Young King's rebellion on the Angevin empire, including its lands; the war in Aquitaine pitting young Henry and his brother Richard against insurgents; and young Henry's harsh treatment of Adam of Churchdown, vice-chancellor of Geoffrey, archdeacon of York and provost of Beverley. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the siege of the castle of Châteauroux, precipitated by the crisis in Berry, and Louis VII's reaction to it.

This chapter discusses possible allusions in the Second Branch of the Mabinogi, Branwen, to Irish customs relating to hospitality and submission to an overlord, with particular reference to Brian Bórama, Athelstan, Henry II, ‘Easter houses’, and the use of halls and tents. Texts discussed include Gesta Regis Henrici Secundi, Annals of Inisfallen, Annals of Ulster, Annals of Tigernach, Mac Carthaigh's Book, Expugnatio Hibernica, Thady Dowling, Vita Sanctae Monennae, Chaucer's House of Fame, Tromdám Guaire, Scéla Cano meic Gartnáin, Scéla Mucce Meic Dathó, Fled Bricrenn, Orgain Denna Ríg, and Vitae of St Gwynllyw and St Gwenfrewy.

This chapter examines the history of the March during reigns of Richard I and John. The fortunes of the Braose and Lacy families changed greatly between the death of Henry II in 1189 and that of his son King John in 1216. On the other hand, the Cliffords, Monmouths, and Mortimers held their ground and, during the tumultuous events of John's reign, positioned themselves advantageously for the future by developing closer links to the Crown. Richard I's reign was marked by a turning away from the policy of royal control and containment of Marcher ambitions which Henry II had pursued since 1172. This in effect licensed the magnates of the south-eastern March to resume their ambitions for the conquest and domination of neighbouring Welsh regions. John's reign in turn was marked by the rise of one of these magnates, his favourite William III de Braose, to even greater heights of landed power, in the most dramatic exercise of patronage by that king.

When his father declined to hand over to him either England, or else Normandy, of which he was duke, or even Anjou, Young Henry made no secret of his resentment. King Henry II took no notice. William of Newburgh conveys very well the bitterness that filled the Young King's heart and set him on the path to rebellion, egged on as he was by ‘counsellors’ who pointed out how humiliating it was for him to be a make-believe king, completely without power. This chapter argues that Eleanor of Aquitaine was not unaware of the conspiracy which, as some people sensed better than Henry II did, was on its way. Clearly, the King had underestimated the anger he had aroused among his intimates. His new vassal, Raymond of Toulouse, seems to have been better informed than the King himself about the plotting going on within the royal family.

The conflict and confusion that follow in the wake of monarchic departures can be found as well following the other leadership departure styles if they occur in a family firm. To gain further insights into the succession tensions that confront family firms, the chapter surveys a group of chief executives who belong to the Young Presidents' Organization (YPO). In addition, this chapter examines three very different family successions in detail. The first focuses on Dunkin' Donuts and explores an entrepreneur's ambassador-like departure and transfer of power of the chief executive to his son. The second concerns Corning Glass Works. Here, the chapter describes the transfer of command of a 130-year-old firm between brothers. The third example illustrates how Henry Ford II stabilizes the troubled firm founded by his namesake. Here, the passage of top office to non-family management is observed.

This chapter focuses on Henry the Young King's training for kingship during the period 1163–1169. It begins with a discussion of young Henry's attendance at a ceremony in which Archbishop Thomas Becket solemnly translated the body of Edward the Confessor to a new shrine on October 13, 1163 as part of Henry II's efforts to enhance the sacral nature and prestige of English kingship. It then considers young Henry's time under the charge of the magister, William FitzJohn, that allowed him to come into more regular contact with some of his father's most important administrators. It also examines young Henry's accomplishments in courtly speech and manners, his training in martial sports and equestrian games, and the peace summit between Henry II and Louis VII at Montmirail on January 6, 1169. Finally, it explores young Henry's seneschalship of France and his father's promises to go on crusade.