William W. Grimes
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199641987
- eISBN:
- 9780191741586
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199641987.003.0006
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy, Finance, Accounting, and Banking
The Global Financial Crisis has severely weakened the legitimacy of the US-led global financial system. This has not only led to efforts to remake the global system through the G20 and related ...
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The Global Financial Crisis has severely weakened the legitimacy of the US-led global financial system. This has not only led to efforts to remake the global system through the G20 and related process but has also aroused interest in regional alternatives to the global architecture. Considerable attention has understandably been focused on Europe, but the global crisis also has profound implications for East Asia. Clichés about the ‘rise of East Asia’ obscure the very real contest now being fought over the shape of regional financial cooperation in East Asia, particularly through the ASEAN + 3. This chapter investigates the impact of two variables that theories predict will be of particular importance going forward: (a) the increasing desire of East Asian neighbors to contain Chinese influence in the region and (b) the increased number of ASEAN + 3 participants that have also become official participants in the global-level discussions due to the formation of the G20. The chapter concludes that these changes are likely to increase the tensions inside ASEAN + 3, even as the demand for regionalist solutions increases.Less
The Global Financial Crisis has severely weakened the legitimacy of the US-led global financial system. This has not only led to efforts to remake the global system through the G20 and related process but has also aroused interest in regional alternatives to the global architecture. Considerable attention has understandably been focused on Europe, but the global crisis also has profound implications for East Asia. Clichés about the ‘rise of East Asia’ obscure the very real contest now being fought over the shape of regional financial cooperation in East Asia, particularly through the ASEAN + 3. This chapter investigates the impact of two variables that theories predict will be of particular importance going forward: (a) the increasing desire of East Asian neighbors to contain Chinese influence in the region and (b) the increased number of ASEAN + 3 participants that have also become official participants in the global-level discussions due to the formation of the G20. The chapter concludes that these changes are likely to increase the tensions inside ASEAN + 3, even as the demand for regionalist solutions increases.
Claus D. Zimmerman
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199680740
- eISBN:
- 9780191760686
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199680740.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Company and Commercial Law
Like earlier crises, the Global Financial Crisis has triggered a restructuring of the international financial architecture. The G-20 was revived to provide a forum for the leaders of the world’s ...
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Like earlier crises, the Global Financial Crisis has triggered a restructuring of the international financial architecture. The G-20 was revived to provide a forum for the leaders of the world’s largest economies to agree on reforms intended to promote global economic and financial stability. The Financial Stability Forum was re-established with increased responsibilities and an extended membership as the Financial Stability Board. The IMF increased its efforts to assess the financial sectors of its members and of their compliance with financial standards and codes. Finally, in order to increase the IMF’s legitimacy and effectiveness, the IMF’s membership has undertaken the largest-ever overhaul of the IMF’s governance structure. This chapter takes a succinct look at the key aspects of these reform avenues and assesses whether the experience of the Global Financial Crisis has prompted states to substantially change the way they exercise their sovereign powers in monetary and financial matters.Less
Like earlier crises, the Global Financial Crisis has triggered a restructuring of the international financial architecture. The G-20 was revived to provide a forum for the leaders of the world’s largest economies to agree on reforms intended to promote global economic and financial stability. The Financial Stability Forum was re-established with increased responsibilities and an extended membership as the Financial Stability Board. The IMF increased its efforts to assess the financial sectors of its members and of their compliance with financial standards and codes. Finally, in order to increase the IMF’s legitimacy and effectiveness, the IMF’s membership has undertaken the largest-ever overhaul of the IMF’s governance structure. This chapter takes a succinct look at the key aspects of these reform avenues and assesses whether the experience of the Global Financial Crisis has prompted states to substantially change the way they exercise their sovereign powers in monetary and financial matters.
Kevin P. Gallagher
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199641987
- eISBN:
- 9780191741586
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199641987.003.0007
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy, Finance, Accounting, and Banking
The Global Financial Crisis has triggered a transformation in thinking and practice regarding the role of government in managing international capital flows. This chapter traces and evaluates the ...
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The Global Financial Crisis has triggered a transformation in thinking and practice regarding the role of government in managing international capital flows. This chapter traces and evaluates the reemergence of capital controls as legitimate tools to promote financial stability. Whereas capital controls were seen as orthodox in the neoliberal era that began in the late 1970s, there is now an emerging consensus that capital controls can play a legitimate role in promoting financial stability. From 2009 to early 2011, a number of developing nations resorted to capital controls to halt the appreciation of their currencies, and to pursue independent monetary policies to cool asset bubbles and inflation. This chapter evaluates he effectiveness of these controls is conducted for the cases of Brazil, South Korea, and Taiwan. This analysis suggests that Brazil and Taiwan have been relatively successful in deploying controls, though South Korea’s success has been more modest. The fact that capital controls continue to yield positive results is truly remarkable given the fact that there has been little (or contrary) support for global coordination, and that many nations lack the necessary institutions for effective policies. The chapter concludes by pointing to the need for more concerted global and national efforts to manage global capital flows for stability and growth.Less
The Global Financial Crisis has triggered a transformation in thinking and practice regarding the role of government in managing international capital flows. This chapter traces and evaluates the reemergence of capital controls as legitimate tools to promote financial stability. Whereas capital controls were seen as orthodox in the neoliberal era that began in the late 1970s, there is now an emerging consensus that capital controls can play a legitimate role in promoting financial stability. From 2009 to early 2011, a number of developing nations resorted to capital controls to halt the appreciation of their currencies, and to pursue independent monetary policies to cool asset bubbles and inflation. This chapter evaluates he effectiveness of these controls is conducted for the cases of Brazil, South Korea, and Taiwan. This analysis suggests that Brazil and Taiwan have been relatively successful in deploying controls, though South Korea’s success has been more modest. The fact that capital controls continue to yield positive results is truly remarkable given the fact that there has been little (or contrary) support for global coordination, and that many nations lack the necessary institutions for effective policies. The chapter concludes by pointing to the need for more concerted global and national efforts to manage global capital flows for stability and growth.
Wyn Grant and Graham K. Wilson (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199641987
- eISBN:
- 9780191741586
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199641987.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy, Finance, Accounting, and Banking
The Global Financial Crisis (GFC) is the most serious economic crisis since the Great Depression. Many books have explored its causes, but this book systematically explores its consequences. The ...
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The Global Financial Crisis (GFC) is the most serious economic crisis since the Great Depression. Many books have explored its causes, but this book systematically explores its consequences. The focus is primarily on the policy and political consequences of the GFC. This book asks how governments responded to the challenge and what the political consequences of the combination of the GFC itself and policy responses to it have been. Based on workshops held in the United States and the United Kingdom, it brings together leading academics to consider the divergent ways in which particular countries have responded in different ways to the crisis, including China, France, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Part of what is happening is a structural shift in economic power from east to west, but China has its fragilities while Germany offers an example of a largely successful Western model. The book also assesses attempts to develop global economic governance and to reform financial regulation and looks critically at the role of credit rating agencies. Unlike earlier crises, no new paradigm has emerged to challenge existing ways of thinking, meaning that neoliberalism has emerged relatively unscathed. The crisis has lacked a coherent and innovative intellectual response and has been characterized by remarkable policy stability.Less
The Global Financial Crisis (GFC) is the most serious economic crisis since the Great Depression. Many books have explored its causes, but this book systematically explores its consequences. The focus is primarily on the policy and political consequences of the GFC. This book asks how governments responded to the challenge and what the political consequences of the combination of the GFC itself and policy responses to it have been. Based on workshops held in the United States and the United Kingdom, it brings together leading academics to consider the divergent ways in which particular countries have responded in different ways to the crisis, including China, France, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Part of what is happening is a structural shift in economic power from east to west, but China has its fragilities while Germany offers an example of a largely successful Western model. The book also assesses attempts to develop global economic governance and to reform financial regulation and looks critically at the role of credit rating agencies. Unlike earlier crises, no new paradigm has emerged to challenge existing ways of thinking, meaning that neoliberalism has emerged relatively unscathed. The crisis has lacked a coherent and innovative intellectual response and has been characterized by remarkable policy stability.
Ben Clift
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199641987
- eISBN:
- 9780191741586
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199641987.003.0011
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy, Finance, Accounting, and Banking
This chapter analyzes French responses to the financial crisis, arguing that a ‘post-dirigiste’ interpretation predicated on an expansive notion of the state as actor in and enactor of markets best ...
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This chapter analyzes French responses to the financial crisis, arguing that a ‘post-dirigiste’ interpretation predicated on an expansive notion of the state as actor in and enactor of markets best captures the qualitative shift in French state/market relations. Post-dirigisme incorporates how influential institutional and ideational legacies of the French dirigiste tradition continue to influence outcomes by generating anticipation of state action to shape the market. These distinctive traits leave footprints on French institutions and market structures, and the evolutionary trajectory of French capitalism. In analyzing the French political economy in the wake of the financial crisis in terms of ‘new state activism’, this chapter explores the French state as a ‘midwife’ of change in banking and the automobile industry. It uses post-dirigisme to explain French state responses to the financial crisis, noting how state actors, in concert with the elites, actively facilitated dominant market positions of French international champions.Less
This chapter analyzes French responses to the financial crisis, arguing that a ‘post-dirigiste’ interpretation predicated on an expansive notion of the state as actor in and enactor of markets best captures the qualitative shift in French state/market relations. Post-dirigisme incorporates how influential institutional and ideational legacies of the French dirigiste tradition continue to influence outcomes by generating anticipation of state action to shape the market. These distinctive traits leave footprints on French institutions and market structures, and the evolutionary trajectory of French capitalism. In analyzing the French political economy in the wake of the financial crisis in terms of ‘new state activism’, this chapter explores the French state as a ‘midwife’ of change in banking and the automobile industry. It uses post-dirigisme to explain French state responses to the financial crisis, noting how state actors, in concert with the elites, actively facilitated dominant market positions of French international champions.
Claus D. Zimmermann
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199680740
- eISBN:
- 9780191760686
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199680740.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Company and Commercial Law
This book analyses whether the concept of monetary sovereignty is evolving under the impact of economic globalization and increasing financial integration, and assesses what this implies. Chapter 1 ...
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This book analyses whether the concept of monetary sovereignty is evolving under the impact of economic globalization and increasing financial integration, and assesses what this implies. Chapter 1 reviews the origins of the concept of monetary sovereignty and concludes that, as a dynamic concept with both positive and normative components, monetary sovereignty cannot become eroded under the impact of legal and economic constraints. Chapter 2 examines the ongoing hybridization of international monetary law arising from changes in the sources of this body of law, from the unsuitability of the categories of “hard” and “soft” law for characterizing all normative evolutions in this field, and from the emergence of transnational monetary law. Chapter 3 scrutinizes the phenomenon of exchange rate misalignment under monetary and trade law. Intrinsically related, it assesses which aspects of the IMF’s legal framework should be reformed to tackle contemporary challenges to the stability of the international monetary system, such as global current account imbalances. Chapter 4 analyses the increasing regionalization of monetary sovereignty through monetary union movements. In this context, relevant aspects of the European sovereign debt crisis are examined in detail. It is argued that, as long as transferring sovereign powers to a monetary union is what provides a state’s population with maximum monetary and financial stability, the underlying transfers are not a surrender of monetary sovereignty, but its effective exercise under the form of cooperative sovereignty. Finally, chapter 5 looks into the ongoing reorganization of the international financial architecture and assesses whether the experience of the Global Financial Crisis has prompted states to rethink the way sovereign powers in monetary and financial matters are exercised.Less
This book analyses whether the concept of monetary sovereignty is evolving under the impact of economic globalization and increasing financial integration, and assesses what this implies. Chapter 1 reviews the origins of the concept of monetary sovereignty and concludes that, as a dynamic concept with both positive and normative components, monetary sovereignty cannot become eroded under the impact of legal and economic constraints. Chapter 2 examines the ongoing hybridization of international monetary law arising from changes in the sources of this body of law, from the unsuitability of the categories of “hard” and “soft” law for characterizing all normative evolutions in this field, and from the emergence of transnational monetary law. Chapter 3 scrutinizes the phenomenon of exchange rate misalignment under monetary and trade law. Intrinsically related, it assesses which aspects of the IMF’s legal framework should be reformed to tackle contemporary challenges to the stability of the international monetary system, such as global current account imbalances. Chapter 4 analyses the increasing regionalization of monetary sovereignty through monetary union movements. In this context, relevant aspects of the European sovereign debt crisis are examined in detail. It is argued that, as long as transferring sovereign powers to a monetary union is what provides a state’s population with maximum monetary and financial stability, the underlying transfers are not a surrender of monetary sovereignty, but its effective exercise under the form of cooperative sovereignty. Finally, chapter 5 looks into the ongoing reorganization of the international financial architecture and assesses whether the experience of the Global Financial Crisis has prompted states to rethink the way sovereign powers in monetary and financial matters are exercised.
Cathie Jo Martin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199641987
- eISBN:
- 9780191741586
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199641987.003.0010
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy, Finance, Accounting, and Banking
The global meltdown prompted minimal challenges to the welfare state and governmental controls in Scandinavia, even while spurring a resurgence of enthusiasm for the touchstones of neoliberal thought ...
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The global meltdown prompted minimal challenges to the welfare state and governmental controls in Scandinavia, even while spurring a resurgence of enthusiasm for the touchstones of neoliberal thought within Liberal countries. This chapter suggests that nations’ differential responses to the crisis reflect, in part, the varying societal capacities of countries to develop and to enact new solutions to economic malaise. Organized social partners — acting in conjunction with state leaders — have differing collective capacities for policymaking; for example, Scandinavian employers participate much more strongly in policymaking forums concerning human capital investment and industrial relations. While one might expect the institutions of managed capitalism to be most threatened by the crisis, strong state‐society relations have persisted and the social partners have jointly struggled to articulate nonzero-sum solutions that secure greater social solidarity. The case highlights the importance of processes of collective political engagement in shaping policy responses to seismic economic transformations.Less
The global meltdown prompted minimal challenges to the welfare state and governmental controls in Scandinavia, even while spurring a resurgence of enthusiasm for the touchstones of neoliberal thought within Liberal countries. This chapter suggests that nations’ differential responses to the crisis reflect, in part, the varying societal capacities of countries to develop and to enact new solutions to economic malaise. Organized social partners — acting in conjunction with state leaders — have differing collective capacities for policymaking; for example, Scandinavian employers participate much more strongly in policymaking forums concerning human capital investment and industrial relations. While one might expect the institutions of managed capitalism to be most threatened by the crisis, strong state‐society relations have persisted and the social partners have jointly struggled to articulate nonzero-sum solutions that secure greater social solidarity. The case highlights the importance of processes of collective political engagement in shaping policy responses to seismic economic transformations.
Graham K. Wilson and Wyn Grant
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199641987
- eISBN:
- 9780191741586
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199641987.003.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy, Finance, Accounting, and Banking
In its early stages, the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) seemed to offer the prospect for a major shift in policy paradigms. One of the central issues in political science is when and under what ...
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In its early stages, the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) seemed to offer the prospect for a major shift in policy paradigms. One of the central issues in political science is when and under what conditions does policy change, when a punctuation occurs in the equilibrium that usually characterizes most policy areas. Long periods of relative stability are followed by very significant changes. At the onset of the GFC, it seemed reasonable to suppose that there would be widespread reconsideration of neoliberalism and some of the initial responses suggested this might be the case. However, social democratic parties of the center-left have been unable to develop a convincing response to the crisis. That reconsideration may have occurred in academic circles particularly among those always critical of it. It is the enduring strength of neoliberalism that is now impressive. The possibility of a second phase of the crisis triggered by sovereign debt is a very real one, but there is no sign of new thinking to respond to it.Less
In its early stages, the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) seemed to offer the prospect for a major shift in policy paradigms. One of the central issues in political science is when and under what conditions does policy change, when a punctuation occurs in the equilibrium that usually characterizes most policy areas. Long periods of relative stability are followed by very significant changes. At the onset of the GFC, it seemed reasonable to suppose that there would be widespread reconsideration of neoliberalism and some of the initial responses suggested this might be the case. However, social democratic parties of the center-left have been unable to develop a convincing response to the crisis. That reconsideration may have occurred in academic circles particularly among those always critical of it. It is the enduring strength of neoliberalism that is now impressive. The possibility of a second phase of the crisis triggered by sovereign debt is a very real one, but there is no sign of new thinking to respond to it.
Graham K. Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199641987
- eISBN:
- 9780191741586
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199641987.003.0004
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy, Finance, Accounting, and Banking
The consequences of the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) in the United States have differed significantly between the short and longer terms. The initial consequences were to strengthen the center-left ...
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The consequences of the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) in the United States have differed significantly between the short and longer terms. The initial consequences were to strengthen the center-left (nowadays synonymous with the Democrats) politically and to discredit faith in markets and other neoliberal nostrums. The longer terms consequences have been to strengthen the center-right (the Republicans), to leave little legacy in terms of financial reform, and to open up the possibility of a major shift to the right in public policy more generally. The chapter attempts to explain these apparently contradictory consequences.Less
The consequences of the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) in the United States have differed significantly between the short and longer terms. The initial consequences were to strengthen the center-left (nowadays synonymous with the Democrats) politically and to discredit faith in markets and other neoliberal nostrums. The longer terms consequences have been to strengthen the center-right (the Republicans), to leave little legacy in terms of financial reform, and to open up the possibility of a major shift to the right in public policy more generally. The chapter attempts to explain these apparently contradictory consequences.
Edward Fieldhouse, Jane Green, Geoffrey Evans, Jonathan Mellon, Christopher Prosser, Hermann Schmitt, and Cees van der Eijk
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780198800583
- eISBN:
- 9780191840074
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198800583.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The Global Financial Crisis, which began in 2007–8, was the most significant financial crisis since the Great Depression of the 1930s, and acted as a large shock to British politics. The economic ...
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The Global Financial Crisis, which began in 2007–8, was the most significant financial crisis since the Great Depression of the 1930s, and acted as a large shock to British politics. The economic vote is usually thought about as a short-term mechanism: a reward or punishment for the incumbent depending on recent economic conditions. In this chapter we examine how this shock played a role in the outcome of the 2015 General Election, seven years after the crisis began. The Global Financial Crisis continued to affect voting behaviour in 2015 for two reasons: first, it did long-lasting damage to perceptions of Labour’s economic competence, and second, it created a political opportunity for the Conservatives to blame the previous Labour government for the aftermath of the financial crisis.Less
The Global Financial Crisis, which began in 2007–8, was the most significant financial crisis since the Great Depression of the 1930s, and acted as a large shock to British politics. The economic vote is usually thought about as a short-term mechanism: a reward or punishment for the incumbent depending on recent economic conditions. In this chapter we examine how this shock played a role in the outcome of the 2015 General Election, seven years after the crisis began. The Global Financial Crisis continued to affect voting behaviour in 2015 for two reasons: first, it did long-lasting damage to perceptions of Labour’s economic competence, and second, it created a political opportunity for the Conservatives to blame the previous Labour government for the aftermath of the financial crisis.
Ranald C. Michie
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- December 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780199553730
- eISBN:
- 9780191905445
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199553730.003.0021
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Finance, Accounting, and Banking, Corporate Governance and Accountability
The shock to the global financial system in 2020, caused by the coronavirus, provides is a test for the measures taken since the Global Financial Crisis of 2008. The coronavirus has caused a shock to ...
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The shock to the global financial system in 2020, caused by the coronavirus, provides is a test for the measures taken since the Global Financial Crisis of 2008. The coronavirus has caused a shock to the global economic system, disrupting both supply and demand, and this demands more direct government intervention than central banks are able to provide. Whereas the 2008 crisis was one centred on the global banking system that of 2020 was an event akin to a war, natural disaster, or a political revolution. In turn that had implications for the global financial system as it contained the potential to destabilize banks by threatening the solvency of those to whom they had made loans and extended credit. To forestall such an event central banks are called upon to act as lenders of last resort, particularly the Federal Reserve, as it was the only one capable of supplying the US$s on which all banks relied when making and receiving payments, and borrowing and lending, among themselves. From the outset that response appears to have learned lessons from the mistakes of the 2008 crisis, in terms of speed, scale, and co-ordination, while the global banking system is far more resilient.Less
The shock to the global financial system in 2020, caused by the coronavirus, provides is a test for the measures taken since the Global Financial Crisis of 2008. The coronavirus has caused a shock to the global economic system, disrupting both supply and demand, and this demands more direct government intervention than central banks are able to provide. Whereas the 2008 crisis was one centred on the global banking system that of 2020 was an event akin to a war, natural disaster, or a political revolution. In turn that had implications for the global financial system as it contained the potential to destabilize banks by threatening the solvency of those to whom they had made loans and extended credit. To forestall such an event central banks are called upon to act as lenders of last resort, particularly the Federal Reserve, as it was the only one capable of supplying the US$s on which all banks relied when making and receiving payments, and borrowing and lending, among themselves. From the outset that response appears to have learned lessons from the mistakes of the 2008 crisis, in terms of speed, scale, and co-ordination, while the global banking system is far more resilient.
Richard Sylla
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- August 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198817314
- eISBN:
- 9780191858833
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198817314.003.0002
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Financial Economics, International
New York, the epicentre of the 2007–9 Global Financial Crisis, during the ensuing decade regained much of its pre-Crisis stature as a pre-eminent international financial centre. Its advantages going ...
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New York, the epicentre of the 2007–9 Global Financial Crisis, during the ensuing decade regained much of its pre-Crisis stature as a pre-eminent international financial centre. Its advantages going forwards include the huge US Treasury debt market, the dollar as the leading reserve currency, the Federal Reserve System as a de facto world central bank, a stronger US banking system, and the world’s largest securities markets which list and trade leading US-based companies and many corporations based in other countries. Congress’s 2010 Dodd–Frank Act reduced systemic financial risks, but also contained regulatory overkill that is gradually being modified; attempts to repeal or replace Dodd–Frank appear unlikely to succeed. Fintech represents both an opportunity—more efficient financial services—and a threat—reduced profits—for New York financial firms, which will most probably incorporate fintech innovations into their business models. For New York, Brexit is more of an opportunity than a threat.Less
New York, the epicentre of the 2007–9 Global Financial Crisis, during the ensuing decade regained much of its pre-Crisis stature as a pre-eminent international financial centre. Its advantages going forwards include the huge US Treasury debt market, the dollar as the leading reserve currency, the Federal Reserve System as a de facto world central bank, a stronger US banking system, and the world’s largest securities markets which list and trade leading US-based companies and many corporations based in other countries. Congress’s 2010 Dodd–Frank Act reduced systemic financial risks, but also contained regulatory overkill that is gradually being modified; attempts to repeal or replace Dodd–Frank appear unlikely to succeed. Fintech represents both an opportunity—more efficient financial services—and a threat—reduced profits—for New York financial firms, which will most probably incorporate fintech innovations into their business models. For New York, Brexit is more of an opportunity than a threat.
Alexander R. Bazelow
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780823249602
- eISBN:
- 9780823250752
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823249602.003.0008
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter discusses the movie Twelve Hours to Midnight— How Brazil Has Responded to the Global Financial Crisis, a documentary about how a country emerges from an economic crisis and ultimately ...
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This chapter discusses the movie Twelve Hours to Midnight— How Brazil Has Responded to the Global Financial Crisis, a documentary about how a country emerges from an economic crisis and ultimately redeems itself. Above all, it is the story of five men, Oded Grajew, Helio Mattar, Paulo Itacarambi, Ricardo Young, and Raymundo Magliano, who helped found the corporate social responsibility movement and later the Instituto Ethos in Brazil. It is a documentary about what happens to a country when it realizes it has hit “rock bottom” and has no choice but to face traditionally repressed realities and begin the long hard road to reforming itself. In short, it is where this conference should end, rather than begin, and I think it is also a fitting tribute to Hannah Arendt, the thinker whose ideas inform and inspire it.Less
This chapter discusses the movie Twelve Hours to Midnight— How Brazil Has Responded to the Global Financial Crisis, a documentary about how a country emerges from an economic crisis and ultimately redeems itself. Above all, it is the story of five men, Oded Grajew, Helio Mattar, Paulo Itacarambi, Ricardo Young, and Raymundo Magliano, who helped found the corporate social responsibility movement and later the Instituto Ethos in Brazil. It is a documentary about what happens to a country when it realizes it has hit “rock bottom” and has no choice but to face traditionally repressed realities and begin the long hard road to reforming itself. In short, it is where this conference should end, rather than begin, and I think it is also a fitting tribute to Hannah Arendt, the thinker whose ideas inform and inspire it.
Cláudia Perrone-Moisés
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780823249602
- eISBN:
- 9780823250752
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823249602.003.0009
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
As the former President of Bovespa, the Brazilian stock exchange, Raymundo Magliano Filho established model programs in corporate social responsibility that establish Brazil for how to imagine a ...
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As the former President of Bovespa, the Brazilian stock exchange, Raymundo Magliano Filho established model programs in corporate social responsibility that establish Brazil for how to imagine a capitalist economy without the excesses and crises that threaten capitalism around the world. Filho tells of the importance of Hannah Arendt in his own thinking. In his professional life, he says, he has been guided by Arendt's observation that power can never be a single individual’s property; rather, it lies at the basis of, and derives its legitimacy from, group action.Less
As the former President of Bovespa, the Brazilian stock exchange, Raymundo Magliano Filho established model programs in corporate social responsibility that establish Brazil for how to imagine a capitalist economy without the excesses and crises that threaten capitalism around the world. Filho tells of the importance of Hannah Arendt in his own thinking. In his professional life, he says, he has been guided by Arendt's observation that power can never be a single individual’s property; rather, it lies at the basis of, and derives its legitimacy from, group action.
Rush Doshi
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- August 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197527917
- eISBN:
- 9780197547533
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197527917.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics, Comparative Politics
Chapter 8 focuses on the military components of China’s grand strategy to build regional order. It argues that the Global Financial Crisis accelerated a shift in Chinese military strategy away from a ...
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Chapter 8 focuses on the military components of China’s grand strategy to build regional order. It argues that the Global Financial Crisis accelerated a shift in Chinese military strategy away from a singular focus on blunting American power through sea denial to a new focus on building order through sea control. China now sought the capability to hold distant islands, safeguard sea lines, intervene in neighboring countries, and provide public security goods. For those missions, China needed a different force structure, one that it had previously postponed for fear it would be vulnerable to the United States and unsettle its neighbors. These were risks a more confident Beijing was now willing to accept. China promptly stepped up investments in aircraft carriers, capable surface vessels, amphibious warfare, marines, and overseas bases—all with the goal of building regional order.Less
Chapter 8 focuses on the military components of China’s grand strategy to build regional order. It argues that the Global Financial Crisis accelerated a shift in Chinese military strategy away from a singular focus on blunting American power through sea denial to a new focus on building order through sea control. China now sought the capability to hold distant islands, safeguard sea lines, intervene in neighboring countries, and provide public security goods. For those missions, China needed a different force structure, one that it had previously postponed for fear it would be vulnerable to the United States and unsettle its neighbors. These were risks a more confident Beijing was now willing to accept. China promptly stepped up investments in aircraft carriers, capable surface vessels, amphibious warfare, marines, and overseas bases—all with the goal of building regional order.
Jan Bryant
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474456944
- eISBN:
- 9781474476867
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474456944.003.0004
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Aesthetics
In the latter decades of the 20th century, accompanied by burgeoning social movements and an unprecedented rise in commodity-desire across the global, the logic driving Marx’s revolutionary subject, ...
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In the latter decades of the 20th century, accompanied by burgeoning social movements and an unprecedented rise in commodity-desire across the global, the logic driving Marx’s revolutionary subject, the proletariat, was widely refuted. It introduced an anti-Marxist period that did not fully end until the Global Financial Crisis of 2007/8. In 2018, Antonio Negri outlined a case for the continuing importance of Marxist analyses in relation to contemporary economic conditions, particularly Marxist materialism (concrete philosophy). The chapter is situated within this timeline. It outlines disputes between Marxist dogmatism (Negri’s term) and those philosophers who were searching for new ways to understand capitalism in hardening economic times, such as Deleuze, Guattari, Foucault and Negri, suggesting that it forced a split in progressive politics that persists today. [125]Less
In the latter decades of the 20th century, accompanied by burgeoning social movements and an unprecedented rise in commodity-desire across the global, the logic driving Marx’s revolutionary subject, the proletariat, was widely refuted. It introduced an anti-Marxist period that did not fully end until the Global Financial Crisis of 2007/8. In 2018, Antonio Negri outlined a case for the continuing importance of Marxist analyses in relation to contemporary economic conditions, particularly Marxist materialism (concrete philosophy). The chapter is situated within this timeline. It outlines disputes between Marxist dogmatism (Negri’s term) and those philosophers who were searching for new ways to understand capitalism in hardening economic times, such as Deleuze, Guattari, Foucault and Negri, suggesting that it forced a split in progressive politics that persists today. [125]
Ross Fergusson
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781447307013
- eISBN:
- 9781447311713
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447307013.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
Mass youth unemployment is now endemic and almost ubiquitous in middle-income, rich and poor countries alike. This book re-interprets the changing relationship between young people’s ...
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Mass youth unemployment is now endemic and almost ubiquitous in middle-income, rich and poor countries alike. This book re-interprets the changing relationship between young people’s non-participation in education and labour markets, their access to state welfare and their involvement in crime by locating it in historical, political-economic and policy contexts in the UK and internationally before, during and after the Global Financial Crisis. It provides a critical assessment of evidence about the causes of non-participation in academic analysis and in policy-making. The principal aim of the book is to establish the non-participation-welfare-crime relationship at the centre of critical policy analysis in the fields of social and criminal justice policies as they shape the lives and life-chances of young people. It endeavours to circumnavigate the analytical limitations of working within a single tradition of youth studies, and works deliberately across historical separations between policy fields, social science disciplines and theoretical traditions which have, it argues, restricted the development of understanding of the relationship. It queries interpretations founded on dominant analytical approaches and places theories of governance and criminalisation at the centre of analysis. Part Two focuses on data, research and policy in relation to work, welfare and crime, and on the limitations of the contested analyses they have generated. Part Three introduces two theorists whose work offers new ways of understanding non-participation and its relationship with welfare and crime. Part Four applies these understandings to argue that dominant modes of the governance of non-participation are becoming increasingly criminalising in their effects.Less
Mass youth unemployment is now endemic and almost ubiquitous in middle-income, rich and poor countries alike. This book re-interprets the changing relationship between young people’s non-participation in education and labour markets, their access to state welfare and their involvement in crime by locating it in historical, political-economic and policy contexts in the UK and internationally before, during and after the Global Financial Crisis. It provides a critical assessment of evidence about the causes of non-participation in academic analysis and in policy-making. The principal aim of the book is to establish the non-participation-welfare-crime relationship at the centre of critical policy analysis in the fields of social and criminal justice policies as they shape the lives and life-chances of young people. It endeavours to circumnavigate the analytical limitations of working within a single tradition of youth studies, and works deliberately across historical separations between policy fields, social science disciplines and theoretical traditions which have, it argues, restricted the development of understanding of the relationship. It queries interpretations founded on dominant analytical approaches and places theories of governance and criminalisation at the centre of analysis. Part Two focuses on data, research and policy in relation to work, welfare and crime, and on the limitations of the contested analyses they have generated. Part Three introduces two theorists whose work offers new ways of understanding non-participation and its relationship with welfare and crime. Part Four applies these understandings to argue that dominant modes of the governance of non-participation are becoming increasingly criminalising in their effects.
Rush Doshi
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- August 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197527917
- eISBN:
- 9780197547533
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197527917.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics, Comparative Politics
Chapter 7 explores the dawn of China’s grand strategy to build regional order as well as the ends, ways, and means of this strategy. Using Party texts, it explores how the shock of the Global ...
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Chapter 7 explores the dawn of China’s grand strategy to build regional order as well as the ends, ways, and means of this strategy. Using Party texts, it explores how the shock of the Global Financial Crisis led China to see the United States as weakening and emboldened it to take a more assertive course. It begins with a thorough review of China’s discourse on “multipolarity” and the “international balance of forces,” concepts China uses as euphemisms for US power and which it ties to its strategic guidelines. It then shows that the Party sought to lay the foundations for order—coercion, inducements, and legitimacy—under the auspices of the revised guidance “actively accomplish something” issued by Chinese leader Hu Jintao in 2009. This strategy, like blunting before it, was implemented across multiple instruments of statecraft—military, political, and economic.Less
Chapter 7 explores the dawn of China’s grand strategy to build regional order as well as the ends, ways, and means of this strategy. Using Party texts, it explores how the shock of the Global Financial Crisis led China to see the United States as weakening and emboldened it to take a more assertive course. It begins with a thorough review of China’s discourse on “multipolarity” and the “international balance of forces,” concepts China uses as euphemisms for US power and which it ties to its strategic guidelines. It then shows that the Party sought to lay the foundations for order—coercion, inducements, and legitimacy—under the auspices of the revised guidance “actively accomplish something” issued by Chinese leader Hu Jintao in 2009. This strategy, like blunting before it, was implemented across multiple instruments of statecraft—military, political, and economic.
John Quiggin
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- April 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198817345
- eISBN:
- 9780191858864
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198817345.003.0009
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter covers the macroeconomic aspects of the Global Financial Crisis, the subsequent Great Recession/Lesser Depression and the policy responses in developed and developing countries. DESA was ...
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This chapter covers the macroeconomic aspects of the Global Financial Crisis, the subsequent Great Recession/Lesser Depression and the policy responses in developed and developing countries. DESA was one of the first international bodies to recognize the impending threat of financial crisis and to advocate the use of Keynesian fiscal stimulus. In the aftermath of the crisis, the goal of most international institutions was to seek an early return to pre-crisis ‘normality’. This was reflected in a rapid turn towards fiscal consolidation, justified by the expectation that private sector expansion would offset public sector austerity. By contrast, WESP correctly warned of the dangers of a premature end to fiscal stimulus.Less
This chapter covers the macroeconomic aspects of the Global Financial Crisis, the subsequent Great Recession/Lesser Depression and the policy responses in developed and developing countries. DESA was one of the first international bodies to recognize the impending threat of financial crisis and to advocate the use of Keynesian fiscal stimulus. In the aftermath of the crisis, the goal of most international institutions was to seek an early return to pre-crisis ‘normality’. This was reflected in a rapid turn towards fiscal consolidation, justified by the expectation that private sector expansion would offset public sector austerity. By contrast, WESP correctly warned of the dangers of a premature end to fiscal stimulus.
Harry Blutstein
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781784992897
- eISBN:
- 9781526104311
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781784992897.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
At the start of the twenty-first century, globalisation faces serious challenges. Since 9/11, particularly during the presidency of George W. Bush, US unilateralism has undermined the rule of law, as ...
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At the start of the twenty-first century, globalisation faces serious challenges. Since 9/11, particularly during the presidency of George W. Bush, US unilateralism has undermined the rule of law, as the US withdrew or undermined a number of international treaties. The Bush Administration also blocked reform of the IMF and World Bank, preventing emerging powers like China to play a more prominent role in global governance. And finally, the universality embedded in the World Trade Organization is being challenged by major regional trade agreements. As a result, the global architecture is fraying with the rise of nationalism and regional blocs. Moreover, the public is losing confidence in globalisation as governments fail to strengthen the global financial system in the wake of the 2007/8 credit crunch, and cannot agree to a strong treaty to counter climate change.Less
At the start of the twenty-first century, globalisation faces serious challenges. Since 9/11, particularly during the presidency of George W. Bush, US unilateralism has undermined the rule of law, as the US withdrew or undermined a number of international treaties. The Bush Administration also blocked reform of the IMF and World Bank, preventing emerging powers like China to play a more prominent role in global governance. And finally, the universality embedded in the World Trade Organization is being challenged by major regional trade agreements. As a result, the global architecture is fraying with the rise of nationalism and regional blocs. Moreover, the public is losing confidence in globalisation as governments fail to strengthen the global financial system in the wake of the 2007/8 credit crunch, and cannot agree to a strong treaty to counter climate change.
