David Ellwood
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198228790
- eISBN:
- 9780191741739
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198228790.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, American History: 20th Century
The Wall St crisis of 1929 intensified but did not alter an emerging intellectual critique of the new forms of consumerist society emerging in America. Some of these views flirted with ...
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The Wall St crisis of 1929 intensified but did not alter an emerging intellectual critique of the new forms of consumerist society emerging in America. Some of these views flirted with totalitarianism but in reality the three major regimes developed their own distinctive relationship with the America-as-future question. Mussolini's Italy showed the most complex pattern, as the Duce was lionised by parts of the US élite. The Soviets thought they could borrow what they needed from US industry and Stalin refused to develop a specific analysis of American capitalism as such. Hitler had done so, but acted upon it only spasmodically, developing his own versions of Hollywood and Fordism. Meanwhile the radiant force of American corporations permeated Nazi Germany, while in the shadows a counter-culture listened to jazz and read book after book on the US.Less
The Wall St crisis of 1929 intensified but did not alter an emerging intellectual critique of the new forms of consumerist society emerging in America. Some of these views flirted with totalitarianism but in reality the three major regimes developed their own distinctive relationship with the America-as-future question. Mussolini's Italy showed the most complex pattern, as the Duce was lionised by parts of the US élite. The Soviets thought they could borrow what they needed from US industry and Stalin refused to develop a specific analysis of American capitalism as such. Hitler had done so, but acted upon it only spasmodically, developing his own versions of Hollywood and Fordism. Meanwhile the radiant force of American corporations permeated Nazi Germany, while in the shadows a counter-culture listened to jazz and read book after book on the US.
Daniel Kupfert Heller
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691174754
- eISBN:
- 9781400888627
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691174754.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
This chapter focuses on 1928–1931, the years in which Betar began its transformation into a mass movement in Poland. Across Europe, admirers of Fascist Italy were sifting through Benito Mussolini's ...
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This chapter focuses on 1928–1931, the years in which Betar began its transformation into a mass movement in Poland. Across Europe, admirers of Fascist Italy were sifting through Benito Mussolini's political program in search of an antidote to their own political challenges. Fascist ideology in Italy was replete with contradictions and in a state of perpetual flux. Fascist leaders often used this ideological ambiguity to their advantage. The chapter then looks at the workshops of Betar's cultural architects, as they designed an array of myths and rituals linking the group to Judaism and ancient Jewish history, and explores how these projects provided fertile ground for Betar's leaders to determine the extent to which they would embrace the beliefs and behaviors they associated with fascism.Less
This chapter focuses on 1928–1931, the years in which Betar began its transformation into a mass movement in Poland. Across Europe, admirers of Fascist Italy were sifting through Benito Mussolini's political program in search of an antidote to their own political challenges. Fascist ideology in Italy was replete with contradictions and in a state of perpetual flux. Fascist leaders often used this ideological ambiguity to their advantage. The chapter then looks at the workshops of Betar's cultural architects, as they designed an array of myths and rituals linking the group to Judaism and ancient Jewish history, and explores how these projects provided fertile ground for Betar's leaders to determine the extent to which they would embrace the beliefs and behaviors they associated with fascism.
Sasha D. Pack
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781503606678
- eISBN:
- 9781503607538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9781503606678.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
This chapter examines the fate of trans-Gibraltar region during Spanish Civil War and the early stages of World War II. Although the insurgent army of Francisco Franco quickly took control of ...
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This chapter examines the fate of trans-Gibraltar region during Spanish Civil War and the early stages of World War II. Although the insurgent army of Francisco Franco quickly took control of northern Morocco and southern Spain and invited its Nazi and Fascist allies to the strategically crucial region, the Entente order of 1904 proved resilient. New evidence is introduced detailing the Franco movement’s success in marshaling anti-French, anti-Semitic, and pro-German sentiments to recruit Muslim support, promising the construction of a new Hispano-Moroccan bulwark in the western Mediterranean. Other new documents indicate how quickly this enthusiasm cooled, however, as it became clear that Nazi agents were preparing to seize a position in northwest Africa without giving consideration for Spanish interests, while the British and much of the Jewish community of Tangier remained supportive of Spanish interests in Morocco.Less
This chapter examines the fate of trans-Gibraltar region during Spanish Civil War and the early stages of World War II. Although the insurgent army of Francisco Franco quickly took control of northern Morocco and southern Spain and invited its Nazi and Fascist allies to the strategically crucial region, the Entente order of 1904 proved resilient. New evidence is introduced detailing the Franco movement’s success in marshaling anti-French, anti-Semitic, and pro-German sentiments to recruit Muslim support, promising the construction of a new Hispano-Moroccan bulwark in the western Mediterranean. Other new documents indicate how quickly this enthusiasm cooled, however, as it became clear that Nazi agents were preparing to seize a position in northwest Africa without giving consideration for Spanish interests, while the British and much of the Jewish community of Tangier remained supportive of Spanish interests in Morocco.
Christian Leitz
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206453
- eISBN:
- 9780191677137
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206453.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Economic History
This section discusses the economic aspect of the relationship between the Franco regime and one of its two major ‘midwives’—Nationalist Socialist Germany and Fascist Italy. It notes that no ...
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This section discusses the economic aspect of the relationship between the Franco regime and one of its two major ‘midwives’—Nationalist Socialist Germany and Fascist Italy. It notes that no extensive research on the economic aspect of German–Spanish history and no single study has examined the economic relationship between the two dictatorships for the whole period between the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War and the demise of the Nazi regime in 1945. It emphasizes that this book intends to fill the gap that historians failed to provide in various studies of the economic aspect of the German-Spanish relationship. Further, this book analyzes the origins of economic relations between the Nazi regime and the insurgent forces in Spain in the context of the early stages of Germany's intervention in the Spanish Civil War.Less
This section discusses the economic aspect of the relationship between the Franco regime and one of its two major ‘midwives’—Nationalist Socialist Germany and Fascist Italy. It notes that no extensive research on the economic aspect of German–Spanish history and no single study has examined the economic relationship between the two dictatorships for the whole period between the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War and the demise of the Nazi regime in 1945. It emphasizes that this book intends to fill the gap that historians failed to provide in various studies of the economic aspect of the German-Spanish relationship. Further, this book analyzes the origins of economic relations between the Nazi regime and the insurgent forces in Spain in the context of the early stages of Germany's intervention in the Spanish Civil War.
Reto Hofmann
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801453410
- eISBN:
- 9780801456367
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801453410.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book explores the ideological links that tied Japan to Italy during the period 1915–1952. More specifically, it considers why Japanese intellectuals, writers, activists, and politicians, ...
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This book explores the ideological links that tied Japan to Italy during the period 1915–1952. More specifically, it considers why Japanese intellectuals, writers, activists, and politicians, although conscious of the many points of intersection between their politics and those of Benito Mussolini, were so ambivalent about the comparability of Imperial Japan and Fascist Italy. To elucidate the scope of the Japanese encounter with fascism, the book relies on individuals, theater plays, official documents, popular literature, newspapers, and philosophical treatises. In discussing how contemporary Japanese understood fascism, the book rethinks the history of Japan as part of a wider, interconnected, history of fascism. It argues that Japanese politics and ideology in the first half of the twentieth century were intertwined with European fascism.Less
This book explores the ideological links that tied Japan to Italy during the period 1915–1952. More specifically, it considers why Japanese intellectuals, writers, activists, and politicians, although conscious of the many points of intersection between their politics and those of Benito Mussolini, were so ambivalent about the comparability of Imperial Japan and Fascist Italy. To elucidate the scope of the Japanese encounter with fascism, the book relies on individuals, theater plays, official documents, popular literature, newspapers, and philosophical treatises. In discussing how contemporary Japanese understood fascism, the book rethinks the history of Japan as part of a wider, interconnected, history of fascism. It argues that Japanese politics and ideology in the first half of the twentieth century were intertwined with European fascism.
Peter Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2022
- Published Online:
- May 2022
- ISBN:
- 9780197267257
- eISBN:
- 9780191965081
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197267257.003.0017
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
Building on early encounters with a possible Neoplatonic echo in his poetics, this chapter explores how Montale adapted the ‘donna amata’ in Dante to an aesthetic wrestling with his times — the years ...
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Building on early encounters with a possible Neoplatonic echo in his poetics, this chapter explores how Montale adapted the ‘donna amata’ in Dante to an aesthetic wrestling with his times — the years from his first meeting with the Dante scholar Irma Brandeis in 1933 to the publications of Le occasioni (1939) and La bufera (1957). With the end of their involvement in 1939, Montale cast the relationship with Brandeis as an echo of the spiritual philosophy of his great forebear. From their meeting until plans to be united were abandoned with the introduction of the 1938 Racial Laws — Brandeis being American Jewish — and the coming of war in 1940, Montale’s poetry constitutes a spiritualised resistance to the Fascist Italy in which the poet lived as an inner émigré, a resistance in which being driven inwards by events also drove on the spiritual ascent.Less
Building on early encounters with a possible Neoplatonic echo in his poetics, this chapter explores how Montale adapted the ‘donna amata’ in Dante to an aesthetic wrestling with his times — the years from his first meeting with the Dante scholar Irma Brandeis in 1933 to the publications of Le occasioni (1939) and La bufera (1957). With the end of their involvement in 1939, Montale cast the relationship with Brandeis as an echo of the spiritual philosophy of his great forebear. From their meeting until plans to be united were abandoned with the introduction of the 1938 Racial Laws — Brandeis being American Jewish — and the coming of war in 1940, Montale’s poetry constitutes a spiritualised resistance to the Fascist Italy in which the poet lived as an inner émigré, a resistance in which being driven inwards by events also drove on the spiritual ascent.
Michael Baskett
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824831639
- eISBN:
- 9780824868796
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824831639.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
This chapter examines Japan's struggle to create and define its empire as a unique entity vis-à-vis the West. It first considers how Japan clashed with Hollywood for market domination and the “hearts ...
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This chapter examines Japan's struggle to create and define its empire as a unique entity vis-à-vis the West. It first considers how Japan clashed with Hollywood for market domination and the “hearts and minds” of Asians and how the rise of the Japanese empire in Asia threatened American film dominance there, triggering a film war. Japan restricted access to Asian markets, censored or banned American films, and finally conducted a comprehensive embargo on all Hollywood films. This prohibition led to secret meetings among Japanese film industry representatives, Hollywood representatives, and the U.S. Department of Commerce in which the United States threatened to stain Japan's national reputation by making Japanese villains in American films. The chapter analyzes Japan's paradoxical status as a member nation of the Axis at a time when it was preaching anti-Westernism throughout Asia. It also discusses the interactions among the cinemas of imperial Japan, Nazi Germany, and Fascist Italy on the legislative, distribution, and exhibition levels.Less
This chapter examines Japan's struggle to create and define its empire as a unique entity vis-à-vis the West. It first considers how Japan clashed with Hollywood for market domination and the “hearts and minds” of Asians and how the rise of the Japanese empire in Asia threatened American film dominance there, triggering a film war. Japan restricted access to Asian markets, censored or banned American films, and finally conducted a comprehensive embargo on all Hollywood films. This prohibition led to secret meetings among Japanese film industry representatives, Hollywood representatives, and the U.S. Department of Commerce in which the United States threatened to stain Japan's national reputation by making Japanese villains in American films. The chapter analyzes Japan's paradoxical status as a member nation of the Axis at a time when it was preaching anti-Westernism throughout Asia. It also discusses the interactions among the cinemas of imperial Japan, Nazi Germany, and Fascist Italy on the legislative, distribution, and exhibition levels.
Richard Taruskin
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520249776
- eISBN:
- 9780520942790
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520249776.003.0031
- Subject:
- Music, Theory, Analysis, Composition
This chapter presents an essay on the book Music in Fascist Italy by Harvey Sachs, reviewing the history of music in fascist Italy presented in the book with emphasis on Italian conductor Arturo ...
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This chapter presents an essay on the book Music in Fascist Italy by Harvey Sachs, reviewing the history of music in fascist Italy presented in the book with emphasis on Italian conductor Arturo Toscanini. It criticizes Sachs for prejudging the phenomenon of music under fascism in the light of Toscanini's anti-fascism. Data presented in the book by Sachs shows how fashionable modernism was in fascist Italy, and how attractive the policies of the fascist state were to modernists. Furthermore, the essay criticizes Toscanini for having double standards related to fascism and democracy, as he tyrannized the musicians under him, lived a life of seigneur, and exacted astronomical payments. The double standards that mar this book show how little we have come to terms with the phenomenon of fascism with respect to the arts. The history of music in fascist Italy was the least interesting and important phase of the relationship between twentieth century music and fascism.Less
This chapter presents an essay on the book Music in Fascist Italy by Harvey Sachs, reviewing the history of music in fascist Italy presented in the book with emphasis on Italian conductor Arturo Toscanini. It criticizes Sachs for prejudging the phenomenon of music under fascism in the light of Toscanini's anti-fascism. Data presented in the book by Sachs shows how fashionable modernism was in fascist Italy, and how attractive the policies of the fascist state were to modernists. Furthermore, the essay criticizes Toscanini for having double standards related to fascism and democracy, as he tyrannized the musicians under him, lived a life of seigneur, and exacted astronomical payments. The double standards that mar this book show how little we have come to terms with the phenomenon of fascism with respect to the arts. The history of music in fascist Italy was the least interesting and important phase of the relationship between twentieth century music and fascism.
Stuart Woolf
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780199225996
- eISBN:
- 9780191863431
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199225996.003.0017
- Subject:
- History, Historiography
This chapter examines the relations between party and history in post-Fascist Italy, foregrounding Italy’s most distinctive contribution to post-war historical method—microstoria. Microhistory’s ...
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This chapter examines the relations between party and history in post-Fascist Italy, foregrounding Italy’s most distinctive contribution to post-war historical method—microstoria. Microhistory’s exponents have proposed a radical challenge, not only to the traditionally dominant form of writing history from the viewpoint of the state and ruling elites, but more fundamentally to the generalizing assumptions of the social sciences. Microhistorians place in doubt the basic conviction of historical positivism that political-institutional ‘facts’ constitute the subject matter of history, and that the archival documentation, subject to philologically appropriate methods, provides direct and reliable evidence. However, they are equally critical of the influence on historical interpretation of the functionalist presuppositions on which social scientists construct their theories of the normative systems that regulate societies and economies, and the macroconcepts that are deployed to explain historical change over time, such as capitalist transformation, the evolution of the modern state, progress, modernization, class, and so on.Less
This chapter examines the relations between party and history in post-Fascist Italy, foregrounding Italy’s most distinctive contribution to post-war historical method—microstoria. Microhistory’s exponents have proposed a radical challenge, not only to the traditionally dominant form of writing history from the viewpoint of the state and ruling elites, but more fundamentally to the generalizing assumptions of the social sciences. Microhistorians place in doubt the basic conviction of historical positivism that political-institutional ‘facts’ constitute the subject matter of history, and that the archival documentation, subject to philologically appropriate methods, provides direct and reliable evidence. However, they are equally critical of the influence on historical interpretation of the functionalist presuppositions on which social scientists construct their theories of the normative systems that regulate societies and economies, and the macroconcepts that are deployed to explain historical change over time, such as capitalist transformation, the evolution of the modern state, progress, modernization, class, and so on.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804759861
- eISBN:
- 9780804787550
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804759861.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter shows how Hungarian and Romanian statesmen clung to minority rights rhetoric through the darkest days of the war, forcing Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy to play the role of minority ...
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This chapter shows how Hungarian and Romanian statesmen clung to minority rights rhetoric through the darkest days of the war, forcing Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy to play the role of minority rights watchdog for both states, in a sense picking up where the League of Nations had left off. Their mediation efforts implicitly confirmed the claim that formed the basis for the League system, namely, that minorities constituted “obligations of international concern”.Less
This chapter shows how Hungarian and Romanian statesmen clung to minority rights rhetoric through the darkest days of the war, forcing Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy to play the role of minority rights watchdog for both states, in a sense picking up where the League of Nations had left off. Their mediation efforts implicitly confirmed the claim that formed the basis for the League system, namely, that minorities constituted “obligations of international concern”.
StanLey G. Payne
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300100686
- eISBN:
- 9780300130782
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300100686.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter discusses the greater concern Moscow felt at the beginning of the war, as compared to that felt in Berlin or Rome. Moscow had a good deal of political capital invested in Spain, not ...
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This chapter discusses the greater concern Moscow felt at the beginning of the war, as compared to that felt in Berlin or Rome. Moscow had a good deal of political capital invested in Spain, not merely in the PCE but as one of the two bastions of the Popular Front. Additionally, a much more radicalized situation offered the USSR a greater long-term opportunity in Spain than in France. The USSR was the only power that had been intervening systematically in Spanish affairs before the beginning of the Civil War, operating its own political party within the country and at long last achieving some success. By comparison, Nazi Germany limited itself to small-scale propaganda funding, and Fascist Italy, while engaging in more extensive cultural and propaganda activity, otherwise did no more than pay a small subsidy to the Falangist party.Less
This chapter discusses the greater concern Moscow felt at the beginning of the war, as compared to that felt in Berlin or Rome. Moscow had a good deal of political capital invested in Spain, not merely in the PCE but as one of the two bastions of the Popular Front. Additionally, a much more radicalized situation offered the USSR a greater long-term opportunity in Spain than in France. The USSR was the only power that had been intervening systematically in Spanish affairs before the beginning of the Civil War, operating its own political party within the country and at long last achieving some success. By comparison, Nazi Germany limited itself to small-scale propaganda funding, and Fascist Italy, while engaging in more extensive cultural and propaganda activity, otherwise did no more than pay a small subsidy to the Falangist party.
William Klinger and Denis Kuljiš
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- September 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197572429
- eISBN:
- 9780197610848
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197572429.003.0022
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter recounts how the Comintern had been pushed into the background after moving first to Kuybyshev and then to Ufa, and finally away from the Moscow vortex. It tells of the eventual ...
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This chapter recounts how the Comintern had been pushed into the background after moving first to Kuybyshev and then to Ufa, and finally away from the Moscow vortex. It tells of the eventual expiration of the Comintern in the summer of 1943, during which Fascist Italy also collapsed between July and September. It also refers to Vladimir Nazor, a well-known poet who joined the Partisans despite his advanced age, who wrote a few poems that were set to music by composer Oskar Danon in the glory of the newly minted Marshal Tito. The chapter discusses the arrival of the US delegation in Tehran for the Allied conference codenamed “Eureka” in November 1943 with a bundle of raw estimates and worst-case scenarios. It mentions Harry Hopkins, Roosevelt's special advisor, who anticipated Soviet domination in postwar Europe.Less
This chapter recounts how the Comintern had been pushed into the background after moving first to Kuybyshev and then to Ufa, and finally away from the Moscow vortex. It tells of the eventual expiration of the Comintern in the summer of 1943, during which Fascist Italy also collapsed between July and September. It also refers to Vladimir Nazor, a well-known poet who joined the Partisans despite his advanced age, who wrote a few poems that were set to music by composer Oskar Danon in the glory of the newly minted Marshal Tito. The chapter discusses the arrival of the US delegation in Tehran for the Allied conference codenamed “Eureka” in November 1943 with a bundle of raw estimates and worst-case scenarios. It mentions Harry Hopkins, Roosevelt's special advisor, who anticipated Soviet domination in postwar Europe.