Kenneth Dyson and Kevin Featherstone
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296386
- eISBN:
- 9780191599125
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829638X.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Mitterrand's beliefs about Europe and EMU and his governing style are analysed. The history of his engagement with this issue is traced from the ERM crisis of 1983 and the issue of reconciling ...
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Mitterrand's beliefs about Europe and EMU and his governing style are analysed. The history of his engagement with this issue is traced from the ERM crisis of 1983 and the issue of reconciling socialism to the ERM through to the Balladur Memorandum and the French management of the Delors Committee in 1988–89. The hesitations of Bérégovoy are examined, alongside the role of presidential leadership in taking an active role after the Delors Report, especially through Guigou.Less
Mitterrand's beliefs about Europe and EMU and his governing style are analysed. The history of his engagement with this issue is traced from the ERM crisis of 1983 and the issue of reconciling socialism to the ERM through to the Balladur Memorandum and the French management of the Delors Committee in 1988–89. The hesitations of Bérégovoy are examined, alongside the role of presidential leadership in taking an active role after the Delors Report, especially through Guigou.
Kenneth Dyson and Kevin Featherstone
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296386
- eISBN:
- 9780191599125
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829638X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Structuralist explanations have dominated attempts to explain the process of European integration. However, as the negotiation of Economic and Monetary Union shows, policy leadership has been ...
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Structuralist explanations have dominated attempts to explain the process of European integration. However, as the negotiation of Economic and Monetary Union shows, policy leadership has been critical in launching, shaping, and sustaining this process. This leadership goes beyond policy entrepreneurship in setting the agenda to include the management of institutional venues in the pursuit of particular objectives.The Franco–German relationship emerges as a key venue that defines the scope and limitations of policy leadership and that was crucial in binding in the Bundesbank and EU central bankers to the process. At the domestic level, the political drive from Kohl and Mitterrand was decisive. Delors was a key driving force, at certain stages, both within the European Commission and as chair of the Delors Committee. Together, they acted as animateurs and ingénieurs of Economic and Monetary Union. The strategic aspect of leadership in the cases of Britain and Italy was altogether different. The Thatcher and Major governments repeatedly misjudged the commitment of their partners to proceed, and the inflexibility of their positions prevented them from building countervailing coalitions. For Italy, EMU was a test of external credibility: domestic weakness limited her overall influence on the progress of the initiative, whilst EMU was seized upon by a small leadership group as a new vincolo esterno (external constraint) to secure otherwise difficult domestic reforms. This latter strategy was replicated more widely as member states endeavored to meet the entry criteria for participation in the single currency.The outcome of the Maastricht Treaty was an imperfect agreement that generates serious future challenges for policy leadership. These challenges include cognitive gaps in EMU, institutional innovation, and imperfect legitimation.Less
Structuralist explanations have dominated attempts to explain the process of European integration. However, as the negotiation of Economic and Monetary Union shows, policy leadership has been critical in launching, shaping, and sustaining this process. This leadership goes beyond policy entrepreneurship in setting the agenda to include the management of institutional venues in the pursuit of particular objectives.
The Franco–German relationship emerges as a key venue that defines the scope and limitations of policy leadership and that was crucial in binding in the Bundesbank and EU central bankers to the process. At the domestic level, the political drive from Kohl and Mitterrand was decisive. Delors was a key driving force, at certain stages, both within the European Commission and as chair of the Delors Committee. Together, they acted as animateurs and ingénieurs of Economic and Monetary Union. The strategic aspect of leadership in the cases of Britain and Italy was altogether different. The Thatcher and Major governments repeatedly misjudged the commitment of their partners to proceed, and the inflexibility of their positions prevented them from building countervailing coalitions. For Italy, EMU was a test of external credibility: domestic weakness limited her overall influence on the progress of the initiative, whilst EMU was seized upon by a small leadership group as a new vincolo esterno (external constraint) to secure otherwise difficult domestic reforms. This latter strategy was replicated more widely as member states endeavored to meet the entry criteria for participation in the single currency.
The outcome of the Maastricht Treaty was an imperfect agreement that generates serious future challenges for policy leadership. These challenges include cognitive gaps in EMU, institutional innovation, and imperfect legitimation.
Kenneth Dyson and Kevin Featherstone
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296386
- eISBN:
- 9780191599125
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829638X.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Presidential leadership is examined in the context of German unification. Particular attention is given to the construction of the French negotiating team and the domestic bureaucratic politics of ...
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Presidential leadership is examined in the context of German unification. Particular attention is given to the construction of the French negotiating team and the domestic bureaucratic politics of EMU, especially involving Dumas, Guigou, Bérégovoy, and Trichet. Bérégovoy's idea of a third route to EMU is also considered. The key focus is on how French negotiators pursued their objectives, especially the idea of irreversibility.Less
Presidential leadership is examined in the context of German unification. Particular attention is given to the construction of the French negotiating team and the domestic bureaucratic politics of EMU, especially involving Dumas, Guigou, Bérégovoy, and Trichet. Bérégovoy's idea of a third route to EMU is also considered. The key focus is on how French negotiators pursued their objectives, especially the idea of irreversibility.
Kenneth Dyson and Kevin Featherstone
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296386
- eISBN:
- 9780191599125
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829638X.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Mitterrand's leadership role is situated within the context of French political tradition. Particular attention is paid to the tradition of the republican state and its relationship to the idea of ...
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Mitterrand's leadership role is situated within the context of French political tradition. Particular attention is paid to the tradition of the republican state and its relationship to the idea of ‘economic government’. Other important influences are from the idea of French leadership in Europe and primacy to construction européenne. This idea has, in turn, been closely linked to the franc stable policy and the power of the Trésor. Perhaps most central of all has been the search for economic independence from the USA and the linkage between EMU and a rebalancing of economic power in the international monetary system.Less
Mitterrand's leadership role is situated within the context of French political tradition. Particular attention is paid to the tradition of the republican state and its relationship to the idea of ‘economic government’. Other important influences are from the idea of French leadership in Europe and primacy to construction européenne. This idea has, in turn, been closely linked to the franc stable policy and the power of the Trésor. Perhaps most central of all has been the search for economic independence from the USA and the linkage between EMU and a rebalancing of economic power in the international monetary system.
Simon J. Nuttall
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198293361
- eISBN:
- 9780191684982
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198293361.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This book traces the development of the European Union's foreign policy making from the old governmental co-operation (EPC) to the common foreign and security policy introduced by the Maastricht ...
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This book traces the development of the European Union's foreign policy making from the old governmental co-operation (EPC) to the common foreign and security policy introduced by the Maastricht Treaty. It explains the process from a comprehensive historical as well as political viewpoint. The impact of the fall of communism as well as the Gulf War and the early stages of the conflict in Yugoslavia are analysed. The personal roles played by François Mitterrand, Helmut Kohl, and George H. W. Bush are described. The theme of the book is the way in which ideological quarrels between intergovernmentalists and integrationists have distorted EU foreign policy making, leading to general dissatisfaction with the common foreign and security policy (CFSP). Yet, contrary to received opinion, the policy-making process is under the influence of bureaucratic procedures slowly shifting towards the Community model.Less
This book traces the development of the European Union's foreign policy making from the old governmental co-operation (EPC) to the common foreign and security policy introduced by the Maastricht Treaty. It explains the process from a comprehensive historical as well as political viewpoint. The impact of the fall of communism as well as the Gulf War and the early stages of the conflict in Yugoslavia are analysed. The personal roles played by François Mitterrand, Helmut Kohl, and George H. W. Bush are described. The theme of the book is the way in which ideological quarrels between intergovernmentalists and integrationists have distorted EU foreign policy making, leading to general dissatisfaction with the common foreign and security policy (CFSP). Yet, contrary to received opinion, the policy-making process is under the influence of bureaucratic procedures slowly shifting towards the Community model.
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9781846316654
- eISBN:
- 9781846316784
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/UPO9781846316784.011
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
As president of France, one of François Mitterrand's grands projets, or grands travaux was the Bastille Opéra. Politics, more than musical or aesthetic considerations, marked the Opéra's history, ...
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As president of France, one of François Mitterrand's grands projets, or grands travaux was the Bastille Opéra. Politics, more than musical or aesthetic considerations, marked the Opéra's history, which was evident in the decision to locate the new opera house in the Place de la Bastille. The architect who designed the building, Carlos Ott, wanted to depart a little from the Place de la Bastille to avoid overshadowing the July Column, an emblematic monument. Because of these political and artistic issues, those behind the project raced against time to get the Opéra ready for its gala opening in July 1989 in celebration of the 200th anniversary of the French Revolution. The opening was a spectacle devised by the American Bob Wilson, while ‘Bastille Day’ featured concerts conducted by Leonard Bernstein and Georges Prêtre.Less
As president of France, one of François Mitterrand's grands projets, or grands travaux was the Bastille Opéra. Politics, more than musical or aesthetic considerations, marked the Opéra's history, which was evident in the decision to locate the new opera house in the Place de la Bastille. The architect who designed the building, Carlos Ott, wanted to depart a little from the Place de la Bastille to avoid overshadowing the July Column, an emblematic monument. Because of these political and artistic issues, those behind the project raced against time to get the Opéra ready for its gala opening in July 1989 in celebration of the 200th anniversary of the French Revolution. The opening was a spectacle devised by the American Bob Wilson, while ‘Bastille Day’ featured concerts conducted by Leonard Bernstein and Georges Prêtre.
Leslie A. Sprout
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780520275300
- eISBN:
- 9780520955271
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520275300.003.0004
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
Duruflé's Requiem is notable for its faithful use of Solesmes plainchant and for the long postwar denial of its historical connections to wartime France by critics obsessed with its “timelessness.” ...
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Duruflé's Requiem is notable for its faithful use of Solesmes plainchant and for the long postwar denial of its historical connections to wartime France by critics obsessed with its “timelessness.” Selections of the work were sung at the 1996 funeral of President François Mitterrand, who died amid controversy about his own wartime past. The Requiem is unique among Duruflé's compositions in its symphonically conceived orchestral accompaniment to choral parts based on plainchant. I argue that Duruflé, who originally envisioned his Requiem as an organ suite, adapted the work to his 1941 Vichy commission to write a symphonic poem destined for performance by one of occupied Paris's symphony orchestras, which received state subsidies to perform new French works, including state commissions.Less
Duruflé's Requiem is notable for its faithful use of Solesmes plainchant and for the long postwar denial of its historical connections to wartime France by critics obsessed with its “timelessness.” Selections of the work were sung at the 1996 funeral of President François Mitterrand, who died amid controversy about his own wartime past. The Requiem is unique among Duruflé's compositions in its symphonically conceived orchestral accompaniment to choral parts based on plainchant. I argue that Duruflé, who originally envisioned his Requiem as an organ suite, adapted the work to his 1941 Vichy commission to write a symphonic poem destined for performance by one of occupied Paris's symphony orchestras, which received state subsidies to perform new French works, including state commissions.
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9781846316654
- eISBN:
- 9781846316784
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/UPO9781846316784.010
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Georges Pompidou (1969–1974), who succeeded Charles de Gaulle as president of France, embarked on grandiose modernisation projects for Paris which included the construction of the Centre Beaubourg ...
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Georges Pompidou (1969–1974), who succeeded Charles de Gaulle as president of France, embarked on grandiose modernisation projects for Paris which included the construction of the Centre Beaubourg (later renamed Centre Georges Pompidou), a major cultural centre that housed a large public library. His modernisation had little direct effect on the Faubourg-Saint-Antoine, which appears to have been fairly quiet on the political front. One exception occurred on December 19, 1969, when Pierre Goldman, a leftist militant, was accused of robbing the Farmachi pharmacy (now the Pharmacie de l'Opéra Bastille) and killing the pharmacist and her assistant. He was condemned to life imprisonment in 1974, only to be acquitted in 1976 and released from prison shortly afterwards. The transformation of the Faubourg to Place de la Bastille continued during the administration of Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, although the classes dangereuses were still in evidence. In May 1981, a delirious crowd gathered at the Place de la Bastille to celebrate the victory of François Mitterrand, who defeated Giscard in the second round of the presidential election.Less
Georges Pompidou (1969–1974), who succeeded Charles de Gaulle as president of France, embarked on grandiose modernisation projects for Paris which included the construction of the Centre Beaubourg (later renamed Centre Georges Pompidou), a major cultural centre that housed a large public library. His modernisation had little direct effect on the Faubourg-Saint-Antoine, which appears to have been fairly quiet on the political front. One exception occurred on December 19, 1969, when Pierre Goldman, a leftist militant, was accused of robbing the Farmachi pharmacy (now the Pharmacie de l'Opéra Bastille) and killing the pharmacist and her assistant. He was condemned to life imprisonment in 1974, only to be acquitted in 1976 and released from prison shortly afterwards. The transformation of the Faubourg to Place de la Bastille continued during the administration of Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, although the classes dangereuses were still in evidence. In May 1981, a delirious crowd gathered at the Place de la Bastille to celebrate the victory of François Mitterrand, who defeated Giscard in the second round of the presidential election.
Herman T. Salton
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198733591
- eISBN:
- 9780191797972
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198733591.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter traces the link between the muscular approach to peacekeeping advocated by Boutros-Ghali early in his term, the ‘moral’ purpose he attached to his role as Secretary-General, his ...
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This chapter traces the link between the muscular approach to peacekeeping advocated by Boutros-Ghali early in his term, the ‘moral’ purpose he attached to his role as Secretary-General, his predilection for DPA over DPKO, and his performance in Rwanda. Following a chronological trajectory from 1990 to 1994, the chapter considers that link by exploring the idea of UN ‘moral authority’ and the reasons behind Boutros-Ghali’s support for it. The chapter then contrasts such an idea with Boutros-Ghali’s relations with Presidents Mitterrand of France, Habyarimana of Rwanda, and Mubarak of Egypt. Three questions arise: did Boutros-Ghali’s proximity to one side of Rwanda’s ethnic divide (the Hutus) prior to becoming SG affect his relations with the other (the Tutsis)? Did such proximity compromise his independence, neutrality, and impartiality—three sources of the SG’s moral authority? And was his conduct compatible with his ‘moral’ view of the UN?Less
This chapter traces the link between the muscular approach to peacekeeping advocated by Boutros-Ghali early in his term, the ‘moral’ purpose he attached to his role as Secretary-General, his predilection for DPA over DPKO, and his performance in Rwanda. Following a chronological trajectory from 1990 to 1994, the chapter considers that link by exploring the idea of UN ‘moral authority’ and the reasons behind Boutros-Ghali’s support for it. The chapter then contrasts such an idea with Boutros-Ghali’s relations with Presidents Mitterrand of France, Habyarimana of Rwanda, and Mubarak of Egypt. Three questions arise: did Boutros-Ghali’s proximity to one side of Rwanda’s ethnic divide (the Hutus) prior to becoming SG affect his relations with the other (the Tutsis)? Did such proximity compromise his independence, neutrality, and impartiality—three sources of the SG’s moral authority? And was his conduct compatible with his ‘moral’ view of the UN?
Sarah Farmer
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- March 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190079079
- eISBN:
- 9780190079109
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190079079.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History, European Modern History
The postwar history of rural France has often been experienced and analyzed as one of perpetual decline measured by rural outmigration and the death of the peasantry as a social class. While this ...
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The postwar history of rural France has often been experienced and analyzed as one of perpetual decline measured by rural outmigration and the death of the peasantry as a social class. While this book has underlined and explored these dislocations and ruptures, it has also pushed back against a declensionist narrative by showing ways in which the French countryside was renewed and changed in the decades of the 1960s ad 1970s by social practices and culture representations that attached symbolic and material value to rural life. Rural society did not die when the peasantry disappeared. Rather, it continued to be reinvented.Less
The postwar history of rural France has often been experienced and analyzed as one of perpetual decline measured by rural outmigration and the death of the peasantry as a social class. While this book has underlined and explored these dislocations and ruptures, it has also pushed back against a declensionist narrative by showing ways in which the French countryside was renewed and changed in the decades of the 1960s ad 1970s by social practices and culture representations that attached symbolic and material value to rural life. Rural society did not die when the peasantry disappeared. Rather, it continued to be reinvented.
Jean Pisani-Ferry
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199993338
- eISBN:
- 9780199346400
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199993338.003.0009
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Financial Economics
France played a major role in promoting and advancing the project to create the euro. But by the time the euro was launched on January 1, 1999, the new currency was largely ignored. In the meantime, ...
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France played a major role in promoting and advancing the project to create the euro. But by the time the euro was launched on January 1, 1999, the new currency was largely ignored. In the meantime, Europe had become a politically divisive factor for both left and right, with cracks appearing as soon as 1992, when French President François Mitterand put the Maastricht Treaty up for referendum. France’s implicit pact became that European integration would remain on the external agenda, on the condition that domestic consequences remained minimal. As a result, it ended up lacking the policy consistency it needed to thrive under the new circumstances and regime. The same was true in Italy, where little was done to foster productivity and growth despite how hard Italy had fought for its qualification. Both missed the opportunity to profit from a change they had ardently called for.Less
France played a major role in promoting and advancing the project to create the euro. But by the time the euro was launched on January 1, 1999, the new currency was largely ignored. In the meantime, Europe had become a politically divisive factor for both left and right, with cracks appearing as soon as 1992, when French President François Mitterand put the Maastricht Treaty up for referendum. France’s implicit pact became that European integration would remain on the external agenda, on the condition that domestic consequences remained minimal. As a result, it ended up lacking the policy consistency it needed to thrive under the new circumstances and regime. The same was true in Italy, where little was done to foster productivity and growth despite how hard Italy had fought for its qualification. Both missed the opportunity to profit from a change they had ardently called for.