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This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's main themes. This book is an ethnographic account of Hawaiian archaeological practices, focused on the impact of archaeology on Kanaka Maoli (Native Hawaiians) communities, and conversely the impacts of Kanaka Maoli communities on the practice of archaeology. The central questions driving the work are: (1) What are the historical foundations of the sociopolitical relations between Kanaka Maoli and archaeologists? (2) What attributes characterize contemporary relationships between them? (3) How can relations between these potential allies be improved to perpetuate Hawaiian culture. Through interviews with archaeologists and Kanaka Maoli, whose personal knowledge of and experiences with the discipline of archaeology extends back to the 1940s, the book examines past and present relationships between people interested in the protection, perpetuation, and preservation of Hawaiian culture.

This chapter describes a re-engagement with Hawaiian archaeology through research efforts in Kahikinui, one of the twelve ancient districts (moku) of Maui. Some might have thought Kahikinui an odd choice in which to investigate the rise of archaic states in ancient Hawai‘i, as it is considered a kua‘āina, or “backwater” district (literally “back of the land”). Yet it proved to be the right place to investigate the rise of archaic states in ancient Hawai‘i. Being ecologically marginal Kahikinui had not suffered from the effects of nineteenth- and twentieth-century land development; the archaeological landscape of an entire moku, or district, was intact. More importantly, the radical shifts in economic production, land tenure, religious organization, and social structure that accompanied the transition to archaic states would likely be reflected more clearly in such outlying kua‘āina lands than in the “salubrious core regions” frequented by the chiefs.

This chapter discusses the two broad narratives that surfaced during the interviews discussed in Chapters 3 and 4, representing the perspectives of eleven Kanaka Maoli (Native Hawaiians), twelve archaeologists, and five Kanaka Maoli archaeologists. The first narrative speaks to a growing Kanaka Maoli voice, insisting archaeologists recognize a living culture that is relevant to archaeological practice. It weaves together four different stories of the persistence of Kanaka Maoli cultural beliefs and practices. In this living culture narrative, individuals speak of cultural responsibilities, the incongruence of some traditional cultural practices and current heritage laws, judgment of our actions by forces greater than those in the judicial system, and increasing involvement of Kanaka Maoli in archaeology. The second narrative characterizes the range of archaeological commitment to understanding the Kanaka Maoli past and to engaging descendants.

This chapter traces the history of Hawaiian archaeology. It considers the development of the discipline in Polynesia, specifically emphasizing how the growth of the field was affected by the relationships between Pacific Islanders and the various people who studied them and their culture. Topics discussed include the establishment of the University Of Hawaii at Mānoa's Department of Anthropology; the protection of Hawaii's cultural and historical properties under the Division of State Parks and the State Historic Preservation Division; historic preservation under the Hawaii Administrative Rules; heritage management; and the Society for Hawaiian Archaeology, Hawaii's principal archaeological association.

This chapter continues the discussion of interviews of Kanaka Maoli (Native Hawaiians) and archaeologists began in Chapter 3. It begins by describing the use of narrative analysis to understand how speakers make sense of the world around them, conveying their experiences to a listener through narratives. It then turns to the interviews of eleven Kanaka Maoli for this study. Five of the Kanaka Maoli self-identified as activists and six Kanaka Maoli did not. Eight individuals were directly involved in the cases discussed in Chapter 2; they were chosen because of their first-hand knowledge of these events. Six of the Kanaka Maoli have served on an island burial council, directly dealing with burial issues and regularly interacting with archaeologists. The perspectives of six women and five men are represented, as well as individuals from five islands.

This chapter discusses seven cases that primarily represent negative interactions between archaeologists and Kanaka Maoli (Native Hawaiians), the flash points from which subsequent interactions have flowed. The attitudes of the people interviewed are largely shaped by this handful of events, repeatedly mentioned in conversations, and therefore are presented here as background to their statements and opinions discussed later in the book. The cases cluster around the more developed islands of Oahu, Maui, and Hawaii. In all cases, archaeologists and Kanaka Maoli found themselves on opposing sides, but it was never so clear-cut, because in several cases archaeologists and Kanaka Maoli were pitted against themselves and sometimes they partnered with each other as well. A clear pattern linking these cases is not apparent, but economic development is often at the center of the controversy, whether it was prompted by public or private actions.

Historic and cultural preservation in Hawaii involves a web of relationships beyond archaeologists and the descendants of the people studied. Archaeologists and Kanaka Maoli are only two of the players in a network that includes, for example, lawmakers, developers, landowners, planners, and land use commissioners. This chapter describes interviews conducted with three groups interviewees: Kanaka Maoli, Kanaka Maoli archaeologists, and archaeologists. Qualitative interviewing was used to elicit a speaker's interpretations, experiences, and perspectives on given issues, events, or people. Both archaeologists and Kanaka Maoli presented in their own words how they interpreted and characterized the relationships between the two groups, what issues and practices they felt affected these relationships, and suggested how they wanted to see these relationships change.

This chapter summarizes key themes and presents some final thoughts. The narratives of Kanaka Maoli and archaeologists presented in this book reveal the values and perspectives of these communities. These collective stories contain repeated calls for communication, respect, and partnership. They also express a desire for a change in the way Hawaiian archaeology is practiced and in the larger heritage management field. The next step in Hawaiian archaeology is community-based archaeology, which incorporates the themes voiced in the narratives presented in this book. Community-based archaeology begins with a mind-set situating archaeologists among communities of descendants and other stakeholders who value heritage. Community archaeology projects share five core principles: (1) using community-based partnerships; (2) collaborating with communities in all phases of research; (3) recognizing multiple knowledge systems; (4) fostering reciprocal benefits for partners; and (5) building community capacity.

This chapter begins with a discussion of the history of archaeology in Hawaii and its links to the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum. It then presents the author’s account of his fieldwork on Maui in the summer of 1966 while he was a sophomore at Punahou School. The Bishop Museum had received a three-year grant from the U.S. National Science Foundation for a program of archaeological research in Hawaii. One objective of this program was a settlement-pattern survey of Kahikinui. As part of the two-man surveying team for the project, the author was tasked with precisely mapping sites located by others, along with the topography. For short intervals during the mapping, his group also took time out to dig in a few sites which yielded several artifacts.