Bryan Hardin Thrift
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813049311
- eISBN:
- 9780813050133
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813049311.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This book investigates Jesse Helms’s pivotal role in advancing the conservative movement of the 1950s and 1960s, first as editor of the Tarheel Banker and then as vice president of WRAL television. ...
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This book investigates Jesse Helms’s pivotal role in advancing the conservative movement of the 1950s and 1960s, first as editor of the Tarheel Banker and then as vice president of WRAL television. Before his 1972 election to the Senate, Helms was a significant figure in U.S. political history for two reasons. First, he forged a new form of southern conservatism that made it possible for movement conservatives, grounded in the South and the Republican Party, to win power. He rooted conservatism in private enterprise as the vanguard of a modern, progressive society—one that could simultaneously provide prosperity and maintain traditional values. Avoiding discussions of “race mixing,” Helms made white supremacy “safe” for conservative campaigning. Second, Helms pioneered the attack on the “liberal media” and, critically, the building of conservative media. During Helms’s time as vice president of WRAL-TV in Raleigh, his commentaries and news department undermined Democrats, advanced conservatism, and challenged the forces advocating change. WRAL helped him become something new—a conservative TV personality. Helms intended to use WRAL’s influence to elect conservatives. His commentaries anticipated Fox News’s barely disguised conservative advocacy. Risking WRAL’s broadcast license, he defied the Federal Communication Commission’s Fairness Doctrine on behalf of the conservative movement. His work at WRAL-TV helped channel the 1960s anti-liberal backlash in North Carolina into a powerful voter coalition supporting conservative Republicans. In 1972 Helms left WRAL to run for Senate. As senator, Helms advocated an unbending conservatism that recognized no moderates and preferred stalemate to governing.Less
This book investigates Jesse Helms’s pivotal role in advancing the conservative movement of the 1950s and 1960s, first as editor of the Tarheel Banker and then as vice president of WRAL television. Before his 1972 election to the Senate, Helms was a significant figure in U.S. political history for two reasons. First, he forged a new form of southern conservatism that made it possible for movement conservatives, grounded in the South and the Republican Party, to win power. He rooted conservatism in private enterprise as the vanguard of a modern, progressive society—one that could simultaneously provide prosperity and maintain traditional values. Avoiding discussions of “race mixing,” Helms made white supremacy “safe” for conservative campaigning. Second, Helms pioneered the attack on the “liberal media” and, critically, the building of conservative media. During Helms’s time as vice president of WRAL-TV in Raleigh, his commentaries and news department undermined Democrats, advanced conservatism, and challenged the forces advocating change. WRAL helped him become something new—a conservative TV personality. Helms intended to use WRAL’s influence to elect conservatives. His commentaries anticipated Fox News’s barely disguised conservative advocacy. Risking WRAL’s broadcast license, he defied the Federal Communication Commission’s Fairness Doctrine on behalf of the conservative movement. His work at WRAL-TV helped channel the 1960s anti-liberal backlash in North Carolina into a powerful voter coalition supporting conservative Republicans. In 1972 Helms left WRAL to run for Senate. As senator, Helms advocated an unbending conservatism that recognized no moderates and preferred stalemate to governing.
Bryan Hardin Thrift
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813049311
- eISBN:
- 9780813050133
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813049311.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
The Federal Communication Commission required broadcast stations, both radio and TV, to renew their licenses every three years. Before Helms arrived at WRAL, license renewals were routine, but his ...
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The Federal Communication Commission required broadcast stations, both radio and TV, to renew their licenses every three years. Before Helms arrived at WRAL, license renewals were routine, but his editorials and changes at the FCC meant scrutiny of the station’s political activity. The FCC’s Fairness Doctrine required stations to seek out opposing opinions when they editorialized on controversial issues, and the Equal Time rule obliged stations to offer response time to individuals they criticized. Helms’s political intentions at WRAL meant he pushed what the station could get away with to the limit. His use of WRAL to advance the conservative movement meant challenges to license renewals in 1963 and 1966. North Carolina’s moderate Democrats recognized Helms’s intentions. The FCC investigated the station and issued warnings. WRAL adopted new policies, but little changed. Helms chose whose dissent to air and shaped what they could say. In many cases he managed to use the opposition to conservatism’s advantage.Less
The Federal Communication Commission required broadcast stations, both radio and TV, to renew their licenses every three years. Before Helms arrived at WRAL, license renewals were routine, but his editorials and changes at the FCC meant scrutiny of the station’s political activity. The FCC’s Fairness Doctrine required stations to seek out opposing opinions when they editorialized on controversial issues, and the Equal Time rule obliged stations to offer response time to individuals they criticized. Helms’s political intentions at WRAL meant he pushed what the station could get away with to the limit. His use of WRAL to advance the conservative movement meant challenges to license renewals in 1963 and 1966. North Carolina’s moderate Democrats recognized Helms’s intentions. The FCC investigated the station and issued warnings. WRAL adopted new policies, but little changed. Helms chose whose dissent to air and shaped what they could say. In many cases he managed to use the opposition to conservatism’s advantage.
John Billheimer
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780813177427
- eISBN:
- 9780813177441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813177427.003.0037
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This chapter addresses the censorship issues faced by Hitchcock while producing his television series, Alfred Hitchcock Presents. It traces the history of broadcast censorship from the introduction ...
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This chapter addresses the censorship issues faced by Hitchcock while producing his television series, Alfred Hitchcock Presents. It traces the history of broadcast censorship from the introduction of the Federal Communication Commission in 1934 through the development of the National Association of Broadcasters’ Code of Practices in 1951. The Code resembled the Motion Picture Production Code and was accompanied by a Seal of Good Practice, which was displayed on the closing credits of most US television programs from 1952 through the early 1980s. In practice, the sponsors of television programs had more control over programming conduct than the NAB Code. Because TV sponsors were attuned to any negative reaction, and television reached a much wider audience than movies, television content in the 1950s and 1960s was much more susceptible to protests from pressure groups than the movies. Television producers faced more censors than movie producers and were even more timid about confronting them. The Red Scare of the 1950s produced blacklists of television performers that ruined as many lives as the movie blacklists did. The NAB Code became hopelessly outdated and was suspended in 1983, supplanted by a rating system similar to that developed by the MPAA in 1996.Less
This chapter addresses the censorship issues faced by Hitchcock while producing his television series, Alfred Hitchcock Presents. It traces the history of broadcast censorship from the introduction of the Federal Communication Commission in 1934 through the development of the National Association of Broadcasters’ Code of Practices in 1951. The Code resembled the Motion Picture Production Code and was accompanied by a Seal of Good Practice, which was displayed on the closing credits of most US television programs from 1952 through the early 1980s. In practice, the sponsors of television programs had more control over programming conduct than the NAB Code. Because TV sponsors were attuned to any negative reaction, and television reached a much wider audience than movies, television content in the 1950s and 1960s was much more susceptible to protests from pressure groups than the movies. Television producers faced more censors than movie producers and were even more timid about confronting them. The Red Scare of the 1950s produced blacklists of television performers that ruined as many lives as the movie blacklists did. The NAB Code became hopelessly outdated and was suspended in 1983, supplanted by a rating system similar to that developed by the MPAA in 1996.
