Sudhir Hazareesingh
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278702
- eISBN:
- 9780191684241
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278702.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Examining the emergence and subsequent demise of intellectual identification with the French Communist Party between 1945 and 1989, this book argues that, after 1978, political conflicts between the ...
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Examining the emergence and subsequent demise of intellectual identification with the French Communist Party between 1945 and 1989, this book argues that, after 1978, political conflicts between the Communist leadership and party intellectuals led to an erosion of support. These conflicts were sharpened by the party's institutional decline during the 1980s. The author links these internal factors with wider ideological changes during the 1970s and 1980s: the decreasing relevance of class-based politics, the explosion of the myth of radical change, the reconsideration of the goals of political commitment, and, finally, the rejection of the Soviet model. All these factors contributed significantly to an altered political climate. Based on a critical examination of the available literature, in both French and English, this systematic exploration of the role of intellectuals in French politics also explains why this social group has been so prominent in public life throughout the modern era.Less
Examining the emergence and subsequent demise of intellectual identification with the French Communist Party between 1945 and 1989, this book argues that, after 1978, political conflicts between the Communist leadership and party intellectuals led to an erosion of support. These conflicts were sharpened by the party's institutional decline during the 1980s. The author links these internal factors with wider ideological changes during the 1970s and 1980s: the decreasing relevance of class-based politics, the explosion of the myth of radical change, the reconsideration of the goals of political commitment, and, finally, the rejection of the Soviet model. All these factors contributed significantly to an altered political climate. Based on a critical examination of the available literature, in both French and English, this systematic exploration of the role of intellectuals in French politics also explains why this social group has been so prominent in public life throughout the modern era.
Sudhir Hazareesingh
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278702
- eISBN:
- 9780191684241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278702.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the condition and situation of the French Communist intellectuals in the wider tradition of political activity in France. Though the French Communist Party (PCF) occupied the ...
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This chapter examines the condition and situation of the French Communist intellectuals in the wider tradition of political activity in France. Though the French Communist Party (PCF) occupied the same terrain as the republican tradition, it was also deep-rooted in Leninist and syndicalist origins, which ensured that the initial political culture of French Communism differed in a number of ways to the core principles and values of republicanism. Thus, the position of intellectuals in the party differed considerably from the republican paradigm. Bourgeois were welcome in the party but they were kept away from the levers of power in the organization, and the party's leadership remained in the hands of working class political activists.Less
This chapter examines the condition and situation of the French Communist intellectuals in the wider tradition of political activity in France. Though the French Communist Party (PCF) occupied the same terrain as the republican tradition, it was also deep-rooted in Leninist and syndicalist origins, which ensured that the initial political culture of French Communism differed in a number of ways to the core principles and values of republicanism. Thus, the position of intellectuals in the party differed considerably from the republican paradigm. Bourgeois were welcome in the party but they were kept away from the levers of power in the organization, and the party's leadership remained in the hands of working class political activists.
Sudhir Hazareesingh
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278702
- eISBN:
- 9780191684241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278702.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the evolution of the French Communist Party's (PCF) links with the Soviet Union and international communist movement. It argues that the party's return to the traditional canons ...
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This chapter examines the evolution of the French Communist Party's (PCF) links with the Soviet Union and international communist movement. It argues that the party's return to the traditional canons of pro-Soviet internationalism after 1980 was rejected by Communist intellectuals and this created the initial conditions for the process of intellectual disaffiliation from the PCF during the following years. The party's attitude towards the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan instantly reopened the intellectuals' questions about the nature of the PCF's relationship with the Soviet Union. This issue has a number of essential elements, mostly related to the political strategy and historical identity of French Communism.Less
This chapter examines the evolution of the French Communist Party's (PCF) links with the Soviet Union and international communist movement. It argues that the party's return to the traditional canons of pro-Soviet internationalism after 1980 was rejected by Communist intellectuals and this created the initial conditions for the process of intellectual disaffiliation from the PCF during the following years. The party's attitude towards the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan instantly reopened the intellectuals' questions about the nature of the PCF's relationship with the Soviet Union. This issue has a number of essential elements, mostly related to the political strategy and historical identity of French Communism.
Sudhir Hazareesingh
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278702
- eISBN:
- 9780191684241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278702.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter discusses the conflict between Communist intellectuals and the leadership of the French Communist Party (PCF) which developed after the elections of March 1978. The role of intellectuals ...
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This chapter discusses the conflict between Communist intellectuals and the leadership of the French Communist Party (PCF) which developed after the elections of March 1978. The role of intellectuals in the French labour movement has always been a source of controversy, suggesting the existence of an inherent conflict between the PCF and the intellectual community at large. This conflict resulted in frequent crises inside the party, which pitted the Communist intellectuals against party leaders. The chapter reveals the significant fluctuations in intellectual support for the PCF caused by their dissatisfaction with party policies.Less
This chapter discusses the conflict between Communist intellectuals and the leadership of the French Communist Party (PCF) which developed after the elections of March 1978. The role of intellectuals in the French labour movement has always been a source of controversy, suggesting the existence of an inherent conflict between the PCF and the intellectual community at large. This conflict resulted in frequent crises inside the party, which pitted the Communist intellectuals against party leaders. The chapter reveals the significant fluctuations in intellectual support for the PCF caused by their dissatisfaction with party policies.
Fridrikh I. Firsov, Harvey Klehr, and John Earl Haynes
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780300198225
- eISBN:
- 9780300209600
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300198225.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
When the Comintern sent a letter to several national parties emphasizing the need for unity with the Socialists, the French Communist Party (Parti Communiste Français [PCF]) started negotiations with ...
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When the Comintern sent a letter to several national parties emphasizing the need for unity with the Socialists, the French Communist Party (Parti Communiste Français [PCF]) started negotiations with the French Socialists that same day. The PCF proposed a unity pact with the Socialists providing for joint demonstrations and the cessation of attacks on each other. This chapter focuses on the Popular Front alliance of Socialists and Communists, examining how the coded cables shed light on the endorsement of the developing Popular Front.Less
When the Comintern sent a letter to several national parties emphasizing the need for unity with the Socialists, the French Communist Party (Parti Communiste Français [PCF]) started negotiations with the French Socialists that same day. The PCF proposed a unity pact with the Socialists providing for joint demonstrations and the cessation of attacks on each other. This chapter focuses on the Popular Front alliance of Socialists and Communists, examining how the coded cables shed light on the endorsement of the developing Popular Front.
Sudhir Hazareesingh
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278702
- eISBN:
- 9780191684241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278702.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This introductory chapter explains the coverage of this book, which is about the origins of the growing political marginalization of the French Communist Party (PCF), particularly the decline in ...
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This introductory chapter explains the coverage of this book, which is about the origins of the growing political marginalization of the French Communist Party (PCF), particularly the decline in intellectual affiliation to the party. The decline of the long tradition of French intellectual identification with the PCF started in the 1980s. In the twenty-fifth Congress in February 1985, a final resolution was passed that omitted the traditional reference to the party's alliance with French intellectuals. The decline in the party's ability to attract the support of intellectuals is attributed to the serious electoral decline suffered by the party between 1978 and 1989.Less
This introductory chapter explains the coverage of this book, which is about the origins of the growing political marginalization of the French Communist Party (PCF), particularly the decline in intellectual affiliation to the party. The decline of the long tradition of French intellectual identification with the PCF started in the 1980s. In the twenty-fifth Congress in February 1985, a final resolution was passed that omitted the traditional reference to the party's alliance with French intellectuals. The decline in the party's ability to attract the support of intellectuals is attributed to the serious electoral decline suffered by the party between 1978 and 1989.
Sudhir Hazareesingh
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278702
- eISBN:
- 9780191684241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278702.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the ramifications of the intellectual decline of French Communism. It explains the immediate consequences of the French Communist Party's (PCF) declining appeal to the French ...
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This chapter examines the ramifications of the intellectual decline of French Communism. It explains the immediate consequences of the French Communist Party's (PCF) declining appeal to the French intellectual community in the 1980s and the resurgence of several factors contributing to the alienation of party intellectuals between 1978 and 1980. In addition to the internal conflict, the decline in the popularity of the PCF is attributed to the party's failure to capitalize on its opportunity to enhance its intellectual influence after the 1981 presidential election and the general decline of radical left-wing ideas, values, and assumptions since the 1960s.Less
This chapter examines the ramifications of the intellectual decline of French Communism. It explains the immediate consequences of the French Communist Party's (PCF) declining appeal to the French intellectual community in the 1980s and the resurgence of several factors contributing to the alienation of party intellectuals between 1978 and 1980. In addition to the internal conflict, the decline in the popularity of the PCF is attributed to the party's failure to capitalize on its opportunity to enhance its intellectual influence after the 1981 presidential election and the general decline of radical left-wing ideas, values, and assumptions since the 1960s.
Sudhir Hazareesingh
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278702
- eISBN:
- 9780191684241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278702.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter concludes that the decline and collapse of the French Communist Party (PCF) may be traced back to the intra-party dispute of 1978–9. However, it acknowledges the limitations of using ...
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This chapter concludes that the decline and collapse of the French Communist Party (PCF) may be traced back to the intra-party dispute of 1978–9. However, it acknowledges the limitations of using internal institutional dynamics to account for the source of intellectual alienation from the PCF. To address these limitations, it explores other possible explanations for the intellectual disaffiliation from the PCF, including the situation of the international communist movement and the significance of the communist intellectuals' experience. It does not rule out the possible re-emergence of the PCF, but should this happen it will have nothing to do with the Marxian vision that once dominated the French intellectual horizon.Less
This chapter concludes that the decline and collapse of the French Communist Party (PCF) may be traced back to the intra-party dispute of 1978–9. However, it acknowledges the limitations of using internal institutional dynamics to account for the source of intellectual alienation from the PCF. To address these limitations, it explores other possible explanations for the intellectual disaffiliation from the PCF, including the situation of the international communist movement and the significance of the communist intellectuals' experience. It does not rule out the possible re-emergence of the PCF, but should this happen it will have nothing to do with the Marxian vision that once dominated the French intellectual horizon.
Sudhir Hazareesingh
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278702
- eISBN:
- 9780191684241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278702.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the place of intellectuals in the organizational structure of the French Communist Party (PCF). Publicity of involvement in the collective life of the party was an important ...
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This chapter examines the place of intellectuals in the organizational structure of the French Communist Party (PCF). Publicity of involvement in the collective life of the party was an important initial criterion for Communist intellectuals. The chapter characterizes the intellectuals in the inner and outer circles of the PCF. The inner circle intellectuals were those who held top-level positions while those in the outer circle belonged to the lower levels of the party structure. In addition to intellectuals who were full-time officials in the organization, there were some who only occupied consultative roles and offered their services to specific committees and organizations run by the party.Less
This chapter examines the place of intellectuals in the organizational structure of the French Communist Party (PCF). Publicity of involvement in the collective life of the party was an important initial criterion for Communist intellectuals. The chapter characterizes the intellectuals in the inner and outer circles of the PCF. The inner circle intellectuals were those who held top-level positions while those in the outer circle belonged to the lower levels of the party structure. In addition to intellectuals who were full-time officials in the organization, there were some who only occupied consultative roles and offered their services to specific committees and organizations run by the party.
Sudhir Hazareesingh
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278702
- eISBN:
- 9780191684241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278702.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the nature and limitations of intellectual subjectivism in the French Communist Party (PCF) after the March 1978 elections. It evaluates the extent to which the intellectual ...
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This chapter examines the nature and limitations of intellectual subjectivism in the French Communist Party (PCF) after the March 1978 elections. It evaluates the extent to which the intellectual contestaires were prepared to question the dominant socio-political values of the Communist counter-community. It identifies the central tension between the intellectuals' collective demand for an enhancement of their status in the party and the continuing attachment to the political and social virtues embodied in the French working class. The way intra-party conflicts were resolved clearly indicates that there were distinct limits to the self-assertion of the intellectuals.Less
This chapter examines the nature and limitations of intellectual subjectivism in the French Communist Party (PCF) after the March 1978 elections. It evaluates the extent to which the intellectual contestaires were prepared to question the dominant socio-political values of the Communist counter-community. It identifies the central tension between the intellectuals' collective demand for an enhancement of their status in the party and the continuing attachment to the political and social virtues embodied in the French working class. The way intra-party conflicts were resolved clearly indicates that there were distinct limits to the self-assertion of the intellectuals.
Sudhir Hazareesingh
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278702
- eISBN:
- 9780191684241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278702.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the extent to which the intra-party dispute in the French Communist Party (PCF) from 1978–80 led the critics of the Communist leadership to reconsider the nature of their ...
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This chapter examines the extent to which the intra-party dispute in the French Communist Party (PCF) from 1978–80 led the critics of the Communist leadership to reconsider the nature of their attachment to the party. It argues that during this period, there remains an underlying tension between the critique of the principle of democratic centralism and the intellectuals' rejection of factional activity on the traditional Leninist grounds of preserving the political cohesion of the PCF. The chapter shows that on the institutional level, many PCF critics were driven by the objective of completing the party's integration into national political, thus questioning the traditional claim that the PCF is a parti pas comme les autres.Less
This chapter examines the extent to which the intra-party dispute in the French Communist Party (PCF) from 1978–80 led the critics of the Communist leadership to reconsider the nature of their attachment to the party. It argues that during this period, there remains an underlying tension between the critique of the principle of democratic centralism and the intellectuals' rejection of factional activity on the traditional Leninist grounds of preserving the political cohesion of the PCF. The chapter shows that on the institutional level, many PCF critics were driven by the objective of completing the party's integration into national political, thus questioning the traditional claim that the PCF is a parti pas comme les autres.
Gerd‐Rainer Horn
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199204496
- eISBN:
- 9780191708145
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199204496.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
Whereas the interwar time period saw the most innovative developments within specialised Catholic Action taking place within its working class youth organizations, the closing years of World War Two ...
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Whereas the interwar time period saw the most innovative developments within specialised Catholic Action taking place within its working class youth organizations, the closing years of World War Two and the immediate post‐liberation period witnessed pathbreaking experiences of radicalization above all in its adult working class organizations. The Mouvement Populaire des Familles (MPF) emerged out of concentrated efforts by Catholic social activists to provide much‐needed social services for working class families in the industrial centers of francophone Europe. Employing a variety of often controversial tactics, such as squatting to alleviate the housing crisis, the MPF served as a laboratory and training ground for fearless social movement activists. The MPF promoted experiments in radical united working class action, which on occasion challenged the French Communist Party from the left, side‐by‐side with early explorations of feminist ideals. The MPF eventually helped constitute the French New Left.Less
Whereas the interwar time period saw the most innovative developments within specialised Catholic Action taking place within its working class youth organizations, the closing years of World War Two and the immediate post‐liberation period witnessed pathbreaking experiences of radicalization above all in its adult working class organizations. The Mouvement Populaire des Familles (MPF) emerged out of concentrated efforts by Catholic social activists to provide much‐needed social services for working class families in the industrial centers of francophone Europe. Employing a variety of often controversial tactics, such as squatting to alleviate the housing crisis, the MPF served as a laboratory and training ground for fearless social movement activists. The MPF promoted experiments in radical united working class action, which on occasion challenged the French Communist Party from the left, side‐by‐side with early explorations of feminist ideals. The MPF eventually helped constitute the French New Left.
Eric Drott
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265390
- eISBN:
- 9780191760440
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265390.003.0016
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
This chapter examines music's role in the Fête de l'Humanité, an annual festival organized by L'Humanité, the French Communist Party's principal organ. Beyond generating revenue and mobilizing ...
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This chapter examines music's role in the Fête de l'Humanité, an annual festival organized by L'Humanité, the French Communist Party's principal organ. Beyond generating revenue and mobilizing support for the Party, the Fête has long served an important ritual function, fostering a sense of camaraderie among participants. Music has proven particularly effective in this regard, offering a medium through which one's membership in an imagined (communist) community could be experienced. The chapter focuses on the Fête's transformation during the 1960s and 1970s, a period that saw the Party struggle to broaden its electoral appeal beyond its working-class base. By expanding the range of musics featured at the event, its organizers sought to address an increasingly diverse electorate. Yet the Party's reliance on the Fête as an instrument of public outreach proved problematic, given that the image of inclusiveness it projected masked rather than resolved the Party's long-term demographic difficulties.Less
This chapter examines music's role in the Fête de l'Humanité, an annual festival organized by L'Humanité, the French Communist Party's principal organ. Beyond generating revenue and mobilizing support for the Party, the Fête has long served an important ritual function, fostering a sense of camaraderie among participants. Music has proven particularly effective in this regard, offering a medium through which one's membership in an imagined (communist) community could be experienced. The chapter focuses on the Fête's transformation during the 1960s and 1970s, a period that saw the Party struggle to broaden its electoral appeal beyond its working-class base. By expanding the range of musics featured at the event, its organizers sought to address an increasingly diverse electorate. Yet the Party's reliance on the Fête as an instrument of public outreach proved problematic, given that the image of inclusiveness it projected masked rather than resolved the Party's long-term demographic difficulties.
Thomas J. Laub
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199539321
- eISBN:
- 9780191715808
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199539321.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Military History, European Modern History
On the morning of 21 August 1941, French Communist Party activists launched a wave of symbolic assassinations by shooting Alfons Moser, a young German naval cadet. Although preoccupied by events on ...
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On the morning of 21 August 1941, French Communist Party activists launched a wave of symbolic assassinations by shooting Alfons Moser, a young German naval cadet. Although preoccupied by events on the eastern front during the Moser attack, Hitler learned about subsequent assaults, condemned Stülpnagel's response of gradually increasing reprisals as ‘much too mild’, and ordered the execution of 50 to 100 hostages after every assassination. Wilhelm Keitel, Walther von Brauchitsch, Eduard Wagner, and other senior officers in Berlin condemned Stülpnagel's restraint, joined senior Nazis like Joseph Goebbels, and pressed for severe countermeasures against Jews who allegedly organized all resistance activity. Demonstrating the ideological purity of the SS, Helmut Knochen ordered SS minions to bomb seven Parisian Synagogues, embarrassed Stüpnagel, and earned the enmity of the German military administration. This chapter examines security debates between the military administration, SS, and German diplomats in Paris and a second argument between generals in Paris and Nazis in Berlin.Less
On the morning of 21 August 1941, French Communist Party activists launched a wave of symbolic assassinations by shooting Alfons Moser, a young German naval cadet. Although preoccupied by events on the eastern front during the Moser attack, Hitler learned about subsequent assaults, condemned Stülpnagel's response of gradually increasing reprisals as ‘much too mild’, and ordered the execution of 50 to 100 hostages after every assassination. Wilhelm Keitel, Walther von Brauchitsch, Eduard Wagner, and other senior officers in Berlin condemned Stülpnagel's restraint, joined senior Nazis like Joseph Goebbels, and pressed for severe countermeasures against Jews who allegedly organized all resistance activity. Demonstrating the ideological purity of the SS, Helmut Knochen ordered SS minions to bomb seven Parisian Synagogues, embarrassed Stüpnagel, and earned the enmity of the German military administration. This chapter examines security debates between the military administration, SS, and German diplomats in Paris and a second argument between generals in Paris and Nazis in Berlin.
Sudhir Hazareesingh
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278702
- eISBN:
- 9780191684241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278702.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter discusses the frustration of critical intellectuals with the increasingly aggressive refusal of the French Communist Party (PCF) to accede to any of their demands for substantive ...
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This chapter discusses the frustration of critical intellectuals with the increasingly aggressive refusal of the French Communist Party (PCF) to accede to any of their demands for substantive reforms. The toughening of the party leadership's attitude towards the contestaires culminated in a wave of expulsion after 1980 and the imposition of greater ideological uniformity in the counter-community as a way to reinforce their hold over the organization. The chapter concludes that the efforts to restore rigid control on intellectual activities seriously undermined traditional forms of allegiance to the PCF, thereby creating the initial conditions for intellectual disaffiliation from the party.Less
This chapter discusses the frustration of critical intellectuals with the increasingly aggressive refusal of the French Communist Party (PCF) to accede to any of their demands for substantive reforms. The toughening of the party leadership's attitude towards the contestaires culminated in a wave of expulsion after 1980 and the imposition of greater ideological uniformity in the counter-community as a way to reinforce their hold over the organization. The chapter concludes that the efforts to restore rigid control on intellectual activities seriously undermined traditional forms of allegiance to the PCF, thereby creating the initial conditions for intellectual disaffiliation from the party.
David Curtis
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780853239741
- eISBN:
- 9781846312779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780853239741.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
This chapter examines what it calls the ‘false’ modernity of capitalist democracy or Communist totalitarianism with respect to the relationship between Catholicism and Communist Marxism in 1930s ...
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This chapter examines what it calls the ‘false’ modernity of capitalist democracy or Communist totalitarianism with respect to the relationship between Catholicism and Communist Marxism in 1930s France. In particular, it considers the ideal of a nouvelle chrétienté and how it gave rise to forceful critiques of this ‘false’ modernity and inspired well-informed dépassements of the ideology of Communism that was labelled by the Catholic Church as an integral anti-Catholicism. The chapter then discusses the political, social, and intellectual challenge posed in the Popular Front period by Communism in general and by the French Communist Party in particular. It also analyses the reactions of Catholics to the events of the Popular Front period and the interaction of Catholic Churchmen and laymen with the intellectual currents of the late 1920s and the 1930s, with emphasis on catholicisme intégral's rejection of a dechristianised modern world and its project of a ‘true’ modernity. Finally, the chapter assesses Jacques Maritain's theory of the primacy of the spiritual.Less
This chapter examines what it calls the ‘false’ modernity of capitalist democracy or Communist totalitarianism with respect to the relationship between Catholicism and Communist Marxism in 1930s France. In particular, it considers the ideal of a nouvelle chrétienté and how it gave rise to forceful critiques of this ‘false’ modernity and inspired well-informed dépassements of the ideology of Communism that was labelled by the Catholic Church as an integral anti-Catholicism. The chapter then discusses the political, social, and intellectual challenge posed in the Popular Front period by Communism in general and by the French Communist Party in particular. It also analyses the reactions of Catholics to the events of the Popular Front period and the interaction of Catholic Churchmen and laymen with the intellectual currents of the late 1920s and the 1930s, with emphasis on catholicisme intégral's rejection of a dechristianised modern world and its project of a ‘true’ modernity. Finally, the chapter assesses Jacques Maritain's theory of the primacy of the spiritual.
Robert W. Lewis
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781526106247
- eISBN:
- 9781526120816
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526106247.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter explores how the stadium became central to a mode of political spectacle in France, from the mid-1920s up through the end of the Second World War, at a moment when it was also critical ...
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This chapter explores how the stadium became central to a mode of political spectacle in France, from the mid-1920s up through the end of the Second World War, at a moment when it was also critical to politics elsewhere in Europe. A range of political luminaries and groups, from the anti-fascist Popular Front coalition to the Vichy regime, promoted stadium-based spectacles as a visible manifestation of political vitality, mass support and masculine citizenship. The stadium gave politicians a vast spectator space that proved ideal for staging political rallies, political plays or religious ceremonies that both aspired to transform spectators into active participants and that entailed efforts to discipline the public. But while the crowd may have been disciplined and mobilized inside the stadium, it also eluded those constraints and often disappointed those politicians seeking to create a unified public. In the years after the Second World War, the French stadium gradually disappeared as a pre-eminent staging-ground for mass politics, as the stadium crowd itself became progressively depoliticized.Less
This chapter explores how the stadium became central to a mode of political spectacle in France, from the mid-1920s up through the end of the Second World War, at a moment when it was also critical to politics elsewhere in Europe. A range of political luminaries and groups, from the anti-fascist Popular Front coalition to the Vichy regime, promoted stadium-based spectacles as a visible manifestation of political vitality, mass support and masculine citizenship. The stadium gave politicians a vast spectator space that proved ideal for staging political rallies, political plays or religious ceremonies that both aspired to transform spectators into active participants and that entailed efforts to discipline the public. But while the crowd may have been disciplined and mobilized inside the stadium, it also eluded those constraints and often disappointed those politicians seeking to create a unified public. In the years after the Second World War, the French stadium gradually disappeared as a pre-eminent staging-ground for mass politics, as the stadium crowd itself became progressively depoliticized.
Isser Woloch
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780300124354
- eISBN:
- 9780300242683
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300124354.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter examines the French Left. After the fall of France in June 1940, the French parliament convoked in the town of Vichy granted “full powers” to Marshal Pétain, thereby interring the Third ...
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This chapter examines the French Left. After the fall of France in June 1940, the French parliament convoked in the town of Vichy granted “full powers” to Marshal Pétain, thereby interring the Third Republic and accepting French collaboration with Hitler. Over two-thirds of the Socialist parliamentarians ignored the pleas of their leader Léon Blum and voted yes. The French Left was again in disarray. In the wake of the Bolshevik Revolution, the Socialist Party split apart and the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) labor confederation experienced a comparable schism. Fifteen years later, a reunited Left forged a Popular Front alliance that won a remarkable electoral victory in 1936. Within two years, the Popular Front collapsed; Munich bitterly divided the Socialist camp; and the French Communist Party went its own way. Under these extreme circumstances, however, the French Resistance created new openings for the Left, in tandem with General Charles de Gaulle's Free France in London.Less
This chapter examines the French Left. After the fall of France in June 1940, the French parliament convoked in the town of Vichy granted “full powers” to Marshal Pétain, thereby interring the Third Republic and accepting French collaboration with Hitler. Over two-thirds of the Socialist parliamentarians ignored the pleas of their leader Léon Blum and voted yes. The French Left was again in disarray. In the wake of the Bolshevik Revolution, the Socialist Party split apart and the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) labor confederation experienced a comparable schism. Fifteen years later, a reunited Left forged a Popular Front alliance that won a remarkable electoral victory in 1936. Within two years, the Popular Front collapsed; Munich bitterly divided the Socialist camp; and the French Communist Party went its own way. Under these extreme circumstances, however, the French Resistance created new openings for the Left, in tandem with General Charles de Gaulle's Free France in London.
Denis Guenoun
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231164023
- eISBN:
- 9780231537247
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231164023.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
In this memoir, the author excavates his family's past and fills out a portrait of an imposing, enigmatic father. René Guénoun was a teacher, pioneer, and supporter of Algerian independence. To be ...
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In this memoir, the author excavates his family's past and fills out a portrait of an imposing, enigmatic father. René Guénoun was a teacher, pioneer, and supporter of Algerian independence. To be Algerian, pro-independence, a French citizen, a Jew, and a Communist were not, to René's mind, dissonant allegiances. He called himself a Semite, a word that he felt united Jewish and Arab worlds and best reflected a shared origin. He also believed that Algerians had the same political rights as Frenchmen. Although his Jewish family was rooted in Algeria, he inherited French citizenship. He taught science in a French lycée in Oran and belonged to the French Communist Party. His steadfast belief in liberty, equality, and fraternity led him into trouble, including prison and exile. René was drafted to defend Vichy France's colonies in the Middle East during World War II. At the same time, Vichy barred him and his wife from teaching because they were Jewish. When the British conquered Syria, he was sent home to Oran, and in 1943, after the Allies captured Algeria, he joined the Free French Army and fought in Europe. After the war, both parents did their best to reconcile militant unionism and clandestine party activity with the demands of work and family. The Guénouns had little interest in Israel and considered themselves at home in Algeria; yet because he supported Algerian independence, René outraged his French neighbors and was expelled from Algeria by the French paramilitary Organisation Armée Secrète. He spent his final years in Marseille.Less
In this memoir, the author excavates his family's past and fills out a portrait of an imposing, enigmatic father. René Guénoun was a teacher, pioneer, and supporter of Algerian independence. To be Algerian, pro-independence, a French citizen, a Jew, and a Communist were not, to René's mind, dissonant allegiances. He called himself a Semite, a word that he felt united Jewish and Arab worlds and best reflected a shared origin. He also believed that Algerians had the same political rights as Frenchmen. Although his Jewish family was rooted in Algeria, he inherited French citizenship. He taught science in a French lycée in Oran and belonged to the French Communist Party. His steadfast belief in liberty, equality, and fraternity led him into trouble, including prison and exile. René was drafted to defend Vichy France's colonies in the Middle East during World War II. At the same time, Vichy barred him and his wife from teaching because they were Jewish. When the British conquered Syria, he was sent home to Oran, and in 1943, after the Allies captured Algeria, he joined the Free French Army and fought in Europe. After the war, both parents did their best to reconcile militant unionism and clandestine party activity with the demands of work and family. The Guénouns had little interest in Israel and considered themselves at home in Algeria; yet because he supported Algerian independence, René outraged his French neighbors and was expelled from Algeria by the French paramilitary Organisation Armée Secrète. He spent his final years in Marseille.
Leslie A. Sprout
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780520275300
- eISBN:
- 9780520955271
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520275300.003.0005
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
Although the 1945 protests in Paris against Stravinsky's latest music initially concerned aesthetics—rejecting neoclassicism—rather than politics, French students’ heckling of a prominent prewar ...
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Although the 1945 protests in Paris against Stravinsky's latest music initially concerned aesthetics—rejecting neoclassicism—rather than politics, French students’ heckling of a prominent prewar composer touched a raw nerve. The students, led by Serge Nigg, associated neoclassicism with the discredited Vichy ideal of a French national tradition. Yet in defending Stravinsky, composers allied with the Resistance (including Auric and Poulenc) made ominous references to questionable wartime choices by those who supported the protesters, such as Jolivet. Nigg's prominent role in the protests prefigured his complex political and musical trajectory in early Cold War France after 1948, when the Soviet Union pressured him, along with fellow French Communist Party members, to replace “falsely cosmopolitan tendencies” with the music of their national heritage.Less
Although the 1945 protests in Paris against Stravinsky's latest music initially concerned aesthetics—rejecting neoclassicism—rather than politics, French students’ heckling of a prominent prewar composer touched a raw nerve. The students, led by Serge Nigg, associated neoclassicism with the discredited Vichy ideal of a French national tradition. Yet in defending Stravinsky, composers allied with the Resistance (including Auric and Poulenc) made ominous references to questionable wartime choices by those who supported the protesters, such as Jolivet. Nigg's prominent role in the protests prefigured his complex political and musical trajectory in early Cold War France after 1948, when the Soviet Union pressured him, along with fellow French Communist Party members, to replace “falsely cosmopolitan tendencies” with the music of their national heritage.