Heather Hendershot
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226326771
- eISBN:
- 9780226326764
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226326764.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter narrates Carl McIntire’s struggle, and eventual defeat, against the Federal Communications Commission (FCC). In 1973, McIntire faced another great defeat after being removed by the ...
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This chapter narrates Carl McIntire’s struggle, and eventual defeat, against the Federal Communications Commission (FCC). In 1973, McIntire faced another great defeat after being removed by the American Council of Christian Churches: his long legal battle against the FCC had drawn to a close, and it ruled that his station, WXUR, has lost its license to operate. The Supreme Court had even declined to review the case, and upheld the FCC’s decision. This catastrophic defeat had a massive impact on his devoted followers all over the country. What brought the station down was its defiance of the Fairness Doctrine, since the station programs did not provide an equal opportunity to create rebuttals for the issues that the conservatives faced. For the conservatives, this doctrine served as a symbol of persecution by liberals.Less
This chapter narrates Carl McIntire’s struggle, and eventual defeat, against the Federal Communications Commission (FCC). In 1973, McIntire faced another great defeat after being removed by the American Council of Christian Churches: his long legal battle against the FCC had drawn to a close, and it ruled that his station, WXUR, has lost its license to operate. The Supreme Court had even declined to review the case, and upheld the FCC’s decision. This catastrophic defeat had a massive impact on his devoted followers all over the country. What brought the station down was its defiance of the Fairness Doctrine, since the station programs did not provide an equal opportunity to create rebuttals for the issues that the conservatives faced. For the conservatives, this doctrine served as a symbol of persecution by liberals.
Paul Matzko
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190073220
- eISBN:
- 9780190073251
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190073220.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
After the assassination of John F. Kennedy, leadership of the counter–Radio Right censorship campaign passed to the Democratic National Committee (DNC). DNC Chairman John Bailey recruited operative ...
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After the assassination of John F. Kennedy, leadership of the counter–Radio Right censorship campaign passed to the Democratic National Committee (DNC). DNC Chairman John Bailey recruited operative Wayne Phillips to take charge of a team that would intimidate conservative broadcasters who either supported Barry Goldwater or attacked Lyndon Johnson during the 1964 election. By Phillips’s own estimations, the project was a remarkable success, garnering hundreds of hours of free airtime via Fairness Doctrine complaints. They were aided by a new front organization—secretly created by the DNC—called the National Council for Civic Responsibility. As a bonus, the campaign also generated a court challenge from journalist Fred Cook against conservative radio station owner John Norris. The resulting court case, Red Lion Broadcasting Co., Inc. v. FCC, went all the way to the US Supreme Court, which ultimately upheld the Fairness Doctrine.Less
After the assassination of John F. Kennedy, leadership of the counter–Radio Right censorship campaign passed to the Democratic National Committee (DNC). DNC Chairman John Bailey recruited operative Wayne Phillips to take charge of a team that would intimidate conservative broadcasters who either supported Barry Goldwater or attacked Lyndon Johnson during the 1964 election. By Phillips’s own estimations, the project was a remarkable success, garnering hundreds of hours of free airtime via Fairness Doctrine complaints. They were aided by a new front organization—secretly created by the DNC—called the National Council for Civic Responsibility. As a bonus, the campaign also generated a court challenge from journalist Fred Cook against conservative radio station owner John Norris. The resulting court case, Red Lion Broadcasting Co., Inc. v. FCC, went all the way to the US Supreme Court, which ultimately upheld the Fairness Doctrine.
Paul Matzko
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190073220
- eISBN:
- 9780190073251
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190073220.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Under orders from President John F. Kennedy and Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) and the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) tightened the regulatory screws ...
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Under orders from President John F. Kennedy and Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) and the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) tightened the regulatory screws on conservative broadcasters. The IRS launched the “Ideological Organizations Project” to challenge the tax-exempt status of conservative broadcasters and to stem the flow of donations. The FCC strengthened its “Fairness Doctrine” rules, which required radio stations to ensure politically balanced discussion of public policy and to give free response time to victims of personal attacks made on the air. The United Auto Workers financed the creation of an opposition research clearing house, Group Research Inc., that compiled dossiers of damaging information on conservative broadcasters and politicians. The White House also organized a front organization, the Citizens Committee for a Nuclear Test Ban, to gain free, pro-administration airtime from radio stations that aired conservative critiques of the proposed treaty.Less
Under orders from President John F. Kennedy and Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) and the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) tightened the regulatory screws on conservative broadcasters. The IRS launched the “Ideological Organizations Project” to challenge the tax-exempt status of conservative broadcasters and to stem the flow of donations. The FCC strengthened its “Fairness Doctrine” rules, which required radio stations to ensure politically balanced discussion of public policy and to give free response time to victims of personal attacks made on the air. The United Auto Workers financed the creation of an opposition research clearing house, Group Research Inc., that compiled dossiers of damaging information on conservative broadcasters and politicians. The White House also organized a front organization, the Citizens Committee for a Nuclear Test Ban, to gain free, pro-administration airtime from radio stations that aired conservative critiques of the proposed treaty.
Bryan Hardin Thrift
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813049311
- eISBN:
- 9780813050133
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813049311.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
The Federal Communication Commission required broadcast stations, both radio and TV, to renew their licenses every three years. Before Helms arrived at WRAL, license renewals were routine, but his ...
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The Federal Communication Commission required broadcast stations, both radio and TV, to renew their licenses every three years. Before Helms arrived at WRAL, license renewals were routine, but his editorials and changes at the FCC meant scrutiny of the station’s political activity. The FCC’s Fairness Doctrine required stations to seek out opposing opinions when they editorialized on controversial issues, and the Equal Time rule obliged stations to offer response time to individuals they criticized. Helms’s political intentions at WRAL meant he pushed what the station could get away with to the limit. His use of WRAL to advance the conservative movement meant challenges to license renewals in 1963 and 1966. North Carolina’s moderate Democrats recognized Helms’s intentions. The FCC investigated the station and issued warnings. WRAL adopted new policies, but little changed. Helms chose whose dissent to air and shaped what they could say. In many cases he managed to use the opposition to conservatism’s advantage.Less
The Federal Communication Commission required broadcast stations, both radio and TV, to renew their licenses every three years. Before Helms arrived at WRAL, license renewals were routine, but his editorials and changes at the FCC meant scrutiny of the station’s political activity. The FCC’s Fairness Doctrine required stations to seek out opposing opinions when they editorialized on controversial issues, and the Equal Time rule obliged stations to offer response time to individuals they criticized. Helms’s political intentions at WRAL meant he pushed what the station could get away with to the limit. His use of WRAL to advance the conservative movement meant challenges to license renewals in 1963 and 1966. North Carolina’s moderate Democrats recognized Helms’s intentions. The FCC investigated the station and issued warnings. WRAL adopted new policies, but little changed. Helms chose whose dissent to air and shaped what they could say. In many cases he managed to use the opposition to conservatism’s advantage.
Paul Matzko
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190073220
- eISBN:
- 9780190073251
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190073220.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The deregulation of the airwaves by the Jimmy Carter administration, combined with the advent of cable broadcasting, allowed the resurgence of politically conservative radio in the late 1970s and ...
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The deregulation of the airwaves by the Jimmy Carter administration, combined with the advent of cable broadcasting, allowed the resurgence of politically conservative radio in the late 1970s and 1980s. A new generation of religious broadcasters—including Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson—used radio and television to become household names. Indeed, it was while organizing to protect broadcasters from the Fairness Doctrine that the idea to create the “Moral Majority” came to Falwell. Also, radio broadcasting was the preferred way that former California Governor Ronald Reagan kept up his political brand as he prepared to run for president in 1976 and 1980. In the four decades since, right-wing talk radio has profoundly influenced national politics, but those tempted to call for a return to Fairness Doctrine–style regulation would do well to bear in mind Donald Trump’s expressed desire to challenge broadcasting licenses for critical journalistic outlets like NBC News.Less
The deregulation of the airwaves by the Jimmy Carter administration, combined with the advent of cable broadcasting, allowed the resurgence of politically conservative radio in the late 1970s and 1980s. A new generation of religious broadcasters—including Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson—used radio and television to become household names. Indeed, it was while organizing to protect broadcasters from the Fairness Doctrine that the idea to create the “Moral Majority” came to Falwell. Also, radio broadcasting was the preferred way that former California Governor Ronald Reagan kept up his political brand as he prepared to run for president in 1976 and 1980. In the four decades since, right-wing talk radio has profoundly influenced national politics, but those tempted to call for a return to Fairness Doctrine–style regulation would do well to bear in mind Donald Trump’s expressed desire to challenge broadcasting licenses for critical journalistic outlets like NBC News.
Bryan Hardin Thrift
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813049311
- eISBN:
- 9780813050133
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813049311.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This book investigates Jesse Helms’s pivotal role in advancing the conservative movement of the 1950s and 1960s, first as editor of the Tarheel Banker and then as vice president of WRAL television. ...
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This book investigates Jesse Helms’s pivotal role in advancing the conservative movement of the 1950s and 1960s, first as editor of the Tarheel Banker and then as vice president of WRAL television. Before his 1972 election to the Senate, Helms was a significant figure in U.S. political history for two reasons. First, he forged a new form of southern conservatism that made it possible for movement conservatives, grounded in the South and the Republican Party, to win power. He rooted conservatism in private enterprise as the vanguard of a modern, progressive society—one that could simultaneously provide prosperity and maintain traditional values. Avoiding discussions of “race mixing,” Helms made white supremacy “safe” for conservative campaigning. Second, Helms pioneered the attack on the “liberal media” and, critically, the building of conservative media. During Helms’s time as vice president of WRAL-TV in Raleigh, his commentaries and news department undermined Democrats, advanced conservatism, and challenged the forces advocating change. WRAL helped him become something new—a conservative TV personality. Helms intended to use WRAL’s influence to elect conservatives. His commentaries anticipated Fox News’s barely disguised conservative advocacy. Risking WRAL’s broadcast license, he defied the Federal Communication Commission’s Fairness Doctrine on behalf of the conservative movement. His work at WRAL-TV helped channel the 1960s anti-liberal backlash in North Carolina into a powerful voter coalition supporting conservative Republicans. In 1972 Helms left WRAL to run for Senate. As senator, Helms advocated an unbending conservatism that recognized no moderates and preferred stalemate to governing.Less
This book investigates Jesse Helms’s pivotal role in advancing the conservative movement of the 1950s and 1960s, first as editor of the Tarheel Banker and then as vice president of WRAL television. Before his 1972 election to the Senate, Helms was a significant figure in U.S. political history for two reasons. First, he forged a new form of southern conservatism that made it possible for movement conservatives, grounded in the South and the Republican Party, to win power. He rooted conservatism in private enterprise as the vanguard of a modern, progressive society—one that could simultaneously provide prosperity and maintain traditional values. Avoiding discussions of “race mixing,” Helms made white supremacy “safe” for conservative campaigning. Second, Helms pioneered the attack on the “liberal media” and, critically, the building of conservative media. During Helms’s time as vice president of WRAL-TV in Raleigh, his commentaries and news department undermined Democrats, advanced conservatism, and challenged the forces advocating change. WRAL helped him become something new—a conservative TV personality. Helms intended to use WRAL’s influence to elect conservatives. His commentaries anticipated Fox News’s barely disguised conservative advocacy. Risking WRAL’s broadcast license, he defied the Federal Communication Commission’s Fairness Doctrine on behalf of the conservative movement. His work at WRAL-TV helped channel the 1960s anti-liberal backlash in North Carolina into a powerful voter coalition supporting conservative Republicans. In 1972 Helms left WRAL to run for Senate. As senator, Helms advocated an unbending conservatism that recognized no moderates and preferred stalemate to governing.
Heather Hendershot
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226326771
- eISBN:
- 9780226326764
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226326764.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter focuses on Carl McIntire who is an outspoken Nixon hater that saw the president’s rapprochement with China as nothing more than high treason. McIntire used his radio station, WXUR, his ...
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This chapter focuses on Carl McIntire who is an outspoken Nixon hater that saw the president’s rapprochement with China as nothing more than high treason. McIntire used his radio station, WXUR, his weekly newspaper, the Christian Beacon, and his nationally broadcast program, the Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, to attack his wide-assortment of enemies: the NAACP, the Anti-Defamation League, the AFL-CIO, the National Council of Churches, the World Council of Churches, the Pope, Billy Graham, the National Association of Evangelicals, and the Federal Communications Commission (FCC). McIntire hated the FCC the most as the government commission succeeded in dismantling his radio station in 1973, using the Fairness Doctrine as a basis. Historians and religious scholars have generally viewed McIntire as a distasteful icon of the old-fashioned fundamentalism, and media scholars ignored him entirely.Less
This chapter focuses on Carl McIntire who is an outspoken Nixon hater that saw the president’s rapprochement with China as nothing more than high treason. McIntire used his radio station, WXUR, his weekly newspaper, the Christian Beacon, and his nationally broadcast program, the Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, to attack his wide-assortment of enemies: the NAACP, the Anti-Defamation League, the AFL-CIO, the National Council of Churches, the World Council of Churches, the Pope, Billy Graham, the National Association of Evangelicals, and the Federal Communications Commission (FCC). McIntire hated the FCC the most as the government commission succeeded in dismantling his radio station in 1973, using the Fairness Doctrine as a basis. Historians and religious scholars have generally viewed McIntire as a distasteful icon of the old-fashioned fundamentalism, and media scholars ignored him entirely.
Marcel Chotkowski Lafollette
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226921990
- eISBN:
- 9780226922010
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226922010.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter, which examines the history of the conflict between news and science television broadcasting in the United States, discusses the role of television news in reframing science's public ...
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This chapter, which examines the history of the conflict between news and science television broadcasting in the United States, discusses the role of television news in reframing science's public image and cites a survey result which reveals an increase in mass media coverage of science, technology, and personal health stories. It explains that communication about risks identified by or related to scientific research posed special challenges for television, particularly with the passage of the Fairness Doctrine. The chapter also considers the link between declining enrollments in science courses and the state of science on television.Less
This chapter, which examines the history of the conflict between news and science television broadcasting in the United States, discusses the role of television news in reframing science's public image and cites a survey result which reveals an increase in mass media coverage of science, technology, and personal health stories. It explains that communication about risks identified by or related to scientific research posed special challenges for television, particularly with the passage of the Fairness Doctrine. The chapter also considers the link between declining enrollments in science courses and the state of science on television.
Paul Matzko
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190073220
- eISBN:
- 9780190073251
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190073220.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
By the early 1960s, and for the first time in history, most Americans across the nation could tune their radio to a station that aired conservative programming from dawn to dusk. People listened to ...
More
By the early 1960s, and for the first time in history, most Americans across the nation could tune their radio to a station that aired conservative programming from dawn to dusk. People listened to these shows in remarkable numbers; for example, the broadcaster with the largest listening audience, Carl McIntire, had a weekly audience of twenty million, or one in nine American households. For the sake of comparison, that is a higher percentage of the country than would listen to conservative talk radio host Rush Limbaugh forty years later. As this Radio Right phenomenon grew, President John F. Kennedy responded with the most successful government censorship campaign of the last half century. Taking the advice of union leader Walter Reuther, the Kennedy administration used the Internal Revenue Service and the Federal Communications Commission to pressure stations into dropping conservative programs. This book reveals the growing power of the Radio Right through the eyes of its opponents using confidential reports, internal correspondence, and Oval Office tape recordings. With the help of other liberal organizations, including the Democratic National Committee and the National Council of Churches, the censorship campaign muted the Radio Right. But by the late 1970s, technological innovations and regulatory changes fueled a resurgence in conservative broadcasting. A new generation of conservative broadcasters, from Pat Robertson to Ronald Reagan, harnessed the power of conservative mass media and transformed the political landscape of America.Less
By the early 1960s, and for the first time in history, most Americans across the nation could tune their radio to a station that aired conservative programming from dawn to dusk. People listened to these shows in remarkable numbers; for example, the broadcaster with the largest listening audience, Carl McIntire, had a weekly audience of twenty million, or one in nine American households. For the sake of comparison, that is a higher percentage of the country than would listen to conservative talk radio host Rush Limbaugh forty years later. As this Radio Right phenomenon grew, President John F. Kennedy responded with the most successful government censorship campaign of the last half century. Taking the advice of union leader Walter Reuther, the Kennedy administration used the Internal Revenue Service and the Federal Communications Commission to pressure stations into dropping conservative programs. This book reveals the growing power of the Radio Right through the eyes of its opponents using confidential reports, internal correspondence, and Oval Office tape recordings. With the help of other liberal organizations, including the Democratic National Committee and the National Council of Churches, the censorship campaign muted the Radio Right. But by the late 1970s, technological innovations and regulatory changes fueled a resurgence in conservative broadcasting. A new generation of conservative broadcasters, from Pat Robertson to Ronald Reagan, harnessed the power of conservative mass media and transformed the political landscape of America.