Margaret Litvin
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137803
- eISBN:
- 9781400840106
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137803.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
This chapter explains that much of what matters for Arab Hamlet appropriation in the postcolonial period—the international sources, the way they were absorbed, and the concerns they help express—was ...
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This chapter explains that much of what matters for Arab Hamlet appropriation in the postcolonial period—the international sources, the way they were absorbed, and the concerns they help express—was shaped by the legacy of Gamal Abdel Nasser. Nasser's geopolitical and cultural priorities made a range of Hamlets available and conditioned how intellectuals received them. Beyond this, from the moment in 1954 when he declared to his people, “All of you are Gamal Abdel Nasser,” the Egyptian leader personally embodied his country's identity and acted out its drama of historical agency. Beyond Egypt's borders, he became (like his radio station) “the voice of the Arabs.”Less
This chapter explains that much of what matters for Arab Hamlet appropriation in the postcolonial period—the international sources, the way they were absorbed, and the concerns they help express—was shaped by the legacy of Gamal Abdel Nasser. Nasser's geopolitical and cultural priorities made a range of Hamlets available and conditioned how intellectuals received them. Beyond this, from the moment in 1954 when he declared to his people, “All of you are Gamal Abdel Nasser,” the Egyptian leader personally embodied his country's identity and acted out its drama of historical agency. Beyond Egypt's borders, he became (like his radio station) “the voice of the Arabs.”
Margaret Litvin
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137803
- eISBN:
- 9781400840106
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137803.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
This chapter begins with the cultural impact of the June War and its coda, Gamal Abdel Nasser's death in 1970. As the chapter shows, the defeat fundamentally altered Arab conceptions of political ...
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This chapter begins with the cultural impact of the June War and its coda, Gamal Abdel Nasser's death in 1970. As the chapter shows, the defeat fundamentally altered Arab conceptions of political theatre's role. A well-developed high culture was no longer considered enough to guarantee the world's respect. Psychological interiority was irrelevant: what mattered was not deserving agentive power but seizing it. Disillusioned with their regimes, dramatists stopped addressing subtly allegorical plays to the government; instead, they appealed directly to audiences, trying to rouse them to participate in political life. Analyzing two early 1970s Hamlet adaptations from Egypt and Syria, the chapter demonstrates how the 1970s Hamlet became a Che Guevara in doublet and hose. Guilt and sadness over his father's death only sharpened his anger; his fierce pursuit of justice left no room for introspection or doubt.Less
This chapter begins with the cultural impact of the June War and its coda, Gamal Abdel Nasser's death in 1970. As the chapter shows, the defeat fundamentally altered Arab conceptions of political theatre's role. A well-developed high culture was no longer considered enough to guarantee the world's respect. Psychological interiority was irrelevant: what mattered was not deserving agentive power but seizing it. Disillusioned with their regimes, dramatists stopped addressing subtly allegorical plays to the government; instead, they appealed directly to audiences, trying to rouse them to participate in political life. Analyzing two early 1970s Hamlet adaptations from Egypt and Syria, the chapter demonstrates how the 1970s Hamlet became a Che Guevara in doublet and hose. Guilt and sadness over his father's death only sharpened his anger; his fierce pursuit of justice left no room for introspection or doubt.
Joel Gordon
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9789774167782
- eISBN:
- 9781617978180
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774167782.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter examines Gamal Abdel Nasser' transformation from conspirator in the July revolution to public statesman. The revolution of the Free Officers began to take form in the third year of their ...
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This chapter examines Gamal Abdel Nasser' transformation from conspirator in the July revolution to public statesman. The revolution of the Free Officers began to take form in the third year of their military rule. Following the March crisis, the officers abandoned plans to restore democratic life in Egypt in the near future. They used the police to preserve order, and occasionally to create disorder. The chapter considers the assassination attempt on Nasser by a member of the Muslim Brotherhood in October 1954—known as the Manshiya incident—and the Command Council of the Revolution's (CCR) subsequent crackdown on its most serious adversaries, particularly the communists and the Muslim Brothers, and even Muhammad Nagib. It also discusses Nasser's personal consolidation of power with an eye towards cementing his role as sole leader of Egypt as well as redefining the role of the revolutionary council.Less
This chapter examines Gamal Abdel Nasser' transformation from conspirator in the July revolution to public statesman. The revolution of the Free Officers began to take form in the third year of their military rule. Following the March crisis, the officers abandoned plans to restore democratic life in Egypt in the near future. They used the police to preserve order, and occasionally to create disorder. The chapter considers the assassination attempt on Nasser by a member of the Muslim Brotherhood in October 1954—known as the Manshiya incident—and the Command Council of the Revolution's (CCR) subsequent crackdown on its most serious adversaries, particularly the communists and the Muslim Brothers, and even Muhammad Nagib. It also discusses Nasser's personal consolidation of power with an eye towards cementing his role as sole leader of Egypt as well as redefining the role of the revolutionary council.
Wafaa EL Sadik and Rüdiger Heimlich
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9789774168253
- eISBN:
- 9781617978173
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774168253.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Ancient History / Archaeology
This chapter focuses on the author's childhood in 1956. On July 26, 1956, Gamal Abdel Nasser declared that he was nationalizing the Suez Canal and would use the income from the canal's operations to ...
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This chapter focuses on the author's childhood in 1956. On July 26, 1956, Gamal Abdel Nasser declared that he was nationalizing the Suez Canal and would use the income from the canal's operations to finance the construction of the new dam at Aswan. The broadcast of the speech was the signal for the takeover of the canal office by an Egyptian military commando unit. This episode has gone into the history books as the Suez Crisis, a highly euphemistic term, for the “crisis” was a proper war, with many dead, wounded, prisoners of war, and massive destruction. The author also describes her experiences adapting to a new environment as they move from Kafr al-Arab and Fariskur to Cairo, Egypt's capital and the cultural and political center of the Arab world at the time.Less
This chapter focuses on the author's childhood in 1956. On July 26, 1956, Gamal Abdel Nasser declared that he was nationalizing the Suez Canal and would use the income from the canal's operations to finance the construction of the new dam at Aswan. The broadcast of the speech was the signal for the takeover of the canal office by an Egyptian military commando unit. This episode has gone into the history books as the Suez Crisis, a highly euphemistic term, for the “crisis” was a proper war, with many dead, wounded, prisoners of war, and massive destruction. The author also describes her experiences adapting to a new environment as they move from Kafr al-Arab and Fariskur to Cairo, Egypt's capital and the cultural and political center of the Arab world at the time.
Margaret Litvin
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137803
- eISBN:
- 9781400840106
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137803.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
For the past five decades, Arab intellectuals have seen themselves in Shakespeare's Hamlet: their times “out of joint,” their political hopes frustrated by a corrupt older generation. This book ...
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For the past five decades, Arab intellectuals have seen themselves in Shakespeare's Hamlet: their times “out of joint,” their political hopes frustrated by a corrupt older generation. This book traces the uses of Hamlet in Arabic theatre and political rhetoric, and asks how Shakespeare's play developed into a musical with a happy ending in 1901 and grew to become the most obsessively quoted literary work in Arab politics today. Explaining the Arab Hamlet tradition, the book also illuminates the “to be or not to be” politics that have turned Shakespeare's tragedy into the essential Arab political text, cited by Arab liberals, nationalists, and Islamists alike. On the Arab stage, Hamlet has been an operetta hero, a firebrand revolutionary, and a muzzled dissident. Analyzing productions from Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Jordan, and Kuwait, the book follows the distinct phases of Hamlet's naturalization as an Arab. The book uses personal interviews as well as scripts and videos, reviews, and detailed comparisons with French and Russian Hamlets. The result shows Arab theatre in a new light. It identifies the French source of the earliest Arabic Hamlet, shows the outsize influence of Soviet and East European Shakespeare, and explores the deep cultural link between Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser and the ghost of Hamlet's father. Documenting how global sources and models helped nurture a distinct Arab Hamlet tradition, this book represents a new approach to the study of international Shakespeare appropriation.Less
For the past five decades, Arab intellectuals have seen themselves in Shakespeare's Hamlet: their times “out of joint,” their political hopes frustrated by a corrupt older generation. This book traces the uses of Hamlet in Arabic theatre and political rhetoric, and asks how Shakespeare's play developed into a musical with a happy ending in 1901 and grew to become the most obsessively quoted literary work in Arab politics today. Explaining the Arab Hamlet tradition, the book also illuminates the “to be or not to be” politics that have turned Shakespeare's tragedy into the essential Arab political text, cited by Arab liberals, nationalists, and Islamists alike. On the Arab stage, Hamlet has been an operetta hero, a firebrand revolutionary, and a muzzled dissident. Analyzing productions from Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Jordan, and Kuwait, the book follows the distinct phases of Hamlet's naturalization as an Arab. The book uses personal interviews as well as scripts and videos, reviews, and detailed comparisons with French and Russian Hamlets. The result shows Arab theatre in a new light. It identifies the French source of the earliest Arabic Hamlet, shows the outsize influence of Soviet and East European Shakespeare, and explores the deep cultural link between Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser and the ghost of Hamlet's father. Documenting how global sources and models helped nurture a distinct Arab Hamlet tradition, this book represents a new approach to the study of international Shakespeare appropriation.
Jesse Ferris
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691155142
- eISBN:
- 9781400845231
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691155142.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This book draws on declassified documents from six countries and original material in Arabic, German, Hebrew, and Russian to present a new understanding of Egypt's disastrous five-year intervention ...
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This book draws on declassified documents from six countries and original material in Arabic, German, Hebrew, and Russian to present a new understanding of Egypt's disastrous five-year intervention in Yemen, which Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser later referred to as “my Vietnam.” The book argues that Nasser's attempt to export the Egyptian revolution to Yemen played a decisive role in destabilizing Egypt's relations with the Cold War powers, tarnishing its image in the Arab world, ruining its economy, and driving its rulers to instigate the fatal series of missteps that led to war with Israel in 1967. Viewing the Six Day War as an unintended consequence of the Saudi–Egyptian struggle over Yemen, the book demonstrates that the most important Cold War conflict in the Middle East was not the clash between Israel and its neighbors. It was the inter-Arab struggle between monarchies and republics over power and legitimacy. Egypt's defeat in the “Arab Cold War” set the stage for the rise of Saudi Arabia and political Islam. Bold and provocative, this book brings to life a critical phase in the modern history of the Middle East. Its compelling analysis of Egypt's fall from power in the 1960s offers new insights into the decline of Arab nationalism, exposing the deep historical roots of the Arab Spring of 2011.Less
This book draws on declassified documents from six countries and original material in Arabic, German, Hebrew, and Russian to present a new understanding of Egypt's disastrous five-year intervention in Yemen, which Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser later referred to as “my Vietnam.” The book argues that Nasser's attempt to export the Egyptian revolution to Yemen played a decisive role in destabilizing Egypt's relations with the Cold War powers, tarnishing its image in the Arab world, ruining its economy, and driving its rulers to instigate the fatal series of missteps that led to war with Israel in 1967. Viewing the Six Day War as an unintended consequence of the Saudi–Egyptian struggle over Yemen, the book demonstrates that the most important Cold War conflict in the Middle East was not the clash between Israel and its neighbors. It was the inter-Arab struggle between monarchies and republics over power and legitimacy. Egypt's defeat in the “Arab Cold War” set the stage for the rise of Saudi Arabia and political Islam. Bold and provocative, this book brings to life a critical phase in the modern history of the Middle East. Its compelling analysis of Egypt's fall from power in the 1960s offers new insights into the decline of Arab nationalism, exposing the deep historical roots of the Arab Spring of 2011.
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804755672
- eISBN:
- 9780804781923
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804755672.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Egypt achieved nominal independence from Britain in 1922, and full independence in 1936 with the signing of the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty, yet its postcoloniality presumably began in 1952 when a ...
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Egypt achieved nominal independence from Britain in 1922, and full independence in 1936 with the signing of the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty, yet its postcoloniality presumably began in 1952 when a revolution led by Gamal Abdel Nasser broke out. This chapter argues that Egyptian history from the 1930s to the 1960s is part of a single historical bloc. It proposes an alternative framework, dubbed the “social-welfare mode of regulation,” for understanding the organization of the postcolonial Egyptian state and society. This social-welfare mode of regulation, underpinned by an economic system of etatism, is premised upon the state apparatus as arbiter of both economic development and social welfare. The chapter considers the new modes of governance, expertise, and social knowledge that defined a particular era of nationalist politics. It rejects an interpretation of Nasserism that focuses on populism and analyzes the extent to which Nasserism was based on an assemblage of institutional apparatuses, technocratic practices, and modes of knowledge production.Less
Egypt achieved nominal independence from Britain in 1922, and full independence in 1936 with the signing of the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty, yet its postcoloniality presumably began in 1952 when a revolution led by Gamal Abdel Nasser broke out. This chapter argues that Egyptian history from the 1930s to the 1960s is part of a single historical bloc. It proposes an alternative framework, dubbed the “social-welfare mode of regulation,” for understanding the organization of the postcolonial Egyptian state and society. This social-welfare mode of regulation, underpinned by an economic system of etatism, is premised upon the state apparatus as arbiter of both economic development and social welfare. The chapter considers the new modes of governance, expertise, and social knowledge that defined a particular era of nationalist politics. It rejects an interpretation of Nasserism that focuses on populism and analyzes the extent to which Nasserism was based on an assemblage of institutional apparatuses, technocratic practices, and modes of knowledge production.
Craig Daigle
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300167139
- eISBN:
- 9780300183344
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300167139.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter discusses the death of Gamal Abdel Nasser and the accession to power of his successor, Anwar el-Sadat, in September 1970, which marked a change in the landscape of the Arab-Israeli ...
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This chapter discusses the death of Gamal Abdel Nasser and the accession to power of his successor, Anwar el-Sadat, in September 1970, which marked a change in the landscape of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Nasser's sudden death opened the door for Egypt to move in an entirely new direction. Although his successor was very much a product of Nasser's pan-Arab movement and had served Nasser loyally for more than twenty years, Sadat had a far different vision of Egypt's role in the world. An ardent nationalist, Sadat detested the vast Soviet military presence inside Egypt that Nasser had cultivated, and he saw no reason for his country to maintain a hostile attitude toward the United States. He later told Secretary of State William P. Rogers that “There's no reason why the Arabs should be closely aligned to the Soviet Union. My people like the West better.”Less
This chapter discusses the death of Gamal Abdel Nasser and the accession to power of his successor, Anwar el-Sadat, in September 1970, which marked a change in the landscape of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Nasser's sudden death opened the door for Egypt to move in an entirely new direction. Although his successor was very much a product of Nasser's pan-Arab movement and had served Nasser loyally for more than twenty years, Sadat had a far different vision of Egypt's role in the world. An ardent nationalist, Sadat detested the vast Soviet military presence inside Egypt that Nasser had cultivated, and he saw no reason for his country to maintain a hostile attitude toward the United States. He later told Secretary of State William P. Rogers that “There's no reason why the Arabs should be closely aligned to the Soviet Union. My people like the West better.”
Joel Gordon
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9789774167782
- eISBN:
- 9781617978180
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774167782.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This book explores the early years of military rule in Egypt following the Free Officers' coup d'etat of 1952. Enriched by interviews with actors in and observers of the events, the book shows how ...
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This book explores the early years of military rule in Egypt following the Free Officers' coup d'etat of 1952. Enriched by interviews with actors in and observers of the events, the book shows how the officers' belief in a quick reformation by force was transformed into a vital, long-term process that changed the face of Egypt. Under Gamal Abdel Nasser, the military regime launched an ambitious program of social, economic, and political reform. Egypt became a leader in Arab and non-aligned politics, as well as a model for political mobilization and national development throughout the Third World. Although Nasser exerted considerable personal influence over the course of events, his rise as a national and regional hero in the mid-1950s was preceded by a period in which he and his colleagues groped for direction, and in which many Egyptians disliked—even feared—them. The book analyzes the goals, programs, successes, and failures of the young regime, providing the most comprehensive account of the Egyptian revolution to date. It includes a new Introduction that looks back at the post-1952 period from a post-2011 perspective.Less
This book explores the early years of military rule in Egypt following the Free Officers' coup d'etat of 1952. Enriched by interviews with actors in and observers of the events, the book shows how the officers' belief in a quick reformation by force was transformed into a vital, long-term process that changed the face of Egypt. Under Gamal Abdel Nasser, the military regime launched an ambitious program of social, economic, and political reform. Egypt became a leader in Arab and non-aligned politics, as well as a model for political mobilization and national development throughout the Third World. Although Nasser exerted considerable personal influence over the course of events, his rise as a national and regional hero in the mid-1950s was preceded by a period in which he and his colleagues groped for direction, and in which many Egyptians disliked—even feared—them. The book analyzes the goals, programs, successes, and failures of the young regime, providing the most comprehensive account of the Egyptian revolution to date. It includes a new Introduction that looks back at the post-1952 period from a post-2011 perspective.
Jonathan Renshon
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691174501
- eISBN:
- 9781400885343
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691174501.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines whether status concerns lead decision makers to value status more highly by looking at three separate sets of decisions: Russia's decision to aggressively back Serbia in the ...
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This chapter examines whether status concerns lead decision makers to value status more highly by looking at three separate sets of decisions: Russia's decision to aggressively back Serbia in the 1914 July Crisis, Britain's decision to collude with Israel and France in launching the 1956 Suez Crisis, and Gamal Abdel Nasser's 1962 decision to intervene in the Yemen Civil War (and continue to escalate through the rest of the decade). These cases broadly substantiate the patterns found in the Weltpolitik case—decision makers tend to value status more highly due to status concerns—while highlighting the plausibility of several new mechanisms. They also show that status concerns are not confined to European countries, great powers or states in the pre-World War I era. Finally, they reveal the other side of status concerns: state behavior designed to salvage or defend status rather than increase it.Less
This chapter examines whether status concerns lead decision makers to value status more highly by looking at three separate sets of decisions: Russia's decision to aggressively back Serbia in the 1914 July Crisis, Britain's decision to collude with Israel and France in launching the 1956 Suez Crisis, and Gamal Abdel Nasser's 1962 decision to intervene in the Yemen Civil War (and continue to escalate through the rest of the decade). These cases broadly substantiate the patterns found in the Weltpolitik case—decision makers tend to value status more highly due to status concerns—while highlighting the plausibility of several new mechanisms. They also show that status concerns are not confined to European countries, great powers or states in the pre-World War I era. Finally, they reveal the other side of status concerns: state behavior designed to salvage or defend status rather than increase it.
Joel Gordon
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9789774167782
- eISBN:
- 9781617978180
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774167782.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This book examines the formative period of the Egyptian revolution that began on July 23, 1952, when the Free Officers, a group of army officers led by Muhammad Nagib and Gamal Abdel Nasser, staged a ...
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This book examines the formative period of the Egyptian revolution that began on July 23, 1952, when the Free Officers, a group of army officers led by Muhammad Nagib and Gamal Abdel Nasser, staged a coup d'etat that overthrew King Farouk. After forcing King Farouk to abdicate, the Free Officers established a military junta, decreed a land reform program, appointed Nagib as prime minister, and ordered all political parties to apply for recertification. They also abrogated the Constitution and outlawed all political parties, after which they declared a three-year “transition period” of martial law and proclaimed their movement a revolution. The book explores the political dynamics of this transition period by assessing and synthesizing a variety of interpretations of events and how the coup of July 23, undertaken in the name of social and political reform, became the “July Revolution.” It also considers the debate over the legacy of Nasser and the regime he founded in Egypt.Less
This book examines the formative period of the Egyptian revolution that began on July 23, 1952, when the Free Officers, a group of army officers led by Muhammad Nagib and Gamal Abdel Nasser, staged a coup d'etat that overthrew King Farouk. After forcing King Farouk to abdicate, the Free Officers established a military junta, decreed a land reform program, appointed Nagib as prime minister, and ordered all political parties to apply for recertification. They also abrogated the Constitution and outlawed all political parties, after which they declared a three-year “transition period” of martial law and proclaimed their movement a revolution. The book explores the political dynamics of this transition period by assessing and synthesizing a variety of interpretations of events and how the coup of July 23, undertaken in the name of social and political reform, became the “July Revolution.” It also considers the debate over the legacy of Nasser and the regime he founded in Egypt.
Geoffrey F. Gresh
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780804794206
- eISBN:
- 9780804795067
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804794206.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter examines the events that led to the eventual basing termination and expulsion of the U.S. military from its Saudi bases in 1962. With fewer external security concerns by the early 1960s, ...
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This chapter examines the events that led to the eventual basing termination and expulsion of the U.S. military from its Saudi bases in 1962. With fewer external security concerns by the early 1960s, the Saud monarchy turned its attention to domestic politics and rising concerns regarding Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser’s influence over pan-Arab national groups in the kingdom. By the end of the 1950s and early 1960s, domestic security concerns grew to a new high as the U.S. military’s presence exacerbated attacks on the legitimacy of a monarchy under mounting domestic pressure. Opposition groups portrayed the United States as an imperial occupying force, helping erode the power and damage the image of the monarchy domestically. The Saud monarchy appeared concerned about its survival and its association with the U.S. military and terminated its long-term basing contract in the spring of 1962.Less
This chapter examines the events that led to the eventual basing termination and expulsion of the U.S. military from its Saudi bases in 1962. With fewer external security concerns by the early 1960s, the Saud monarchy turned its attention to domestic politics and rising concerns regarding Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser’s influence over pan-Arab national groups in the kingdom. By the end of the 1950s and early 1960s, domestic security concerns grew to a new high as the U.S. military’s presence exacerbated attacks on the legitimacy of a monarchy under mounting domestic pressure. Opposition groups portrayed the United States as an imperial occupying force, helping erode the power and damage the image of the monarchy domestically. The Saud monarchy appeared concerned about its survival and its association with the U.S. military and terminated its long-term basing contract in the spring of 1962.
Jeremy Salt
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520255517
- eISBN:
- 9780520934757
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520255517.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter examines the history of the Tripartite Aggression. It suggests that this conflict was triggered by Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser's decision to nationalize the Suez Canal. The ...
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This chapter examines the history of the Tripartite Aggression. It suggests that this conflict was triggered by Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser's decision to nationalize the Suez Canal. The chapter discusses the violation of the 1949 armistice lines between Israel and the Arab states, and Israel's attacks across the armistice lines that included the assault on the Buraij refugee camp in Gaza in August 1953. It also provides an estimate of the human cost of this conflict.Less
This chapter examines the history of the Tripartite Aggression. It suggests that this conflict was triggered by Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser's decision to nationalize the Suez Canal. The chapter discusses the violation of the 1949 armistice lines between Israel and the Arab states, and Israel's attacks across the armistice lines that included the assault on the Buraij refugee camp in Gaza in August 1953. It also provides an estimate of the human cost of this conflict.
Jeremy Salt
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520255517
- eISBN:
- 9780520934757
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520255517.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter describes the events leading to the 1967 war between Israel and Egypt. It discusses Israel's frequent threat of launching pre-emptive strikes against Arab targets and Egyptian President ...
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This chapter describes the events leading to the 1967 war between Israel and Egypt. It discusses Israel's frequent threat of launching pre-emptive strikes against Arab targets and Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser's receipt of a false Soviet report that Israel was amassing troops near the Syrian border. The chapter suggests that the cause of this crisis was the not the withdrawal of the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) stationed along the armistice line but the unresolved Arab–Israeli conflict. It highlights the role of the United States in this conflict.Less
This chapter describes the events leading to the 1967 war between Israel and Egypt. It discusses Israel's frequent threat of launching pre-emptive strikes against Arab targets and Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser's receipt of a false Soviet report that Israel was amassing troops near the Syrian border. The chapter suggests that the cause of this crisis was the not the withdrawal of the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) stationed along the armistice line but the unresolved Arab–Israeli conflict. It highlights the role of the United States in this conflict.
Asher Orkaby
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- June 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190618445
- eISBN:
- 9780190618476
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190618445.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History, World Modern History
The 1962 revolution in Yemen has often been attributed to the machinations of Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser. The events of September 1962 were in a manifestation of two decades of growing ...
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The 1962 revolution in Yemen has often been attributed to the machinations of Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser. The events of September 1962 were in a manifestation of two decades of growing Yemeni nationalism fostered by an educated cadre of expatriates known as the Famous Forty. Prior to the outbreak of war in 1962, Yemen had been drawn into the growing Cold War conflict. The Soviet Union paid for the construction of the new Hodeidah port while courting an alliance with the “red prince” Muhammad al-Badr, in the hopes that Yemen would become a logistical base for their regional operations. Fearing Soviet penetration on the Arabian Peninsula, the United Statesundertook a series of unsuccessful oil explorations to maintain a nominal presence in a country that could scarcely be identified by American policy makers.Less
The 1962 revolution in Yemen has often been attributed to the machinations of Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser. The events of September 1962 were in a manifestation of two decades of growing Yemeni nationalism fostered by an educated cadre of expatriates known as the Famous Forty. Prior to the outbreak of war in 1962, Yemen had been drawn into the growing Cold War conflict. The Soviet Union paid for the construction of the new Hodeidah port while courting an alliance with the “red prince” Muhammad al-Badr, in the hopes that Yemen would become a logistical base for their regional operations. Fearing Soviet penetration on the Arabian Peninsula, the United Statesundertook a series of unsuccessful oil explorations to maintain a nominal presence in a country that could scarcely be identified by American policy makers.
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804769532
- eISBN:
- 9780804777889
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804769532.003.0019
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Jewish Studies
In this chapter, Jacqueline Shohet Kahanoff reflects on Egyptian president Anwar Sadat's state visit to Israel in November 1977. She also talks about her earlier writings about her childhood in ...
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In this chapter, Jacqueline Shohet Kahanoff reflects on Egyptian president Anwar Sadat's state visit to Israel in November 1977. She also talks about her earlier writings about her childhood in Egypt, including the story “Passover in Egypt,” and reimagines biblical narratives by likening Sadat's predecessor Gamal Abdel Nasser to the Pharaoh of Exodus. Here Jacqueline expresses her support for reconciliation and coexistence over displacement and the separation of Jews and other peoples.Less
In this chapter, Jacqueline Shohet Kahanoff reflects on Egyptian president Anwar Sadat's state visit to Israel in November 1977. She also talks about her earlier writings about her childhood in Egypt, including the story “Passover in Egypt,” and reimagines biblical narratives by likening Sadat's predecessor Gamal Abdel Nasser to the Pharaoh of Exodus. Here Jacqueline expresses her support for reconciliation and coexistence over displacement and the separation of Jews and other peoples.
Irwin M. Wall
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520225343
- eISBN:
- 9780520925687
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520225343.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter discusses the direct causal connection for France between the Algerian insurrection and the Suez crisis. It explains that it was the Egyptian leader Gamal Abdel Nasser who was the ...
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This chapter discusses the direct causal connection for France between the Algerian insurrection and the Suez crisis. It explains that it was the Egyptian leader Gamal Abdel Nasser who was the principal source of support for the Algerian rebels and the root of the new radical brand of Arab nationalism rampant throughout the Middle East. The chapter discusses the French realization that the Algerian rebellion would dissipate if Nasser could be topped, and suggests that Western disunity to unseat Nasser during the Suez crisis was the defining development for the future structure of post-war relations between France, Britain, the United States, and Europe generally.Less
This chapter discusses the direct causal connection for France between the Algerian insurrection and the Suez crisis. It explains that it was the Egyptian leader Gamal Abdel Nasser who was the principal source of support for the Algerian rebels and the root of the new radical brand of Arab nationalism rampant throughout the Middle East. The chapter discusses the French realization that the Algerian rebellion would dissipate if Nasser could be topped, and suggests that Western disunity to unseat Nasser during the Suez crisis was the defining development for the future structure of post-war relations between France, Britain, the United States, and Europe generally.
Jeremy Salt
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520255517
- eISBN:
- 9780520934757
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520255517.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter examines the anti-imperialist campaigns in the Middle East led by Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. It discusses the participation of the United States and Britain to counter ...
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This chapter examines the anti-imperialist campaigns in the Middle East led by Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. It discusses the participation of the United States and Britain to counter efforts to overthrow Lebanese President Camille Chamoun and to save both Lebanon and Jordan from Nasser and Arab radicalism. The chapter explains that the United States' relationship with Israel started to warm up, with the acquisition of U.S. weaponry at the top of the Israeli agenda.Less
This chapter examines the anti-imperialist campaigns in the Middle East led by Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. It discusses the participation of the United States and Britain to counter efforts to overthrow Lebanese President Camille Chamoun and to save both Lebanon and Jordan from Nasser and Arab radicalism. The chapter explains that the United States' relationship with Israel started to warm up, with the acquisition of U.S. weaponry at the top of the Israeli agenda.
Ozan O. Varol
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- August 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190626013
- eISBN:
- 9780190626051
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190626013.003.0020
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Democratization
This chapter analyzes coups that begin with promises of democratic rule but end with the establishment of dictatorship. Some coup makers lose their enthusiasm for democracy for irrational reasons. A ...
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This chapter analyzes coups that begin with promises of democratic rule but end with the establishment of dictatorship. Some coup makers lose their enthusiasm for democracy for irrational reasons. A successful victory against a dictator can foster self-indulgent fantasies about future possibilities. Although plenty of military leaders irrationally prefer dictatorship out of ignorance or ego, others choose dictatorship in a rational decision-making process. Although the costs of authoritarianism outweigh its benefits for many militaries, for some militaries, that calculus may be reversed. For example, the coup makers may believe that a loyalist dictator will benefit them more than democratic rule. Particularly when they’re confident the dictator will stay loyal to their interests for the long term, the coup makers may throw their support behind a dictator, as opposed to subjecting their future to the vagaries of democratic politics.Less
This chapter analyzes coups that begin with promises of democratic rule but end with the establishment of dictatorship. Some coup makers lose their enthusiasm for democracy for irrational reasons. A successful victory against a dictator can foster self-indulgent fantasies about future possibilities. Although plenty of military leaders irrationally prefer dictatorship out of ignorance or ego, others choose dictatorship in a rational decision-making process. Although the costs of authoritarianism outweigh its benefits for many militaries, for some militaries, that calculus may be reversed. For example, the coup makers may believe that a loyalist dictator will benefit them more than democratic rule. Particularly when they’re confident the dictator will stay loyal to their interests for the long term, the coup makers may throw their support behind a dictator, as opposed to subjecting their future to the vagaries of democratic politics.
Jeffrey James Byrne
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199899142
- eISBN:
- 9780190498979
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199899142.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Political History, World Modern History
This chapter examines Third World international affairs from the perspective of independent Algeria’s new foreign policy apparatus. In the early and mid-1960s, many of the organizing themes of Third ...
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This chapter examines Third World international affairs from the perspective of independent Algeria’s new foreign policy apparatus. In the early and mid-1960s, many of the organizing themes of Third World solidarity were in conflict with one another. The Algerian government was forced to choose between the themes of Arab unity, Maghribi unity, and African unity, which exacerbated contestations of Algeria’s national identity. Algeria worked toward the unification of the Third World’s various groupings and regions, even as the Soviet-Chinese rivalry for influence in the developing world turned Afro-Asianism and nonalignment into competing agendas. Algerian foreign policy was ambitious but pragmatic: the country’s leaders took advantage of their position at the intersection of multiple regions and geopolitical currents to magnify their influence in each context. However, a border conflict with Morocco in October 1963 showed that the Algerian leadership could not fully escape geographical realities.Less
This chapter examines Third World international affairs from the perspective of independent Algeria’s new foreign policy apparatus. In the early and mid-1960s, many of the organizing themes of Third World solidarity were in conflict with one another. The Algerian government was forced to choose between the themes of Arab unity, Maghribi unity, and African unity, which exacerbated contestations of Algeria’s national identity. Algeria worked toward the unification of the Third World’s various groupings and regions, even as the Soviet-Chinese rivalry for influence in the developing world turned Afro-Asianism and nonalignment into competing agendas. Algerian foreign policy was ambitious but pragmatic: the country’s leaders took advantage of their position at the intersection of multiple regions and geopolitical currents to magnify their influence in each context. However, a border conflict with Morocco in October 1963 showed that the Algerian leadership could not fully escape geographical realities.
