Alexander Segovia
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291922
- eISBN:
- 9780191603716
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199291926.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Truth commissions were created to investigate human rights violations as a result of political negotiations in both El Salvador and Haiti. The commissions included in their reports recommendations ...
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Truth commissions were created to investigate human rights violations as a result of political negotiations in both El Salvador and Haiti. The commissions included in their reports recommendations designed to secure reparations for the victims. However, despite the gravity of the events and the formal commitment of the governments, neither El Salvador nor Haiti has implemented these recommendations. Two case studies provide an opportunity to examine the economic, social, and political factors that explain non-compliance with truth-commission recommendations on reparations. This paper examines the experiences of El Salvador and Haiti, and presents some conclusions and lessons learned. The first and most important conclusion is that in order to ensure that reparations programs will be put into practice, a correlation of political forces that favors such programs is necessary. The construction of such a correlation depends on the existence of sufficiently powerful and influential players to promote and defend it.Less
Truth commissions were created to investigate human rights violations as a result of political negotiations in both El Salvador and Haiti. The commissions included in their reports recommendations designed to secure reparations for the victims. However, despite the gravity of the events and the formal commitment of the governments, neither El Salvador nor Haiti has implemented these recommendations. Two case studies provide an opportunity to examine the economic, social, and political factors that explain non-compliance with truth-commission recommendations on reparations. This paper examines the experiences of El Salvador and Haiti, and presents some conclusions and lessons learned. The first and most important conclusion is that in order to ensure that reparations programs will be put into practice, a correlation of political forces that favors such programs is necessary. The construction of such a correlation depends on the existence of sufficiently powerful and influential players to promote and defend it.
Arthur C. Helton
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250318
- eISBN:
- 9780191599477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250316.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
During the 1990s, modesty in expectations remained the leitmotif of international humanitarian operations in places like Cambodia, Haiti, and East Timor. In Cambodia, human rights violations littered ...
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During the 1990s, modesty in expectations remained the leitmotif of international humanitarian operations in places like Cambodia, Haiti, and East Timor. In Cambodia, human rights violations littered much of the recent past and remain a continuing problem. Following Operation Uphold Democracy in Haiti, a 1995 lessons‐learned report noted that there is no US government doctrine integrating the military component of a complex humanitarian operation with the civilian agencies responsible for recovery. As for East Timor, while quite limited as a policy precedent, it will probably be considered the paradigmatic test case for international state building.Refugee policy needs to be more proactive, and a greater degree of international cooperation and a preventive orientation should animate humanitarian responses.Less
During the 1990s, modesty in expectations remained the leitmotif of international humanitarian operations in places like Cambodia, Haiti, and East Timor. In Cambodia, human rights violations littered much of the recent past and remain a continuing problem. Following Operation Uphold Democracy in Haiti, a 1995 lessons‐learned report noted that there is no US government doctrine integrating the military component of a complex humanitarian operation with the civilian agencies responsible for recovery. As for East Timor, while quite limited as a policy precedent, it will probably be considered the paradigmatic test case for international state building.
Refugee policy needs to be more proactive, and a greater degree of international cooperation and a preventive orientation should animate humanitarian responses.
Sarah E. Kreps
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199753796
- eISBN:
- 9780199827152
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199753796.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
When the Clinton Administration sent the United States military into Haiti in 1994, it first sought United Nations authorization and assembled a large coalition of allies. With a defense budget ...
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When the Clinton Administration sent the United States military into Haiti in 1994, it first sought United Nations authorization and assembled a large coalition of allies. With a defense budget twenty times the entire GDP of Haiti, why did the US seek multilateral support when its military could quickly and easily have overpowered the 7,600-soldier Haitian army? The US has enjoyed unrivaled military power after the Cold War and yet in eight out of ten post-Cold War military interventions, it has chosen to use force multilaterally rather than going alone. Why does the US seek allies when, as the case of Haiti so starkly illustrates, it does not appear to need their help? Why in other instances such as the 2003 Iraq War does it largely sidestep international institutions and allies and intervene unilaterally? This book answers these questions through a study of US interventions after the post-Cold War. It shows that even powerful states have incentives to intervene multilaterally. Coalitions and international organization blessing confer legitimacy and provide ways to share what are often costly burdens of war. But those benefits come at some cost, since multilateralism is less expedient than unilateralism. With long time horizons—in which threats are distant—states will welcome the material assistance and legitimacy benefits of multilateralism. Short time horizons, however, will make immediate payoffs of unilateralism more attractive, even if it means foregoing the longer-term benefits of multilateralism.Less
When the Clinton Administration sent the United States military into Haiti in 1994, it first sought United Nations authorization and assembled a large coalition of allies. With a defense budget twenty times the entire GDP of Haiti, why did the US seek multilateral support when its military could quickly and easily have overpowered the 7,600-soldier Haitian army? The US has enjoyed unrivaled military power after the Cold War and yet in eight out of ten post-Cold War military interventions, it has chosen to use force multilaterally rather than going alone. Why does the US seek allies when, as the case of Haiti so starkly illustrates, it does not appear to need their help? Why in other instances such as the 2003 Iraq War does it largely sidestep international institutions and allies and intervene unilaterally? This book answers these questions through a study of US interventions after the post-Cold War. It shows that even powerful states have incentives to intervene multilaterally. Coalitions and international organization blessing confer legitimacy and provide ways to share what are often costly burdens of war. But those benefits come at some cost, since multilateralism is less expedient than unilateralism. With long time horizons—in which threats are distant—states will welcome the material assistance and legitimacy benefits of multilateralism. Short time horizons, however, will make immediate payoffs of unilateralism more attractive, even if it means foregoing the longer-term benefits of multilateralism.
Sarah E. Kreps
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199753796
- eISBN:
- 9780199827152
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199753796.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the multilateral 1994 Haiti intervention, an unlikely case of multilateralism for both the operational commitment and regional power explanations. The vast power disparities ...
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This chapter examines the multilateral 1994 Haiti intervention, an unlikely case of multilateralism for both the operational commitment and regional power explanations. The vast power disparities between the US and Haitian militaries and the absence of regional powers should have meant an interest in minimal multilateralism; the UN-authorized intervention and allied support challenge these explanations.Less
This chapter examines the multilateral 1994 Haiti intervention, an unlikely case of multilateralism for both the operational commitment and regional power explanations. The vast power disparities between the US and Haitian militaries and the absence of regional powers should have meant an interest in minimal multilateralism; the UN-authorized intervention and allied support challenge these explanations.
Robert Elgie
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199585984
- eISBN:
- 9780191729003
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199585984.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter presents a set of indicative case studies that illustrate the consequences of the two forms of semi-presidentialism. For both, evidence from cases that appear to confirm the hypothesized ...
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This chapter presents a set of indicative case studies that illustrate the consequences of the two forms of semi-presidentialism. For both, evidence from cases that appear to confirm the hypothesized dynamics of each type of semi-presidentialism is presented first. Then, a number of apparently confounding cases are presented. The chapter begins by examining the dynamics of president-parliamentarism in Russia, Taiwan, Austria, Iceland, and Namibia. The chapter then moves on to an examination of premier-presidentialism in Poland, Congo-Brazzaville, Niger, and Haiti.Less
This chapter presents a set of indicative case studies that illustrate the consequences of the two forms of semi-presidentialism. For both, evidence from cases that appear to confirm the hypothesized dynamics of each type of semi-presidentialism is presented first. Then, a number of apparently confounding cases are presented. The chapter begins by examining the dynamics of president-parliamentarism in Russia, Taiwan, Austria, Iceland, and Namibia. The chapter then moves on to an examination of premier-presidentialism in Poland, Congo-Brazzaville, Niger, and Haiti.
Millery Polyne
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813034720
- eISBN:
- 9780813039534
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813034720.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Haiti has long been both a source of immense pride—because of the Haitian Revolution—and of profound disappointment—because of the unshakable realities of poverty, political instability, and ...
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Haiti has long been both a source of immense pride—because of the Haitian Revolution—and of profound disappointment—because of the unshakable realities of poverty, political instability, and violence—to the black diasporic imagination. Charting the long history of these multiple meanings is the focus of a critical transnational history of U.S. African Americans and Haitians. This book stretches from the thoughts and words of American intellectuals such as Frederick Douglass, Robert Moton, and Claude Barnett to the Civil Rights era. The book has huge thematic range, which carefully examines the political, economic, and cultural relations between U.S. African Americans and Haitians. The book examines the creative and critical ways U.S. African Americans and Haitians engaged the idealized tenets of Pan Americanism—mutual cooperation, egalitarianism, and nonintervention between nation-states—in order to strengthen Haiti's social, economic, and political growth and stability. The depth of Polyne's research allows him to speak confidently about the convoluted ways that these groups have viewed modernization, “uplift,” and racial unity, as well as the shifting meanings and importance of the concepts over time.Less
Haiti has long been both a source of immense pride—because of the Haitian Revolution—and of profound disappointment—because of the unshakable realities of poverty, political instability, and violence—to the black diasporic imagination. Charting the long history of these multiple meanings is the focus of a critical transnational history of U.S. African Americans and Haitians. This book stretches from the thoughts and words of American intellectuals such as Frederick Douglass, Robert Moton, and Claude Barnett to the Civil Rights era. The book has huge thematic range, which carefully examines the political, economic, and cultural relations between U.S. African Americans and Haitians. The book examines the creative and critical ways U.S. African Americans and Haitians engaged the idealized tenets of Pan Americanism—mutual cooperation, egalitarianism, and nonintervention between nation-states—in order to strengthen Haiti's social, economic, and political growth and stability. The depth of Polyne's research allows him to speak confidently about the convoluted ways that these groups have viewed modernization, “uplift,” and racial unity, as well as the shifting meanings and importance of the concepts over time.
David Malone
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198294832
- eISBN:
- 9780191685071
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198294832.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Between 1990 and 1997, the United Nations was involved in a broad range of activities in support of democracy in Haiti. Those activities reflected the international concern over a military uprising ...
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Between 1990 and 1997, the United Nations was involved in a broad range of activities in support of democracy in Haiti. Those activities reflected the international concern over a military uprising that ousted Haiti's democratically elected President, Jean–Bertrand Aristide, in September 1991. This book seeks to answer the central question: how and why did the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) reach its decisions on the Haitian crisis and on its aftermath, following restoration of the legitimate Government in 1994? In seeking to address this question, this book tracks the path of the Haitian crisis on the UNSC's agenda in 1990–1993. It highlights the motivation and role of key actors in and around the UNSC from 1993 to 1997: the USA, other members of the UN Secretary-General's Group of Friends of Haiti, UNSC members, members of other relevant groupings at the UN, the UN Secretariat, and the Haitian protagonists. It also examines the UNSC as an institutional framework for action. Finally, it assesses the success on the ground of the UNSC's approach.Less
Between 1990 and 1997, the United Nations was involved in a broad range of activities in support of democracy in Haiti. Those activities reflected the international concern over a military uprising that ousted Haiti's democratically elected President, Jean–Bertrand Aristide, in September 1991. This book seeks to answer the central question: how and why did the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) reach its decisions on the Haitian crisis and on its aftermath, following restoration of the legitimate Government in 1994? In seeking to address this question, this book tracks the path of the Haitian crisis on the UNSC's agenda in 1990–1993. It highlights the motivation and role of key actors in and around the UNSC from 1993 to 1997: the USA, other members of the UN Secretary-General's Group of Friends of Haiti, UNSC members, members of other relevant groupings at the UN, the UN Secretariat, and the Haitian protagonists. It also examines the UNSC as an institutional framework for action. Finally, it assesses the success on the ground of the UNSC's approach.
Michael Pasquier
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195396447
- eISBN:
- 9780199979318
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195396447.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion, World Modern History
This chapter explores ecclesiastical politics in the Diocese of Louisiana and the Floridas in the early nineteenth century. Faced with a large population of slaves and free people of color, French ...
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This chapter explores ecclesiastical politics in the Diocese of Louisiana and the Floridas in the early nineteenth century. Faced with a large population of slaves and free people of color, French missionary conceptions of Catholicism collided with centuries-old local religious customs and traditions in New Orleans, causing romantic notions of the missionary life to vanish. By scrutinizing the intricacies of ecclesiastical politics in Louisiana, the chapter examines how missionary perceptions of Catholic New Orleans contrasted with the realities of life a world away from the confined corridors of French seminaries and the elite gatherings of the Sacred Congregation de Propaganda Fide in Rome.Less
This chapter explores ecclesiastical politics in the Diocese of Louisiana and the Floridas in the early nineteenth century. Faced with a large population of slaves and free people of color, French missionary conceptions of Catholicism collided with centuries-old local religious customs and traditions in New Orleans, causing romantic notions of the missionary life to vanish. By scrutinizing the intricacies of ecclesiastical politics in Louisiana, the chapter examines how missionary perceptions of Catholic New Orleans contrasted with the realities of life a world away from the confined corridors of French seminaries and the elite gatherings of the Sacred Congregation de Propaganda Fide in Rome.
Philippe Delisle
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195396447
- eISBN:
- 9780199979318
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195396447.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion, World Modern History
Revolution in France and Saint-Domingue, coupled with the creation of an independent Haiti in 1804, put in jeopardy the work that Catholic missionaries had done over the course of the eighteenth ...
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Revolution in France and Saint-Domingue, coupled with the creation of an independent Haiti in 1804, put in jeopardy the work that Catholic missionaries had done over the course of the eighteenth century. This chapter explores how French missionaries reorganized their hierarchy and reasserted their place within Haitian society over the course of the nineteenth century. In particular, it considers how French missionaries, primarily from Brittany, evangelized in late nineteenth-century Haiti, often facing great tension and conflict with civil authorities, as well as practitioners of Voodoo.Less
Revolution in France and Saint-Domingue, coupled with the creation of an independent Haiti in 1804, put in jeopardy the work that Catholic missionaries had done over the course of the eighteenth century. This chapter explores how French missionaries reorganized their hierarchy and reasserted their place within Haitian society over the course of the nineteenth century. In particular, it considers how French missionaries, primarily from Brittany, evangelized in late nineteenth-century Haiti, often facing great tension and conflict with civil authorities, as well as practitioners of Voodoo.
John Saillant
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195157178
- eISBN:
- 9780199834617
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195157176.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
During the American Revolution and in the early national years, republican ideology was claimed by both the supporters and the critics of American slavery. For some, black men seemed to lack the ...
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During the American Revolution and in the early national years, republican ideology was claimed by both the supporters and the critics of American slavery. For some, black men seemed to lack the civic virtue necessary to defend liberty, while the African American population at large undermined the political security of the USA insofar as conflicts between the majority white population and the minority black population seemed inevitable. The solution favored by leading republicans such as Thomas Jefferson and James Madison was colonization, the expatriation of African Americans to Africa. Sierra Leone and Liberia were settled by black people sent from North America; some migrated to Haiti. For others, like Lemuel Haynes, black men had already demonstrated their civic virtue by supporting the patriot cause in the Revolution as well as by participating in the economic and religious life of the U.S. He countered colonizationist thought with arguments for the integration of blacks and whites in the republic.Less
During the American Revolution and in the early national years, republican ideology was claimed by both the supporters and the critics of American slavery. For some, black men seemed to lack the civic virtue necessary to defend liberty, while the African American population at large undermined the political security of the USA insofar as conflicts between the majority white population and the minority black population seemed inevitable. The solution favored by leading republicans such as Thomas Jefferson and James Madison was colonization, the expatriation of African Americans to Africa. Sierra Leone and Liberia were settled by black people sent from North America; some migrated to Haiti. For others, like Lemuel Haynes, black men had already demonstrated their civic virtue by supporting the patriot cause in the Revolution as well as by participating in the economic and religious life of the U.S. He countered colonizationist thought with arguments for the integration of blacks and whites in the republic.
Elizabeth McAlister
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195149180
- eISBN:
- 9780199835386
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195149181.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This essay explores the contemporary legacies of colonial religious discourses, by examining how participants in Haiti’s annual Rara festival—a Lenten carnival and public performance of Haitian ...
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This essay explores the contemporary legacies of colonial religious discourses, by examining how participants in Haiti’s annual Rara festival—a Lenten carnival and public performance of Haitian Vodou—at once inherit and transform the anti-Jewish sentiments of the clergy in colonial Saint Domingue. Through an active identification with the Jews who “killed Jesus,” disenfranchised Haitians reinvent the European demonization of Jews and Africans, deconstructing colonial religious categories from within, in order to craft rituals of resistance to their country’s predominantly Catholic and mulatto elites.Less
This essay explores the contemporary legacies of colonial religious discourses, by examining how participants in Haiti’s annual Rara festival—a Lenten carnival and public performance of Haitian Vodou—at once inherit and transform the anti-Jewish sentiments of the clergy in colonial Saint Domingue. Through an active identification with the Jews who “killed Jesus,” disenfranchised Haitians reinvent the European demonization of Jews and Africans, deconstructing colonial religious categories from within, in order to craft rituals of resistance to their country’s predominantly Catholic and mulatto elites.
Graciana del Castillo
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199237739
- eISBN:
- 9780191717239
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237739.003.0002
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental, International
Despite some common features, each war-to-peace transition is distinct, owing to the specific interplay of a number of factors. These include the circumstances in which conflict or chaos began — for ...
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Despite some common features, each war-to-peace transition is distinct, owing to the specific interplay of a number of factors. These include the circumstances in which conflict or chaos began — for example, internal strife, regional conflict, ethnic rivalries, or control over natural resources — and whether peace was reached through negotiation or through military intervention. Other factors include the extent of international financial and technical assistance, and the number of international troops and police that the country could obtain, given its strategic or regional importance vis-à-vis donors and troop-contributors. This chapter also analyzes the move from the military-civilian UN-led operations in the 1990s — Namibia, Cambodia, El Salvador, Mozambique, Guatemala, and Haiti — to the mid-1990s when human tragedies in Rwanda, Bosnia, and Kosovo led to military interventions with UN support. Following September 11, the United States led military interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq, with the UN's role clearly diminishing and becoming secondary.Less
Despite some common features, each war-to-peace transition is distinct, owing to the specific interplay of a number of factors. These include the circumstances in which conflict or chaos began — for example, internal strife, regional conflict, ethnic rivalries, or control over natural resources — and whether peace was reached through negotiation or through military intervention. Other factors include the extent of international financial and technical assistance, and the number of international troops and police that the country could obtain, given its strategic or regional importance vis-à-vis donors and troop-contributors. This chapter also analyzes the move from the military-civilian UN-led operations in the 1990s — Namibia, Cambodia, El Salvador, Mozambique, Guatemala, and Haiti — to the mid-1990s when human tragedies in Rwanda, Bosnia, and Kosovo led to military interventions with UN support. Following September 11, the United States led military interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq, with the UN's role clearly diminishing and becoming secondary.
Kate Ramsey
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195149180
- eISBN:
- 9780199835386
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195149181.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This article examines the nineteenth century Haitian state’s penal prohibition of “le vaudoux” as a form of “sortilege” or spell. It studies how, in the face of unremitting white Western hostility ...
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This article examines the nineteenth century Haitian state’s penal prohibition of “le vaudoux” as a form of “sortilege” or spell. It studies how, in the face of unremitting white Western hostility and racist malign, successive post-revolutionary Haitian governments relied on juridical law both as a sign of political modernity and as a space for the repudiation of the so-called primitive in Haiti. The article focuses on two significant episodes of enforcement of these laws following the return of the Roman Catholic Church to Haiti in 1860. At this point, popular ritual practice fell, in effect, under a second punitive regime, even as the newly arrived foreign clergy also pressed the Haitian state for stricter enforcement of the laws already in place. I argue, however, that the application of what were frequently consolidated after 1860 as “les lois divines et humaines” against “le vaudoux” proved, repeatedly, to be impossible for both state and Church. The disparity between how this word was constructed through penal and ecclesiastical laws versus how it was popularly understood became the key point on which both the state’s and the Church’s campaigns against popular ritual invariably foundered.Less
This article examines the nineteenth century Haitian state’s penal prohibition of “le vaudoux” as a form of “sortilege” or spell. It studies how, in the face of unremitting white Western hostility and racist malign, successive post-revolutionary Haitian governments relied on juridical law both as a sign of political modernity and as a space for the repudiation of the so-called primitive in Haiti. The article focuses on two significant episodes of enforcement of these laws following the return of the Roman Catholic Church to Haiti in 1860. At this point, popular ritual practice fell, in effect, under a second punitive regime, even as the newly arrived foreign clergy also pressed the Haitian state for stricter enforcement of the laws already in place. I argue, however, that the application of what were frequently consolidated after 1860 as “les lois divines et humaines” against “le vaudoux” proved, repeatedly, to be impossible for both state and Church. The disparity between how this word was constructed through penal and ecclesiastical laws versus how it was popularly understood became the key point on which both the state’s and the Church’s campaigns against popular ritual invariably foundered.
Beverly Bell
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801452123
- eISBN:
- 9780801468322
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801452123.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
On January 12, 2010, a 7.0 magnitude earthquake struck Haiti, killing more than a quarter-million people and leaving another two million Haitians homeless. This book is a searing account of the first ...
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On January 12, 2010, a 7.0 magnitude earthquake struck Haiti, killing more than a quarter-million people and leaving another two million Haitians homeless. This book is a searing account of the first year after the earthquake. It explores how strong communities and an age-old gift culture have helped Haitians survive in the wake of an unimaginable disaster, one that only compounded the preexisting social and economic distress of their society. The book examines the history that caused such astronomical destruction, and draws in theories of resistance and social movements to scrutinize grassroots organizing for a more just and equitable country. The book offers rich perspectives rarely seen outside Haiti. It takes the reader through displaced persons camps, shantytowns, and rural villages, where they get a view that defies the stereotype of Haiti as a lost nation of victims. It also combines excerpts of more than one hundred interviews with Haitians, historical and political analysis, and investigative journalism. The book investigates and critiques U.S. foreign policy, emergency aid, standard development approaches, the role of nongovernmental organizations, and disaster capitalism. Woven through the text are comparisons to the crisis and cultural resistance in the city of New Orleans, when the levees broke in the wake of Hurricane Katrina. Ultimately a tale of hope, the book will give readers a new understanding of daily life, structural challenges, and collective dreams in one of the world's most complex countries.Less
On January 12, 2010, a 7.0 magnitude earthquake struck Haiti, killing more than a quarter-million people and leaving another two million Haitians homeless. This book is a searing account of the first year after the earthquake. It explores how strong communities and an age-old gift culture have helped Haitians survive in the wake of an unimaginable disaster, one that only compounded the preexisting social and economic distress of their society. The book examines the history that caused such astronomical destruction, and draws in theories of resistance and social movements to scrutinize grassroots organizing for a more just and equitable country. The book offers rich perspectives rarely seen outside Haiti. It takes the reader through displaced persons camps, shantytowns, and rural villages, where they get a view that defies the stereotype of Haiti as a lost nation of victims. It also combines excerpts of more than one hundred interviews with Haitians, historical and political analysis, and investigative journalism. The book investigates and critiques U.S. foreign policy, emergency aid, standard development approaches, the role of nongovernmental organizations, and disaster capitalism. Woven through the text are comparisons to the crisis and cultural resistance in the city of New Orleans, when the levees broke in the wake of Hurricane Katrina. Ultimately a tale of hope, the book will give readers a new understanding of daily life, structural challenges, and collective dreams in one of the world's most complex countries.
David Malone
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198294832
- eISBN:
- 9780191685071
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198294832.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
After President Aristide was overthrown by the Haitian military in September 1991, the UN Security Council and the OAS instituted a progression of measures to restore him to power. This unique and ...
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After President Aristide was overthrown by the Haitian military in September 1991, the UN Security Council and the OAS instituted a progression of measures to restore him to power. This unique and intriguing study examines how and why the UN Security Council took its decisions on Haiti, including authorization in July 1994 of the use of force by a US-led multinational coalition against the de facto regime. After outlining key trends in the Council's work from 1990–97 and providing a sketch of Haiti's history, the author reviews the milestones in the Haitian crisis, focusing principally on their international dimension, but also discussing Haitian domestic factors that influenced the crisis. Drawing on an unprecedented range of UN and OAS documents, media reports and original interviews, the author explores how and why the Haiti case found its way on to the Security Council's agenda, probes the motivations and roles of key actors, examines the Security Council as an institutional framework for action, and assesses the success of Security Council strategies on Haiti. The study touches on issues of power and influence within the UN Security Council, the links between the Security Council's decisions on Haiti and its reactions to other, recent, international crises, UN cooperation with the OAS, and the factors shaping national positions in the Security Council, with a particular focus on the impact of US domestic events.Less
After President Aristide was overthrown by the Haitian military in September 1991, the UN Security Council and the OAS instituted a progression of measures to restore him to power. This unique and intriguing study examines how and why the UN Security Council took its decisions on Haiti, including authorization in July 1994 of the use of force by a US-led multinational coalition against the de facto regime. After outlining key trends in the Council's work from 1990–97 and providing a sketch of Haiti's history, the author reviews the milestones in the Haitian crisis, focusing principally on their international dimension, but also discussing Haitian domestic factors that influenced the crisis. Drawing on an unprecedented range of UN and OAS documents, media reports and original interviews, the author explores how and why the Haiti case found its way on to the Security Council's agenda, probes the motivations and roles of key actors, examines the Security Council as an institutional framework for action, and assesses the success of Security Council strategies on Haiti. The study touches on issues of power and influence within the UN Security Council, the links between the Security Council's decisions on Haiti and its reactions to other, recent, international crises, UN cooperation with the OAS, and the factors shaping national positions in the Security Council, with a particular focus on the impact of US domestic events.
Sara Fanning
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780814764930
- eISBN:
- 9780814760086
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814764930.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Shortly after winning its independence in 1804, Haiti's leaders realized that if their nation was to survive, it needed to build strong diplomatic bonds with other nations. Haiti's first leaders ...
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Shortly after winning its independence in 1804, Haiti's leaders realized that if their nation was to survive, it needed to build strong diplomatic bonds with other nations. Haiti's first leaders looked especially hard at the United States, which had a sizeable free black population that included vocal champions of black emigration and colonization. In the 1820s, President Jean-Pierre Boyer helped facilitate a migration of thousands of black Americans to Haiti with promises of ample land, rich commercial prospects, and most importantly, a black state. His ideas struck a chord with both blacks and whites in America. Journalists and black community leaders advertised emigration to Haiti as a way for African Americans to resist discrimination and show the world that the black race could be an equal on the world stage, while antislavery whites sought to support a nation founded by liberated slaves. Black and white businessmen were excited by trade potential, and racist whites viewed Haiti as a way to export the race problem that plagued America. By the end of the decade, black Americans migration to Haiti began to ebb as emigrants realized that the Caribbean republic wasn't the black Eden they'd anticipated. This book documents the rise and fall of the campaign for black emigration to Haiti, drawing on a variety of archival sources to share the rich voices of the emigrants themselves. Using letters, diary accounts, travelers' reports, newspaper articles, and American, British, and French consulate records, this text profiles the emigrants and analyzes the diverse motivations that fueled this unique early moment in both American and Haitian history.Less
Shortly after winning its independence in 1804, Haiti's leaders realized that if their nation was to survive, it needed to build strong diplomatic bonds with other nations. Haiti's first leaders looked especially hard at the United States, which had a sizeable free black population that included vocal champions of black emigration and colonization. In the 1820s, President Jean-Pierre Boyer helped facilitate a migration of thousands of black Americans to Haiti with promises of ample land, rich commercial prospects, and most importantly, a black state. His ideas struck a chord with both blacks and whites in America. Journalists and black community leaders advertised emigration to Haiti as a way for African Americans to resist discrimination and show the world that the black race could be an equal on the world stage, while antislavery whites sought to support a nation founded by liberated slaves. Black and white businessmen were excited by trade potential, and racist whites viewed Haiti as a way to export the race problem that plagued America. By the end of the decade, black Americans migration to Haiti began to ebb as emigrants realized that the Caribbean republic wasn't the black Eden they'd anticipated. This book documents the rise and fall of the campaign for black emigration to Haiti, drawing on a variety of archival sources to share the rich voices of the emigrants themselves. Using letters, diary accounts, travelers' reports, newspaper articles, and American, British, and French consulate records, this text profiles the emigrants and analyzes the diverse motivations that fueled this unique early moment in both American and Haitian history.
Toni Pressley-Sanon
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780813054407
- eISBN:
- 9780813053141
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813054407.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
Istwa across the Water draws on the historian and poet Kamau Brathwaite’s concept of tidalectics as cultural exchange that is patterned after the back and forth movement of the ocean’s waves, to ...
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Istwa across the Water draws on the historian and poet Kamau Brathwaite’s concept of tidalectics as cultural exchange that is patterned after the back and forth movement of the ocean’s waves, to explore Haitian cultural production through the lenses of history and memory by way of the Vodou concept of the Marasa or twinned entities. Istwa across the Water takes on Haiti’s complementary or twinned sites of cultural production in the West African area of Dahomey/Benin Republic and the Central West African Kôngo region from which many Haitians originate. It discusses oral and visual art traditions from both sides of the Atlantic divide as a means to explore the dynamic and constantly evolving exchange of physical and spiritual energies between Haiti and its “motherlands” (sites of origin) as Spirit seeks to restore the balance that was lost during the transatlantic trade and slave era.Less
Istwa across the Water draws on the historian and poet Kamau Brathwaite’s concept of tidalectics as cultural exchange that is patterned after the back and forth movement of the ocean’s waves, to explore Haitian cultural production through the lenses of history and memory by way of the Vodou concept of the Marasa or twinned entities. Istwa across the Water takes on Haiti’s complementary or twinned sites of cultural production in the West African area of Dahomey/Benin Republic and the Central West African Kôngo region from which many Haitians originate. It discusses oral and visual art traditions from both sides of the Atlantic divide as a means to explore the dynamic and constantly evolving exchange of physical and spiritual energies between Haiti and its “motherlands” (sites of origin) as Spirit seeks to restore the balance that was lost during the transatlantic trade and slave era.
Mats Lundahl
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198297406
- eISBN:
- 9780191685330
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198297406.003.0011
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
News from Haiti has seldom been positive for the past four decades and it has always had bad press coverage. Though some errors have been corrected, the Haitian case is still considered as an ...
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News from Haiti has seldom been positive for the past four decades and it has always had bad press coverage. Though some errors have been corrected, the Haitian case is still considered as an emergency in human or humanitarian terms. Though Haiti does not technically meet the specifications of a humanitarian emergency, since the death count is not extensive and civil war in Haiti did not develop into whole-scale violence, its situation regarding the per capita income, nutrition, health, and refugee flows has been crucial enough to consider it as an emergency case. Haiti can thus be considered as a ‘potential’ rather than actual emergency. The decline of the living standards in the country have made the scenario even worse. This chapter presents the main causes of emergency conditions in Haiti. Economic factors are discussed, followed by the interaction between politics and economics. The chapter also identifies long-standing Haitian conflicts, and reveals Haiti's obstacles to economic development and recent changes in politics.Less
News from Haiti has seldom been positive for the past four decades and it has always had bad press coverage. Though some errors have been corrected, the Haitian case is still considered as an emergency in human or humanitarian terms. Though Haiti does not technically meet the specifications of a humanitarian emergency, since the death count is not extensive and civil war in Haiti did not develop into whole-scale violence, its situation regarding the per capita income, nutrition, health, and refugee flows has been crucial enough to consider it as an emergency case. Haiti can thus be considered as a ‘potential’ rather than actual emergency. The decline of the living standards in the country have made the scenario even worse. This chapter presents the main causes of emergency conditions in Haiti. Economic factors are discussed, followed by the interaction between politics and economics. The chapter also identifies long-standing Haitian conflicts, and reveals Haiti's obstacles to economic development and recent changes in politics.
Dixa Ramírez
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781479850457
- eISBN:
- 9781479812721
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479850457.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
Colonial Phantoms argues that Dominican cultural expression from the late nineteenth century to the present day reveals the ghosted singularities of Dominican history and demographic composition. For ...
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Colonial Phantoms argues that Dominican cultural expression from the late nineteenth century to the present day reveals the ghosted singularities of Dominican history and demographic composition. For centuries, the territory hosted a majority mixed-race free population whose negotiations with colonial power were deeply ambivalent. Disquieted by the predominating black freedom, Western discourses ghosted—mis-categorized or erased—the Dominican Republic from the most important global conversations and decisions of the 19th century. What kind of national culture do you create when leaders of the world powers, on whose recognition you depend, rarely remember your nation’s name? Dominicans, both island and diasporic, have expressed their dissatisfaction with dominant descriptors and interpellations through literature, music, and speech acts. These expressions run the gamut from ultra-conservative, anti-Haitian nationalist literature to present-day Afro-Latinx activism. Dominant fields of knowledge constructed to account for various modes of being in the Americas have not been able to discern, and, in some cases, have helped to obscure, the kinds of free black subjectivity that emerged in the Dominican Republic. Analyzing literature, government documents, music, the visual arts, public monuments, film, and ephemeral and stage performance, this book intervenes at the level of knowledge production and analysis by disrupting some of the fields. In so doing, it establishes a framework for placing Dominican expressive culture and historical formations at the forefront of a number of scholarly investigations of colonial modernity in the Americas, the African diaspora, geographic displacement (e.g., migration and exile), and international divisions of labor.Less
Colonial Phantoms argues that Dominican cultural expression from the late nineteenth century to the present day reveals the ghosted singularities of Dominican history and demographic composition. For centuries, the territory hosted a majority mixed-race free population whose negotiations with colonial power were deeply ambivalent. Disquieted by the predominating black freedom, Western discourses ghosted—mis-categorized or erased—the Dominican Republic from the most important global conversations and decisions of the 19th century. What kind of national culture do you create when leaders of the world powers, on whose recognition you depend, rarely remember your nation’s name? Dominicans, both island and diasporic, have expressed their dissatisfaction with dominant descriptors and interpellations through literature, music, and speech acts. These expressions run the gamut from ultra-conservative, anti-Haitian nationalist literature to present-day Afro-Latinx activism. Dominant fields of knowledge constructed to account for various modes of being in the Americas have not been able to discern, and, in some cases, have helped to obscure, the kinds of free black subjectivity that emerged in the Dominican Republic. Analyzing literature, government documents, music, the visual arts, public monuments, film, and ephemeral and stage performance, this book intervenes at the level of knowledge production and analysis by disrupting some of the fields. In so doing, it establishes a framework for placing Dominican expressive culture and historical formations at the forefront of a number of scholarly investigations of colonial modernity in the Americas, the African diaspora, geographic displacement (e.g., migration and exile), and international divisions of labor.
Robert Maguire and Scott Freeman (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780813062266
- eISBN:
- 9780813051987
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813062266.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
Who Owns Haiti addresses a provocative and complex question, one arguably at the heart of Haitian studies and Haiti’s history. This edited volume calls into question the role of external actors in ...
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Who Owns Haiti addresses a provocative and complex question, one arguably at the heart of Haitian studies and Haiti’s history. This edited volume calls into question the role of external actors in Haiti’s sovereign affairs, while highlighting the ways in which Haitians continually enact their own independence and sovereignty. Chapters consider Haiti’s sovereign roots and the contemporary encroachment on them by international actors, as well as the corresponding response, acquiescence, or resistance by Haitian institutions, including ‘sovereignty from below’ as wielded by grassroots organizations and religious ritual. Contributing authors consider how external actors and institutions have interacted historically with Haitian elites and government actors. Importantly, the volume examines parallel responses from historically marginalized urban and rural populations. The volume takes up issues long at the heart of Haitian studies and argues that otherwise disparate discussions of ownership and independence are in fact central to historical and contemporary considerations of Haiti and Haitians.Less
Who Owns Haiti addresses a provocative and complex question, one arguably at the heart of Haitian studies and Haiti’s history. This edited volume calls into question the role of external actors in Haiti’s sovereign affairs, while highlighting the ways in which Haitians continually enact their own independence and sovereignty. Chapters consider Haiti’s sovereign roots and the contemporary encroachment on them by international actors, as well as the corresponding response, acquiescence, or resistance by Haitian institutions, including ‘sovereignty from below’ as wielded by grassroots organizations and religious ritual. Contributing authors consider how external actors and institutions have interacted historically with Haitian elites and government actors. Importantly, the volume examines parallel responses from historically marginalized urban and rural populations. The volume takes up issues long at the heart of Haitian studies and argues that otherwise disparate discussions of ownership and independence are in fact central to historical and contemporary considerations of Haiti and Haitians.
