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This last chapter offers a concrete example of a creative and hopeful manner of using a particular contemporary economic movement, namely Fair Trade, for the purpose of regenerating the non-humans as well as the humans—in other words their bio-cultural patrimony. This example is chosen to end this book in order to show that we should not see indigenous peoples as locked into a false either/or dichotomy of non-modern practices versus modern ones. This chapter investigates Fair Trade as a possible alternative to the corrosive effects of the capitalist global economy. It also criticizes Fair Trade for its inability to take the worldviews and shamanic practices of the producers seriously. Such blindness has of course enormous negative political entailments.

This chapter engages with the performativity of economics in the context of marketing practices. It explores the currency of notions such as market and trade in the construction of Fair Trade clothing. It identifies and analyses three distinct forms of Fair Trade market making. In order to do so, it first offers an introduction to Fair Trade. Second, it explores in more depth, using empirical material, three versions of Fair Trade market making. Third, it engages with two complexities — of changing perceptions of markets and the relations of worlds and goods — in order to provide a distinct take on market practices. Finally the chapter concludes with an assessment of the analytical opportunities offered by ‘hybrid forums’ for understanding the performativity of markets.

This chapter discusses the transnational social movements that link the North and South. It looks at the concept of fair trade, which carries many meanings in modern usage. It notes that the Fair Trade Movement has continued to grow rapidly, and that most of the growth in the U.S. and U.K. markets comes from the competitive introduction of Fair Trade products in major chains. Some of these products include Whole Foods Markets, Costco, and Wal-Mart. It also looks at the scale and effects of fair trade, and the evolving struggles within the movement.

This chapter discusses the relationship and interconnections among changing the livelihoods of farmers, initiatives for sustainable coffee, and the production of shade-grown coffee. It examines the advantages and opportunities for farmers and producers engaged in coffee certification and diversification programs. The role of Fair Trade and organic networks in creating awareness of biodiversity conservation, the social and environment costs of coffee systems, and the need for supporting small farmers are also discussed. The methods to increase accountability and improve the efficiency of coffee cooperatives are presented in this chapter, as are the importance of understanding the sustainability initiatives and their implications for the regulators, along with the use of land patterns for coffee cultivation.

Based on more than a decade of ethnographic research in Darjeeling’s non-plantation tea producing areas, this chapter highlights the gendered effects of Fair Trade certification of organic non-plantation tea on rural tea cooperatives. Through a focus on rural women’s everyday entrepreneurialism and their run-ins with the transnational Fair Trade bureaucracy, the chapter underscores how Fair Trade interventions can inadvertently strengthen patriarchal/gendered power relations in Fair Trade certified tea cooperatives in Darjeeling. It highlights how women tea farmers also creatively use specific Fair Trade interventions to defend their own entrepreneurial priorities and rupture Fair Trade’s imbrications with local patriarchies. Women tea farmers creatively juxtapose Fair Trade and swaccha vyāpār, a local translation of Fair Trade, to defend their own entrepreneurial ambitions and enact new modalities of women’s collective self-governance. This chapter brings much needed attention to women’s contemporary economic lives and their role in tea production in non-plantation rural locations of Darjeeling.

This chapter examines the impact of the decrease in coffee commodity prices, along with changes in the global coffee market, on northern Nicaragua’s small-scale coffee farmers. It discusses changes in the global coffee trade tendencies, which include the dismantling of the International Coffee Agreement, specialty coffee’s rapid growth, and organic and Fair Trade coffees. A framework of the theories linking price shocks and small-scale farmer livelihoods is applied to farmer typology, helping to reveal the consequences of the coffee crisis. The chapter discusses the vulnerability of the farmers selling Fair Trade and organic coffees to conventional coffee markets, and also discusses the strategies to reduce this.

This chapter details the decrease in coffee export earnings and coffee producer cooperatives’ efforts to gain access to international networks through mobilization for organic coffee and Fair Trade. The root causes of the global coffee crisis are analyzed along with the breakdown of the International Coffee Agreement regime in 1989, which is considered to be the origin of the crisis. The chapter discusses the use of product differentiation strategies by café chains to decommoditize their coffee brand and charge premium prices, leading to retail coffee price stability. Conditions for attaining sustainable coffee agro-ecosystems are explored, along with the sustainability of production technologies. Contradictions and paradoxes in the organic coffee certification process are discussed, along with global regulations of organic and social certification standards for coffee production.

This chpater presents a case study focusing on the Community Agroecology Network (CAN), an organization started by the United States and Mesoamerica’s activists, whose effort is to create an alternative trade and knowledge network. The basic aim behind CAN is to benefit conservation and social development efforts by linking producers, consumers, and producer organizations. CAN is a response to the problems arising out of the dominance of certification processes in Fair Trade and organic coffee networks, and the chapter discusses the organization’s main goals of intercommunity relationship development, direct coffee marketing, and ecological sustainability. It moots a comparison between alternative agro-food networks and CAN on the grounds of biodiversity conservation, empowerment, and enhanced livelihoods.

This chapter is organized into three sections. Section 1 explores a question of interest to competition law practitioners and commentators around the world—that is, under what principle do competition authorities apply competition law to international cases? After clarifying that, it proceeds to how comity is taken into account in enforcement of the Antimonopoly Law of Japan (AML). Section 2 addresses enforcement jurisdiction, describing how the Japan Fair Trade Commission's (JFTC) authority had been limited and was expanded by the 2002 amendment. Section 3 touches upon international cooperative agreements between Japan and other countries.

Many bilateral as well as multilateral investment treaties contain in their provisions on the definition of investment a requirement that the investment has to be made in the territory of the host State, while other treaties do not contain language to that effect. This issue has been addressed briefly in some International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) cases but has not played a major role among the judicial requirements usually examined by tribunals. In two recent North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) Chapter 11 cases, Bayview v Mexico and Canadian Cattlemen for Fair Trade v United States, the tribunals for the first time rejected jurisdiction because the claimants had not made an investment in the territory of the respondent State. This chapter analyzes the reasoning and the findings of the tribunals in these two cases and tries to determine the relevance of the territorial nexus in investment arbitration. While the focus will be on Bayview and the Canadian Cattlemen Claims, previous ICSID cases that have addressed the issue is also considered.

This chapter discusses the history, institutional structure, mandate, procedural characteristics, and agency performance of Japan's competition law system. Japan's Anti-Monopoly Act (AMA) was originally enacted in 1947 at the prompting of US occupation authorities. The Japan Fair Trade Commission (JFTC), which investigates and enforces potential violations of the Act, was designed to follow the model of the US Federal Trade Commission. At least with regard to civil enforcement, the JFTC structure follows the integrated agency model. The Commission investigates violations of the Act, proposes remedial orders and/or administrative surcharges (a form of administrative fine), holds adversarial hearings in disputed cases, and decides whether there is sufficient evidence to support a finding of a violation and the entry of an order. Under the AMA, the JFTC is statutorily guaranteed independence; its chairman and four commissioners are appointed by the Prime Minister with the approval of both houses of the Diet; and the chairman and commissioners serve for fixed terms.

This chapter argues that Iris Marion Young’s approach to unjust social systems and her acknowledgment that each of us is placed differently in those systems provides an important resource for engaging with questions of sexist oppression globally, while being attentive to intersectionality and power relations. After an explication of Young’s theory of political responsibility, criticisms of her theory are addressed. Because Young’s theory of political responsibility draws on feminist concepts such as social location, power, and privilege, it provides a more nuanced way to understand global justice than abstract universal frameworks such as human rights or cosmopolitanism. Extending Young’s theory, the chapter argues that global cross-border alliances can positively promote not only changes in unjust institutions and structures at the transnational level but also foster new local institutions, organizations, and practices that are fairer and more just, such as Fair Trade.

This chapter discusses how the strategies and aspirations of Kenyan traders and the realities of connecting to the global economy have shaped the aesthetics and meanings of Kenyan arts and crafts. These changes demonstrate the ability of connected and savvy Kenyan traders to adapt to an ever-changing and diverse tourist demographic, including Afropolitans. This chapter explores how Kenyan tourist art and handicrafts have been marketed in new and creative ways—as Fair Trade, of a particular tree species, or as representing modern global interconnectedness. Facing ethnic tensions and insecurities that bring instability to their lives and businesses, traders regularly downplay ethnicity in their branding and often de-ethnicize their products. The art of connection motif and its artistic representation are successful on the market because they portray an ideal of egalitarian, transparent, and even Afropolitan-style of human interconnection acceptable to both tourists and Kenyan artisans and traders.

This chapter demonstrates that Elizabeth Wolstenholme Elmy took the analysis to new lengths in the work of the Women's Emancipation Union (WEU). Elizabeth joined her husband in working for the Fair Trade alliance after resigning from the Women's Franchise League. The central place played by the Clitheroe judgment in the WEU's formation was mirrored in the prominence given to the issue of women's sexual subjection in WEU endeavours. As head of the WEU, Elizabeth advocated partnerships which placed ‘the moral regeneration of mankind’ at their heart. The highs and lows of WEU campaigning were recorded purely because Elizabeth believed its activities historically significant and wished to secure its archive. Few could dispute Elizabeth's willingness to partake personally in those ‘politics of disruption’ that she would continually advocate as the right course for suffragists in the new century.

As connecting to the global economy has torn individual traders from the decades-old co-operative societies, a wave of “witchcraft” accusations and market burnings have helped illuminate the importance of the crafts industry’s moral economy of creativity and innovation and the ongoing debate about what ethical and moral development looks like in Kenya. Ideas of ethics and transparency, as produced through the application of a Fair Trade sticker, strategically erase complex economic and ethical realities while simultaneously indexing ideas of digital modernity and ethical citizenship. A Fair Trade sticker shines a selective light on marketable realities while simultaneously obscuring those inconvenient to marketing crafts. This new wave of ethical branding and NGO aesthetics enables a “race to the bottom” by businesspeople to find and organize the most exploitable artisans (the handicapped, single mothers, homeless children) into workshops and artisan organizations that explicitly market the marginality of the producers.

Most studies on socially responsible products show that the majority of consumers are willing to pay a price premium for products that live up to certain ethical standards. In reality, however, actual market shares still represent a small fraction of the total market. A key question is why this demand has remained low. Do consumers not care about these ethical characteristics or are other factors in play? After summarizing the literature on the willingness to pay (WTP) for Fair Trade (FT) products, particularly chocolate, we provide insights from a survey and a choice experiment (CE) that were conducted in Belgium on how to expand the FT market in the future.

This chapter describes how four academic scientists and engineers have joined on a journey with over one-hundred coffee farming families in Nicaragua as they strive to escape the economics of the Coffee Crisis and gain access to the organic and Fair Trade specialty coffee market. The project, initiated in 2003 and called Coffee for Justice, has been conducted by these faculty and student chemists and engineers working together with Nicaraguan coffee producer families and their cooperatives. Collaborating institutions and organizations have included: Catholic Relief Services/Nicaragua (CRS/NI), two Jesuit universities: the University of Central America Managua (UCA Managua) and Seattle University, and the University of Washington Bothell. The aim was to apply the group’s scientific and engineering expertise using appropriate technology to the questions of the artisan coffee farmers and to put simple methods in their hands for improvement of coffee quality and market access. This contribution to Justice in Jesuit Higher Education describes the project origins, results, and methods that have arisen from addressing the questions and needs of the coffee farming community. It also describes how this research and service project has transformed its participants and continues to evolve and broaden, for example, in the design of an ecological coffee processing mill by a team of student engineers.

This chapter examines the spread of standards and certification in green industries including IFOAM in organic food, ECOCERT in beauty, BREEAM and LEED in building, and Green Globe in tourism. These were the work of a set of institutional entrepreneurs who argued that standards and certification were the path to credibility but the evidence on impact is mixed. Conflicting or confusing certification schemes, as in beauty, were a problem for the growth of an industry. However, standards and certification often needed to be set at such a level that they were seen as being in reach of most participants. As a result there was some tendency for a race to the bottom. Standards and certification also resulted in misaligned incentives and the potential for gaming. Above all, certification shed light on the contested meaning of sustainability.