Allen Buchanan
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780198295358
- eISBN:
- 9780191600982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295359.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This second part of the book turns to an examination of the conditions under which it is morally justifiable to exercise political power to enforce international law in the pursuit of justice. Ch. 5 ...
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This second part of the book turns to an examination of the conditions under which it is morally justifiable to exercise political power to enforce international law in the pursuit of justice. Ch. 5 develops a justice‐based conception of political legitimacy, where “political legitimacy” is defined as follows: An entity has political legitimacy if and only if it is morally justified in exercising political power, where the exercise of political power may, in turn, be defined as the (credible) attempt to achieve supremacy in the making, application, and enforcement of laws within a jurisdiction. It is argued that an entity that exercises political power is morally justified in doing so only if it meets a minimal standard of justice, understood as the protection of basic human rights. The conception of political legitimacy offered is meant to be perfectly general, and applies to any entity that wields political power, whether at the state, regional, or international level; it is used again in Chs 6–8. The eight sections of the chapter are: I. Political Legitimacy and the Morality of Political Power; The Irrelevance of the Idea that We Owe Compliance to the Government; III. Explaining the Preoccupation with the Government's Right to be Obeyed; IV. Toward a Theory of Political Legitimacy; V. Why Should Some Persons Rather than Others Wield Political Power?; VI. Democracy and Mutual Obligations among Citizens; and VIII. Conclusions.Less
This second part of the book turns to an examination of the conditions under which it is morally justifiable to exercise political power to enforce international law in the pursuit of justice. Ch. 5 develops a justice‐based conception of political legitimacy, where “political legitimacy” is defined as follows: An entity has political legitimacy if and only if it is morally justified in exercising political power, where the exercise of political power may, in turn, be defined as the (credible) attempt to achieve supremacy in the making, application, and enforcement of laws within a jurisdiction. It is argued that an entity that exercises political power is morally justified in doing so only if it meets a minimal standard of justice, understood as the protection of basic human rights. The conception of political legitimacy offered is meant to be perfectly general, and applies to any entity that wields political power, whether at the state, regional, or international level; it is used again in Chs 6–8. The eight sections of the chapter are: I. Political Legitimacy and the Morality of Political Power; The Irrelevance of the Idea that We Owe Compliance to the Government; III. Explaining the Preoccupation with the Government's Right to be Obeyed; IV. Toward a Theory of Political Legitimacy; V. Why Should Some Persons Rather than Others Wield Political Power?; VI. Democracy and Mutual Obligations among Citizens; and VIII. Conclusions.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the unravelling of the Union between 1800 and 1886. The UK of Great Britain and Ireland was created in 1800, and the Union flag then took on its modern design, with crosses to ...
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This chapter examines the unravelling of the Union between 1800 and 1886. The UK of Great Britain and Ireland was created in 1800, and the Union flag then took on its modern design, with crosses to represent England, Scotland, and Ireland (but not Wales). However, the Irish Union was never accepted in the way the Scottish Union was. The unravelling of the Union began seriously in 1886.Less
This chapter examines the unravelling of the Union between 1800 and 1886. The UK of Great Britain and Ireland was created in 1800, and the Union flag then took on its modern design, with crosses to represent England, Scotland, and Ireland (but not Wales). However, the Irish Union was never accepted in the way the Scottish Union was. The unravelling of the Union began seriously in 1886.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the unravelling of the Union between 1886 and 1921. It discusses the continuing link between Union and Empire, the incoherence of Diceyan Unionism, centre-periphery politics, ...
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This chapter examines the unravelling of the Union between 1886 and 1921. It discusses the continuing link between Union and Empire, the incoherence of Diceyan Unionism, centre-periphery politics, the attempted Unionist coup-d’etat in 1910-14, Bonar Law and Ulster paramilitarism, George V’s threatened vetoes, and primoridal and instrumental Unionism. By 1921, the Union question had resolved into a Northern Ireland question and an imperial question. It left two ragged ends from the 1886 attempt to settle it, namely representation and finance in the outlying parts of the Union.Less
This chapter examines the unravelling of the Union between 1886 and 1921. It discusses the continuing link between Union and Empire, the incoherence of Diceyan Unionism, centre-periphery politics, the attempted Unionist coup-d’etat in 1910-14, Bonar Law and Ulster paramilitarism, George V’s threatened vetoes, and primoridal and instrumental Unionism. By 1921, the Union question had resolved into a Northern Ireland question and an imperial question. It left two ragged ends from the 1886 attempt to settle it, namely representation and finance in the outlying parts of the Union.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter analyses what is now called the West Lothian Question (WLQ) after its persistent poser Tam Dalyell MP (formerly for West Lothian). The WLQ asks: Given partial devolution, why can an MP ...
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This chapter analyses what is now called the West Lothian Question (WLQ) after its persistent poser Tam Dalyell MP (formerly for West Lothian). The WLQ asks: Given partial devolution, why can an MP for a devolved territory become involved in devolved matters in England, but not in his own constituency? It has been said that ‘the WLQ is not really a question: every time it is answered, Tam just waits for a bit and then asks it again’. But that merely shows what a persistently nagging question it has been since long before Tam Dalyell. In fact, it was sufficient (although not necessary) to bring down both of Gladstone’s Home Rule Bills (1886 and 1893). The chapter shows how problematic all the proposed solutions are, especially when dealing with divided government where one UK-wide party controls a territory and the other controls the UK government. However, if devolution is to be stable, the governments and parties will have to live with the WLQ. New conventions for cohabitation will arise, and the UK and devolved party systems may diverge, even if party labels do not. The UK electorate treats everything except UK General Elections as second-order.Less
This chapter analyses what is now called the West Lothian Question (WLQ) after its persistent poser Tam Dalyell MP (formerly for West Lothian). The WLQ asks: Given partial devolution, why can an MP for a devolved territory become involved in devolved matters in England, but not in his own constituency? It has been said that ‘the WLQ is not really a question: every time it is answered, Tam just waits for a bit and then asks it again’. But that merely shows what a persistently nagging question it has been since long before Tam Dalyell. In fact, it was sufficient (although not necessary) to bring down both of Gladstone’s Home Rule Bills (1886 and 1893). The chapter shows how problematic all the proposed solutions are, especially when dealing with divided government where one UK-wide party controls a territory and the other controls the UK government. However, if devolution is to be stable, the governments and parties will have to live with the WLQ. New conventions for cohabitation will arise, and the UK and devolved party systems may diverge, even if party labels do not. The UK electorate treats everything except UK General Elections as second-order.
Iain Mclean and Tom Lubbock
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199546954
- eISBN:
- 9780191720031
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546954.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
The Government of Ireland Bill and the Ulster Protestant revolt 1912–14. Bonar Law, Dicey, the Unionist Party, and illegal activity. Curragh ‘mutiny’ 1914. Larne gunrunning 1914.
The Government of Ireland Bill and the Ulster Protestant revolt 1912–14. Bonar Law, Dicey, the Unionist Party, and illegal activity. Curragh ‘mutiny’ 1914. Larne gunrunning 1914.
Iain Mclean
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199546954
- eISBN:
- 9780191720031
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546954.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
Dicey's abandonment of parliamentary sovereignty and the rule of law. His partial rediscovery of them 1920.
Dicey's abandonment of parliamentary sovereignty and the rule of law. His partial rediscovery of them 1920.
Iain Mclean
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199546954
- eISBN:
- 9780191720031
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546954.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
Temporary increase in number of veto players. Revolt of the landed class. Marxist explanation. Unionism and the British Empire. Primordial unionism. Bonar Law: the first non‐Anglican to lead the ...
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Temporary increase in number of veto players. Revolt of the landed class. Marxist explanation. Unionism and the British Empire. Primordial unionism. Bonar Law: the first non‐Anglican to lead the Conservative Party. Ireland: in the Union, but its opinions not to count.Less
Temporary increase in number of veto players. Revolt of the landed class. Marxist explanation. Unionism and the British Empire. Primordial unionism. Bonar Law: the first non‐Anglican to lead the Conservative Party. Ireland: in the Union, but its opinions not to count.
Steve Bruce
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199281022
- eISBN:
- 9780191712760
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281022.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Ian Paisley is unique in having founded his own church and party, and led both to success. The Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FPCU) now has 150 congregations worldwide. The Democratic Unionist ...
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Ian Paisley is unique in having founded his own church and party, and led both to success. The Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FPCU) now has 150 congregations worldwide. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) is now the most popular party in Northern Ireland and, as the leader of the majority unionist population, Paisley has a veto over political developments in the province. This book draws on the author's twenty years of close acquaintance with Paisley's people and on his knowledge of religion and politics in other settings to describe and explain Paisleyism. Paisley's religious identity was an important part of his political appeal to a minority core of unionist voters, but his constant criticism of liberal and ecumenical trends in the major Protestant churches alienated many unionists. However, between 2000 and 2005, those unionists became so frustrated with the British Government's concessions to the Irish Republican movement that they finally set aside their dislike of Paisley's divisive religion and made the DUP the majority unionist party.Less
Ian Paisley is unique in having founded his own church and party, and led both to success. The Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FPCU) now has 150 congregations worldwide. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) is now the most popular party in Northern Ireland and, as the leader of the majority unionist population, Paisley has a veto over political developments in the province. This book draws on the author's twenty years of close acquaintance with Paisley's people and on his knowledge of religion and politics in other settings to describe and explain Paisleyism. Paisley's religious identity was an important part of his political appeal to a minority core of unionist voters, but his constant criticism of liberal and ecumenical trends in the major Protestant churches alienated many unionists. However, between 2000 and 2005, those unionists became so frustrated with the British Government's concessions to the Irish Republican movement that they finally set aside their dislike of Paisley's divisive religion and made the DUP the majority unionist party.
Hans-Dieter Klingemann and Dieter Fuchs (eds)
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294733
- eISBN:
- 9780191599699
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294735.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This book is the first in the ‘Beliefs in government’ series, and examines the general consensus that the relationship between citizens and the state in Western European societies have undergone a ...
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This book is the first in the ‘Beliefs in government’ series, and examines the general consensus that the relationship between citizens and the state in Western European societies have undergone a fundamental change over the last few decades, to the detriment of representative democracy. Addressing the problem from the citizen's perspective, it identifies the ten fundamental components of the view that representative democracy is under threat, and then proceeds to test them empirically against the dataset supplied by the Beliefs in Government research project. The results are startling. They refute the idea that citizens in Western Europe have withdrawn support from their democracies, but show exactly how the citizen–state relationship has changed over recent years. Traditional forms of expression have clearly declined, but others have evolved in their place. Citizens have become more critical towards politicians and political parties, and they are prepared to use non‐institutionalized forms of political action to pursue their goals and interests.Less
This book is the first in the ‘Beliefs in government’ series, and examines the general consensus that the relationship between citizens and the state in Western European societies have undergone a fundamental change over the last few decades, to the detriment of representative democracy. Addressing the problem from the citizen's perspective, it identifies the ten fundamental components of the view that representative democracy is under threat, and then proceeds to test them empirically against the dataset supplied by the Beliefs in Government research project. The results are startling. They refute the idea that citizens in Western Europe have withdrawn support from their democracies, but show exactly how the citizen–state relationship has changed over recent years. Traditional forms of expression have clearly declined, but others have evolved in their place. Citizens have become more critical towards politicians and political parties, and they are prepared to use non‐institutionalized forms of political action to pursue their goals and interests.
Ray A. Moore and Donald L. Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195151169
- eISBN:
- 9780199833917
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019515116X.003.0018
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The last week of July was a critical period for the framing of Japan's postwar Constitution. Ashida Hitoshi appointed 14 Diet members (including Kita Reikichi and Inukai Takeru) to a special ...
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The last week of July was a critical period for the framing of Japan's postwar Constitution. Ashida Hitoshi appointed 14 Diet members (including Kita Reikichi and Inukai Takeru) to a special subcommittee. It was assigned the delicate task of combing through the text and, where necessary, preparing amendments, based on the preceding weeks’ discussions. Ch. 16 recounts how the subcommittee – under the watchful eye of Charles Kades, deputy director of SCAP's Government Section (GS) – devoted particular attention to the preamble, the correct terms to express popular sovereignty, and Article 9, renouncing war and armed forces. It was during this period that Article 9 was significantly amended. Ch. 16 carefully examines the intentions of the framers of these amendments.Less
The last week of July was a critical period for the framing of Japan's postwar Constitution. Ashida Hitoshi appointed 14 Diet members (including Kita Reikichi and Inukai Takeru) to a special subcommittee. It was assigned the delicate task of combing through the text and, where necessary, preparing amendments, based on the preceding weeks’ discussions. Ch. 16 recounts how the subcommittee – under the watchful eye of Charles Kades, deputy director of SCAP's Government Section (GS) – devoted particular attention to the preamble, the correct terms to express popular sovereignty, and Article 9, renouncing war and armed forces. It was during this period that Article 9 was significantly amended. Ch. 16 carefully examines the intentions of the framers of these amendments.
Ray A. Moore and Donald L. Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195151169
- eISBN:
- 9780199833917
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019515116X.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Describes the contention within the Japanese government for control of constitutional reform. Prince Konoe Fumimaro interpreted MacArthur's advice to him as a mandate to direct the process and ...
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Describes the contention within the Japanese government for control of constitutional reform. Prince Konoe Fumimaro interpreted MacArthur's advice to him as a mandate to direct the process and secured an imperial appointment. Konoe's advisers, Sasaki Sōichi and Takagi Yasaka, solicited ideas on constitutional reform from George Atcheson, MacArthur's political adviser, until, stung by press criticism, MacArthur repudiated Konoe. Meanwhile, Matsumoto Jōji believed his cabinet committee studying constitutional reform could proceed independently of SCAP, and MacArthur ordered his staff to avoid all contact with the Matsumoto committee. After three months, the committee produced a draft constitution that MacArthur's Government Section brusquely rejected.Less
Describes the contention within the Japanese government for control of constitutional reform. Prince Konoe Fumimaro interpreted MacArthur's advice to him as a mandate to direct the process and secured an imperial appointment. Konoe's advisers, Sasaki Sōichi and Takagi Yasaka, solicited ideas on constitutional reform from George Atcheson, MacArthur's political adviser, until, stung by press criticism, MacArthur repudiated Konoe. Meanwhile, Matsumoto Jōji believed his cabinet committee studying constitutional reform could proceed independently of SCAP, and MacArthur ordered his staff to avoid all contact with the Matsumoto committee. After three months, the committee produced a draft constitution that MacArthur's Government Section brusquely rejected.
Ray A. Moore and Donald L. Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195151169
- eISBN:
- 9780199833917
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019515116X.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Describes how Whitney pressured the Japanese government to accept the SCAP draft as the basis of a new constitution. Following talks with MacArthur and Whitney, the Shidehara cabinet accepted SCAP's ...
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Describes how Whitney pressured the Japanese government to accept the SCAP draft as the basis of a new constitution. Following talks with MacArthur and Whitney, the Shidehara cabinet accepted SCAP's demands and charged Matsumoto with preparing a draft for presentation to Government Section. Whitney and his staff expected the Japanese to submit essentially a translation of the SCAP draft, while Matsumoto believed he could determine the contents of the draft so long as he included the “fundamental principles” (the emperor as “symbol” and renunciation of war) mentioned by MacArthur to Shidehara. This misunderstanding caused a serious conflict when the two sides met to consider Matsumoto's March 2 draft.Less
Describes how Whitney pressured the Japanese government to accept the SCAP draft as the basis of a new constitution. Following talks with MacArthur and Whitney, the Shidehara cabinet accepted SCAP's demands and charged Matsumoto with preparing a draft for presentation to Government Section. Whitney and his staff expected the Japanese to submit essentially a translation of the SCAP draft, while Matsumoto believed he could determine the contents of the draft so long as he included the “fundamental principles” (the emperor as “symbol” and renunciation of war) mentioned by MacArthur to Shidehara. This misunderstanding caused a serious conflict when the two sides met to consider Matsumoto's March 2 draft.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The idea of trusteeship in international society originates in late 18th century British India. The purpose of this chapter is to examine the emergence of trusteeship as a justification of political ...
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The idea of trusteeship in international society originates in late 18th century British India. The purpose of this chapter is to examine the emergence of trusteeship as a justification of political power in territories administered by the East India Company. The chapter has five sections: From Merchant to Sovereign in British India; The Claim to Rule; The Relations of Ruler and Subject; The Purpose of the Office of Government; and Providing Protection, Directing Improvement.Less
The idea of trusteeship in international society originates in late 18th century British India. The purpose of this chapter is to examine the emergence of trusteeship as a justification of political power in territories administered by the East India Company. The chapter has five sections: From Merchant to Sovereign in British India; The Claim to Rule; The Relations of Ruler and Subject; The Purpose of the Office of Government; and Providing Protection, Directing Improvement.
William A. Galston
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294962
- eISBN:
- 9780191598708
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294964.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
A public philosophy is rooted in, and addressed to, a particular public in a specific historical situation. One of the most important tasks before us is to restore the public’s confidence in ...
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A public philosophy is rooted in, and addressed to, a particular public in a specific historical situation. One of the most important tasks before us is to restore the public’s confidence in government as the instrument of their purposes rather than as what it now appears–an alien, intrusive, unresponsive power. While few question the appropriateness of the recognition of long-denied rights, some public intellectuals are now expressing doubts about the general “culture of rights” to which it has given rise. A liberal democracy should be prepared to allow wide though not unlimited scope for diverse group practices, with the understanding that membership in certain groups may involve the voluntary renunciation of certain otherwise enforceable individual rights. If we go farther, if we press too hard on moral ideals such as liberal autonomy, democratic individuality, or direct participation in public affairs, if we require subgroups to reorganize their internal affairs in accordance with liberal democratic principles, we run the risk of exacerbating the conflicts we set out to abate.Less
A public philosophy is rooted in, and addressed to, a particular public in a specific historical situation. One of the most important tasks before us is to restore the public’s confidence in government as the instrument of their purposes rather than as what it now appears–an alien, intrusive, unresponsive power. While few question the appropriateness of the recognition of long-denied rights, some public intellectuals are now expressing doubts about the general “culture of rights” to which it has given rise. A liberal democracy should be prepared to allow wide though not unlimited scope for diverse group practices, with the understanding that membership in certain groups may involve the voluntary renunciation of certain otherwise enforceable individual rights. If we go farther, if we press too hard on moral ideals such as liberal autonomy, democratic individuality, or direct participation in public affairs, if we require subgroups to reorganize their internal affairs in accordance with liberal democratic principles, we run the risk of exacerbating the conflicts we set out to abate.
John Prest
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201755
- eISBN:
- 9780191675003
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201755.003.0018
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter discusses the adoption of the Local Government Act of 1858 by suburbs of Huddersfield. Moldgreen was the first locality in the Huddersfield area to adopt the Local Government Act. It was ...
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This chapter discusses the adoption of the Local Government Act of 1858 by suburbs of Huddersfield. Moldgreen was the first locality in the Huddersfield area to adopt the Local Government Act. It was followed within the next few years by a rush of others. The first group consists of four townships named in the Huddersfield Act of 1848 which lived under the immediate threat of being brought within the jurisdiction of the Improvement Commissioners: Marsh, Fartown, Deighton, and Bradley. The second group includes places lying just a little way further outside the town, which were also incorporated with it in 1868, and the third includes more remote towns and villages which were in no danger of being absorbed by Huddersfield in the 19th century.Less
This chapter discusses the adoption of the Local Government Act of 1858 by suburbs of Huddersfield. Moldgreen was the first locality in the Huddersfield area to adopt the Local Government Act. It was followed within the next few years by a rush of others. The first group consists of four townships named in the Huddersfield Act of 1848 which lived under the immediate threat of being brought within the jurisdiction of the Improvement Commissioners: Marsh, Fartown, Deighton, and Bradley. The second group includes places lying just a little way further outside the town, which were also incorporated with it in 1868, and the third includes more remote towns and villages which were in no danger of being absorbed by Huddersfield in the 19th century.
Toshiro Kita
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199297320
- eISBN:
- 9780191711237
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297320.003.0016
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Innovation
This chapter looks at government and policy from a different perspective. E-Government has been an important if overlooked part of the e-Japan strategy, and central to this is Juki-net. The debacle ...
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This chapter looks at government and policy from a different perspective. E-Government has been an important if overlooked part of the e-Japan strategy, and central to this is Juki-net. The debacle of its introduction is analysed, which was marked by initial confrontation with anti Juki-net campaigners concerned about privacy and information security, and subsequently between administrative agencies and residents, where passive resistance virtually assigned the Juki-card to oblivion. A ‘customer-oriented’ solution to the impasse is proposed, which is considered symptomatic of the whole e-Japan programme. It is shown that policy makers are as much in need of MOT education as the engineers and managers who still believe in the linear model of innovation.Less
This chapter looks at government and policy from a different perspective. E-Government has been an important if overlooked part of the e-Japan strategy, and central to this is Juki-net. The debacle of its introduction is analysed, which was marked by initial confrontation with anti Juki-net campaigners concerned about privacy and information security, and subsequently between administrative agencies and residents, where passive resistance virtually assigned the Juki-card to oblivion. A ‘customer-oriented’ solution to the impasse is proposed, which is considered symptomatic of the whole e-Japan programme. It is shown that policy makers are as much in need of MOT education as the engineers and managers who still believe in the linear model of innovation.
John Prest
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201755
- eISBN:
- 9780191675003
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201755.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter discusses the various methods employed by the localities and centre of the Isle of Wight to deal with problems of town improvement and public health. Four towns — Newport, West Cowes, ...
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This chapter discusses the various methods employed by the localities and centre of the Isle of Wight to deal with problems of town improvement and public health. Four towns — Newport, West Cowes, Ryde, and Ventnor — possessed local Acts. In Whippingham and West Cowes, ratepayers took advantage of the Health of Towns Act of 1848 and petitioned the General Board to establish a Local Board of Health, and West Cowes secured one. The Local Government Act of 1858 was adopted by meetings of ratepayers of in East Cowes, Sandown, and Shanklin. Finally, the elected Commissioners at Ventnor and the elected Town Council at Newport adopted the Act hesitantly in stages.Less
This chapter discusses the various methods employed by the localities and centre of the Isle of Wight to deal with problems of town improvement and public health. Four towns — Newport, West Cowes, Ryde, and Ventnor — possessed local Acts. In Whippingham and West Cowes, ratepayers took advantage of the Health of Towns Act of 1848 and petitioned the General Board to establish a Local Board of Health, and West Cowes secured one. The Local Government Act of 1858 was adopted by meetings of ratepayers of in East Cowes, Sandown, and Shanklin. Finally, the elected Commissioners at Ventnor and the elected Town Council at Newport adopted the Act hesitantly in stages.
Mark Bevir and R. A. W. Rhodes
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580750
- eISBN:
- 9780191723179
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580750.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
Part II explores rule, rationalities, and resistance. There is no one-to-one correspondence between these ‘3Rs’ and the individual chapters but there is a steady shift of emphasis from rule to ...
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Part II explores rule, rationalities, and resistance. There is no one-to-one correspondence between these ‘3Rs’ and the individual chapters but there is a steady shift of emphasis from rule to rationalities to resistance. Chapter 6 looks at patterns of rule as they are understood by elite actors. It describes the everyday life of ministers through an account of their daily life in a British government department. It provides an interpretation of the Minister's interpretation of what the world looks like through his eyes. The chapter is based on fieldwork observations of their everyday office life; on what they said and did, on their reasons for their actions. We understand ‘ruling’ and, therefore, ‘the state’ through their eyes.Less
Part II explores rule, rationalities, and resistance. There is no one-to-one correspondence between these ‘3Rs’ and the individual chapters but there is a steady shift of emphasis from rule to rationalities to resistance. Chapter 6 looks at patterns of rule as they are understood by elite actors. It describes the everyday life of ministers through an account of their daily life in a British government department. It provides an interpretation of the Minister's interpretation of what the world looks like through his eyes. The chapter is based on fieldwork observations of their everyday office life; on what they said and did, on their reasons for their actions. We understand ‘ruling’ and, therefore, ‘the state’ through their eyes.
Junichi Sakamoto
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199573349
- eISBN:
- 9780191721946
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199573349.003.0011
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Public Management, Pensions and Pension Management
A topic of long-standing discussion in Japan has been how to equitably merge the retirement plans for civil servants and private employees, which in the past have been managed separately. Recent ...
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A topic of long-standing discussion in Japan has been how to equitably merge the retirement plans for civil servants and private employees, which in the past have been managed separately. Recent legislation sought to unify social security pension schemes for all employees by extending the coverage of the Japanese Employees’ Pension Insurance Scheme, which covers private employees, to include civil servants as well. The author describes how Japanese social security pension schemes have evolved, the forces driving the merger of these plans, and what future prospects may be.Less
A topic of long-standing discussion in Japan has been how to equitably merge the retirement plans for civil servants and private employees, which in the past have been managed separately. Recent legislation sought to unify social security pension schemes for all employees by extending the coverage of the Japanese Employees’ Pension Insurance Scheme, which covers private employees, to include civil servants as well. The author describes how Japanese social security pension schemes have evolved, the forces driving the merger of these plans, and what future prospects may be.
Martin Ceadel
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199571161
- eISBN:
- 9780191721762
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199571161.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
This chapter considers Angell's efforts as a Labour politician. At first an enthusiastic leftist, he moderated his views from the autumn of 1920, and became somewhat detached from party work after ...
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This chapter considers Angell's efforts as a Labour politician. At first an enthusiastic leftist, he moderated his views from the autumn of 1920, and became somewhat detached from party work after buying Northey Island in 1923 and failing the following year to sell his increasingly pro-League-of-Nations foreign policy either to the first Labour government or to its backbench critics. Yet he aspired to be a Foreign Office minister, and, having secured election to parliament in 1929, was disappointed not to be included in the second Labour government. A compensation was that as the public turned against the First World War it regarded his ‘illusion’ thesis as having been vindicated. Though thus partially rehabilitated as a pundit, he remained intellectually too eclectic to offer a single, clear message: for example, he began claiming that he personally believed in the efficacy of non-resistance and so supported the League of Nations only as a second-best policy. And he failed in his attempts to understand why the public was prone to foreign-policy illusions and to devise an educational antidote. Unhappy on the back benches, and unable either to condemn Ramsay MacDonald for agreeing to a National Government during the financial crisis of August 1931 or to support him, he retired from parliament.Less
This chapter considers Angell's efforts as a Labour politician. At first an enthusiastic leftist, he moderated his views from the autumn of 1920, and became somewhat detached from party work after buying Northey Island in 1923 and failing the following year to sell his increasingly pro-League-of-Nations foreign policy either to the first Labour government or to its backbench critics. Yet he aspired to be a Foreign Office minister, and, having secured election to parliament in 1929, was disappointed not to be included in the second Labour government. A compensation was that as the public turned against the First World War it regarded his ‘illusion’ thesis as having been vindicated. Though thus partially rehabilitated as a pundit, he remained intellectually too eclectic to offer a single, clear message: for example, he began claiming that he personally believed in the efficacy of non-resistance and so supported the League of Nations only as a second-best policy. And he failed in his attempts to understand why the public was prone to foreign-policy illusions and to devise an educational antidote. Unhappy on the back benches, and unable either to condemn Ramsay MacDonald for agreeing to a National Government during the financial crisis of August 1931 or to support him, he retired from parliament.
