Leon Ehrenpreis
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198509783
- eISBN:
- 9780191709166
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198509783.001.0001
- Subject:
- Mathematics, Mathematical Physics
Radon showed how to write arbitrary functions in Rn in terms of the characteristic functions (delta functions) of hyperplanes. This idea leads to various generalizations. For example, R can be ...
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Radon showed how to write arbitrary functions in Rn in terms of the characteristic functions (delta functions) of hyperplanes. This idea leads to various generalizations. For example, R can be replaced by a more general group and “plane” can be replaced by other types of geometric objects. All this is for the “nonparametric” Radon transform. For the parametric Radon transform, this book parametrizes the points of the geometric objects, leading to differential equations in the parameters because the Radon transform is overdetermined. Such equations were first studied by F. John. This book elaborates on them and puts them in a general framework.Less
Radon showed how to write arbitrary functions in Rn in terms of the characteristic functions (delta functions) of hyperplanes. This idea leads to various generalizations. For example, R can be replaced by a more general group and “plane” can be replaced by other types of geometric objects. All this is for the “nonparametric” Radon transform. For the parametric Radon transform, this book parametrizes the points of the geometric objects, leading to differential equations in the parameters because the Radon transform is overdetermined. Such equations were first studied by F. John. This book elaborates on them and puts them in a general framework.
Leon Ehrenpreis
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198509783
- eISBN:
- 9780191709166
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198509783.003.0006
- Subject:
- Mathematics, Mathematical Physics
This chapter treats the parametric Radon transform in detail. It shows under what conditions it is defined and when the John-like equations are satisfied. It also shows examples of other parametric ...
More
This chapter treats the parametric Radon transform in detail. It shows under what conditions it is defined and when the John-like equations are satisfied. It also shows examples of other parametric Radon transforms, e.g., when the group is varied and when the usual measure is varied.Less
This chapter treats the parametric Radon transform in detail. It shows under what conditions it is defined and when the John-like equations are satisfied. It also shows examples of other parametric Radon transforms, e.g., when the group is varied and when the usual measure is varied.
Leon Ehrenpreis
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198509783
- eISBN:
- 9780191709166
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198509783.003.0001
- Subject:
- Mathematics, Mathematical Physics
This introductory chapter presents a detailed summary of the highlights of the book. In particular, it explains in various contexts why the Radon transform leads to a “basis” for all functions, and ...
More
This introductory chapter presents a detailed summary of the highlights of the book. In particular, it explains in various contexts why the Radon transform leads to a “basis” for all functions, and the origins of John-like equations.Less
This introductory chapter presents a detailed summary of the highlights of the book. In particular, it explains in various contexts why the Radon transform leads to a “basis” for all functions, and the origins of John-like equations.
John Gaddis, Philip Gordon, Ernest May, and Jonathan Rosenberg (eds)
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780198294689
- eISBN:
- 9780191601538
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294689.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book aims to promote debate about John Mueller's thesis that questions whether nuclear weapons had revolutionary effects in international relations. By bringing together evidence of how ten Cold ...
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This book aims to promote debate about John Mueller's thesis that questions whether nuclear weapons had revolutionary effects in international relations. By bringing together evidence of how ten Cold War statesmen thought about nuclear weapons, especially at moments when they had to contemplate setting in motion chains of events that might present them with a clear choice of using or not using them, it concludes that nuclear weapons did play the determining role in making great‐power war obsolete. The essays deal not only with Truman, Churchill, and Stalin but also with Truman's immediate successors: Dwight Eisenhower and John Kennedy; Stalin's successor, Nikita Khrushchev; Eisenhower's Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles; and three leaders of other nations: France's Charles de Gaulle, Germany's Konrad Adenauer, and China's Mao Zedong.Less
This book aims to promote debate about John Mueller's thesis that questions whether nuclear weapons had revolutionary effects in international relations. By bringing together evidence of how ten Cold War statesmen thought about nuclear weapons, especially at moments when they had to contemplate setting in motion chains of events that might present them with a clear choice of using or not using them, it concludes that nuclear weapons did play the determining role in making great‐power war obsolete. The essays deal not only with Truman, Churchill, and Stalin but also with Truman's immediate successors: Dwight Eisenhower and John Kennedy; Stalin's successor, Nikita Khrushchev; Eisenhower's Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles; and three leaders of other nations: France's Charles de Gaulle, Germany's Konrad Adenauer, and China's Mao Zedong.
Philip Nash
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780198294689
- eISBN:
- 9780191601538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294689.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Kennedy's reliance on non‐nuclear assets and flexible response overshadowed his reliance on nuclear weapons, just as his nuclear restraint eclipsed recklessness. This is not surprising in view of the ...
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Kennedy's reliance on non‐nuclear assets and flexible response overshadowed his reliance on nuclear weapons, just as his nuclear restraint eclipsed recklessness. This is not surprising in view of the national security strategy Kennedy chose and the concerns about nuclear weapons he had. It is surprising, however, in light of the profound alarm with which Kennedy and most Americans viewed the Soviet threat; the frequency and intensity of the international crises Kennedy faced; and the widely acknowledged superiority of the US nuclear arsenal. Against this backdrop of threat, crisis, and strategic superiority, it is striking how small an active role nuclear weapons played in Kennedy's foreign policy.Less
Kennedy's reliance on non‐nuclear assets and flexible response overshadowed his reliance on nuclear weapons, just as his nuclear restraint eclipsed recklessness. This is not surprising in view of the national security strategy Kennedy chose and the concerns about nuclear weapons he had. It is surprising, however, in light of the profound alarm with which Kennedy and most Americans viewed the Soviet threat; the frequency and intensity of the international crises Kennedy faced; and the widely acknowledged superiority of the US nuclear arsenal. Against this backdrop of threat, crisis, and strategic superiority, it is striking how small an active role nuclear weapons played in Kennedy's foreign policy.
Shaun A. Casey
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195374483
- eISBN:
- 9780199871896
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195374483.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter begins with a description of Sargent Shriver's efforts to convince Adlai Stevenson to accept Jon F. Kennedy as his running mate in the upcoming presidential election. It examines the ...
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This chapter begins with a description of Sargent Shriver's efforts to convince Adlai Stevenson to accept Jon F. Kennedy as his running mate in the upcoming presidential election. It examines the legacy of Al Smith—the first Catholic to run for president on a major party ticket in 1928, who was trounced in the general election supposedly because of his religion. It discusses how Kennedy's Catholicism was the largest roadblock on his path to the Oval Office.Less
This chapter begins with a description of Sargent Shriver's efforts to convince Adlai Stevenson to accept Jon F. Kennedy as his running mate in the upcoming presidential election. It examines the legacy of Al Smith—the first Catholic to run for president on a major party ticket in 1928, who was trounced in the general election supposedly because of his religion. It discusses how Kennedy's Catholicism was the largest roadblock on his path to the Oval Office.
Shaun A. Casey
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195374483
- eISBN:
- 9780199871896
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195374483.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter focuses on Richard Nixon's preparations to do battle against Kennedy in the 1960 presidential election. Nixon's religion problem was the converse of Kennedy's. That is, how could he ...
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This chapter focuses on Richard Nixon's preparations to do battle against Kennedy in the 1960 presidential election. Nixon's religion problem was the converse of Kennedy's. That is, how could he stave off a massive movement of Catholic Republicans to his opponent while simultaneously appealing to Protestants, all without appearing to be a religious bigot. It is shown that Nixon campaign had found its Protestant anti-Catholic strategy in the person of former Missouri congressman Orlando K. Armstrong. The saga of his work for Nixon reveals a hitherto unknown aspect of Nixon's anti-Kennedy efforts.Less
This chapter focuses on Richard Nixon's preparations to do battle against Kennedy in the 1960 presidential election. Nixon's religion problem was the converse of Kennedy's. That is, how could he stave off a massive movement of Catholic Republicans to his opponent while simultaneously appealing to Protestants, all without appearing to be a religious bigot. It is shown that Nixon campaign had found its Protestant anti-Catholic strategy in the person of former Missouri congressman Orlando K. Armstrong. The saga of his work for Nixon reveals a hitherto unknown aspect of Nixon's anti-Kennedy efforts.
Shaun A. Casey
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195374483
- eISBN:
- 9780199871896
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195374483.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter focuses on the events leading up to John F. Kennedy's nomination as presidential candidate. It reviews articles on Kennedy by different religious publications, such as Christianity and ...
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This chapter focuses on the events leading up to John F. Kennedy's nomination as presidential candidate. It reviews articles on Kennedy by different religious publications, such as Christianity and Crisis and the Christian Century, and their involvement in the nomination process. It also discusses how the Kennedy camp addressed the religion issue during the campaign.Less
This chapter focuses on the events leading up to John F. Kennedy's nomination as presidential candidate. It reviews articles on Kennedy by different religious publications, such as Christianity and Crisis and the Christian Century, and their involvement in the nomination process. It also discusses how the Kennedy camp addressed the religion issue during the campaign.
Maurice Peress
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195098228
- eISBN:
- 9780199869817
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195098228.003.0015
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
This chapter gives the story of the world premiere of Leonard Bernstein's Mass: A Theater Piece For Singers, Players and Dancers, conducted at the opening night of the John F. Kennedy Center for the ...
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This chapter gives the story of the world premiere of Leonard Bernstein's Mass: A Theater Piece For Singers, Players and Dancers, conducted at the opening night of the John F. Kennedy Center for the Arts, by the author of this book. The chapter presents an unusual first-hand glimpse of Bernstein's world view and unusual working methods.Less
This chapter gives the story of the world premiere of Leonard Bernstein's Mass: A Theater Piece For Singers, Players and Dancers, conducted at the opening night of the John F. Kennedy Center for the Arts, by the author of this book. The chapter presents an unusual first-hand glimpse of Bernstein's world view and unusual working methods.
Shaun A. Casey
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195374483
- eISBN:
- 9780199871896
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195374483.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The 1960 presidential election, won ultimately by John F. Kennedy, was one of the closest and most contentious in American history. The country had never elected a Roman Catholic president, and the ...
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The 1960 presidential election, won ultimately by John F. Kennedy, was one of the closest and most contentious in American history. The country had never elected a Roman Catholic president, and the last time a Catholic had been nominated—New York Governor Al Smith in 1928—he was routed in the general election. From the outset, Kennedy saw the religion issue as the single most important obstacle on his road to the White House. He was acutely aware of, and deeply frustrated by, the possibility that his personal religious beliefs could keep him out of the White House. This book tells the fascinating story of how the Kennedy campaign transformed the “religion question” from a liability into an asset, making him the first (and still only) Catholic president. Drawing on archival research, including many never-before-seen documents, the book travels inside the campaign to show Kennedy's chief advisors—Ted Sorensen, John Kenneth Galbraith, Archibald Cox—grappling with the staunch opposition to the candidate's Catholicism. The book also reveals many of the Nixon campaign's efforts to tap in to anti-Catholic sentiment, with the aid of Billy Graham and the National Association of Evangelicals, among others. The alliance between conservative Protestants and the Nixon campaign, it shows, laid the groundwork for the rise of the Religious Right.Less
The 1960 presidential election, won ultimately by John F. Kennedy, was one of the closest and most contentious in American history. The country had never elected a Roman Catholic president, and the last time a Catholic had been nominated—New York Governor Al Smith in 1928—he was routed in the general election. From the outset, Kennedy saw the religion issue as the single most important obstacle on his road to the White House. He was acutely aware of, and deeply frustrated by, the possibility that his personal religious beliefs could keep him out of the White House. This book tells the fascinating story of how the Kennedy campaign transformed the “religion question” from a liability into an asset, making him the first (and still only) Catholic president. Drawing on archival research, including many never-before-seen documents, the book travels inside the campaign to show Kennedy's chief advisors—Ted Sorensen, John Kenneth Galbraith, Archibald Cox—grappling with the staunch opposition to the candidate's Catholicism. The book also reveals many of the Nixon campaign's efforts to tap in to anti-Catholic sentiment, with the aid of Billy Graham and the National Association of Evangelicals, among others. The alliance between conservative Protestants and the Nixon campaign, it shows, laid the groundwork for the rise of the Religious Right.
Shaun A. Casey
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195374483
- eISBN:
- 9780199871896
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195374483.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter focuses on the coverage of Catholic and Protestant relations in various religions publications. It reviews the articles and editorials on Kennedy's candidacy and his religion. By the end ...
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This chapter focuses on the coverage of Catholic and Protestant relations in various religions publications. It reviews the articles and editorials on Kennedy's candidacy and his religion. By the end of the initial phase of the campaign, the two major Protestant journals of record staked out their initial coverage of the emerging religion issue and took their first editorial stands. The major differences between Christianity and Crisis and the Christian Century were twofold. First, Christianity and Crisis was more optimistic that the changes afoot among Catholic theologians on religious freedom signaled real change. While the Century acknowledged that change was in the air, it remained skeptical that Kennedy would be free of Vatican interference. Second, Christianity and Crisis was not content simply to report the development of Catholic thinking, it wanted to help move it along through dialogue. The Christian Century took a less activist role.Less
This chapter focuses on the coverage of Catholic and Protestant relations in various religions publications. It reviews the articles and editorials on Kennedy's candidacy and his religion. By the end of the initial phase of the campaign, the two major Protestant journals of record staked out their initial coverage of the emerging religion issue and took their first editorial stands. The major differences between Christianity and Crisis and the Christian Century were twofold. First, Christianity and Crisis was more optimistic that the changes afoot among Catholic theologians on religious freedom signaled real change. While the Century acknowledged that change was in the air, it remained skeptical that Kennedy would be free of Vatican interference. Second, Christianity and Crisis was not content simply to report the development of Catholic thinking, it wanted to help move it along through dialogue. The Christian Century took a less activist role.
Tony Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154923
- eISBN:
- 9781400842025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines John F. Kennedy's efforts to foster democracy and social justice in Latin America during the period 1961–1965 through an initiative known as the Alliance for Progress. The ...
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This chapter examines John F. Kennedy's efforts to foster democracy and social justice in Latin America during the period 1961–1965 through an initiative known as the Alliance for Progress. The Alliance for Progress was vital to American national security interest in Latin America: it was formed to democratize authoritarian regimes and address the challenge of communism in the region. The chapter first provides a background on the Alliance for Progress, with emphasis on its linkage of socioeconomic to political reform, before discussing the Kennedy administration's justification for the program insofar as effecting fundamental change in Latin America was concerned. It also considers the reasons why the Alliance for Progress's proclaimed goal of promoting democracy in Latin America did not come to fruition, including Washington's failure to support land reform. The United States' experiences with Chile and the Dominican Republic illustrate the failure of the Alliance for Progress.Less
This chapter examines John F. Kennedy's efforts to foster democracy and social justice in Latin America during the period 1961–1965 through an initiative known as the Alliance for Progress. The Alliance for Progress was vital to American national security interest in Latin America: it was formed to democratize authoritarian regimes and address the challenge of communism in the region. The chapter first provides a background on the Alliance for Progress, with emphasis on its linkage of socioeconomic to political reform, before discussing the Kennedy administration's justification for the program insofar as effecting fundamental change in Latin America was concerned. It also considers the reasons why the Alliance for Progress's proclaimed goal of promoting democracy in Latin America did not come to fruition, including Washington's failure to support land reform. The United States' experiences with Chile and the Dominican Republic illustrate the failure of the Alliance for Progress.
Shaun A. Casey
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195374483
- eISBN:
- 9780199871896
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195374483.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter focuses on Nixon's strategy for addressing Kennedy's Catholicism. It describes former Missouri Congressman Orlando K. Armstrong's off-the-record role as organizer of anti-Catholic forces ...
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This chapter focuses on Nixon's strategy for addressing Kennedy's Catholicism. It describes former Missouri Congressman Orlando K. Armstrong's off-the-record role as organizer of anti-Catholic forces for Nixon. It also details the efforts of the POAU—a national organization with a large grassroots membership drawn from all sectors of American Protestantism—to beat Kennedy.Less
This chapter focuses on Nixon's strategy for addressing Kennedy's Catholicism. It describes former Missouri Congressman Orlando K. Armstrong's off-the-record role as organizer of anti-Catholic forces for Nixon. It also details the efforts of the POAU—a national organization with a large grassroots membership drawn from all sectors of American Protestantism—to beat Kennedy.
Shaun A. Casey
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195374483
- eISBN:
- 9780199871896
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195374483.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter focuses on the Peale meeting, a gathering of Protestant ministers at the Mayflower Hotel in Washington, D.C., which was designed to put a public face on Protestant opposition to ...
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This chapter focuses on the Peale meeting, a gathering of Protestant ministers at the Mayflower Hotel in Washington, D.C., which was designed to put a public face on Protestant opposition to Kennedy's candidacy. The Peale meeting sent a shock wave through the Kennedy camp. Over the previous summer, anxiety had been growing within the campaign that the West Virginia primary results had not put the religion issue to rest at all. But between the revelation from an informant that Nixon had an operative in the field organizing conservative Protestants against Kennedy and the realization that the Peale group and POAU represented a huge swath of the Protestant world, a renewed sense of urgency struck the Kennedy campaign advisors. While the press reaction had been thorny for the Peale group, the meeting had succeeded in raising the religion issue, and it was not abundantly clear that the negative press had actually changed any voters' minds for Kennedy.Less
This chapter focuses on the Peale meeting, a gathering of Protestant ministers at the Mayflower Hotel in Washington, D.C., which was designed to put a public face on Protestant opposition to Kennedy's candidacy. The Peale meeting sent a shock wave through the Kennedy camp. Over the previous summer, anxiety had been growing within the campaign that the West Virginia primary results had not put the religion issue to rest at all. But between the revelation from an informant that Nixon had an operative in the field organizing conservative Protestants against Kennedy and the realization that the Peale group and POAU represented a huge swath of the Protestant world, a renewed sense of urgency struck the Kennedy campaign advisors. While the press reaction had been thorny for the Peale group, the meeting had succeeded in raising the religion issue, and it was not abundantly clear that the negative press had actually changed any voters' minds for Kennedy.
Shaun A. Casey
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195374483
- eISBN:
- 9780199871896
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195374483.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter focuses on the growing anxiety over the religion issue in the Kennedy camp. The Kennedy campaign knew that the religion issue would not be fully resolved until Election Day. On the Nixon ...
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This chapter focuses on the growing anxiety over the religion issue in the Kennedy camp. The Kennedy campaign knew that the religion issue would not be fully resolved until Election Day. On the Nixon side, the shadow strategy of organizing Protestants below the radar had done more harm than good. the chapter details Kennedy's speech in Houston where he managed to turn adversity into triumph.Less
This chapter focuses on the growing anxiety over the religion issue in the Kennedy camp. The Kennedy campaign knew that the religion issue would not be fully resolved until Election Day. On the Nixon side, the shadow strategy of organizing Protestants below the radar had done more harm than good. the chapter details Kennedy's speech in Houston where he managed to turn adversity into triumph.
Howard Jones
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195176056
- eISBN:
- 9780199850051
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195176056.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
As the war escalated, so did the president's interest in a partial withdrawal. The Mansfield report was deeply troubling not only because it contradicted most previous assessments but because it came ...
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As the war escalated, so did the president's interest in a partial withdrawal. The Mansfield report was deeply troubling not only because it contradicted most previous assessments but because it came from a close friend. Like the recommendations of another friend and confidant, John Kenneth Galbraith, the Montana senator called for a U.S. withdrawal from South Vietnam followed by its neutralization. The White House rejected the two extremes of total withdrawal and total immersion in the war and searched for a middle ground aimed at saving South Vietnam without losing U.S. credibility.Less
As the war escalated, so did the president's interest in a partial withdrawal. The Mansfield report was deeply troubling not only because it contradicted most previous assessments but because it came from a close friend. Like the recommendations of another friend and confidant, John Kenneth Galbraith, the Montana senator called for a U.S. withdrawal from South Vietnam followed by its neutralization. The White House rejected the two extremes of total withdrawal and total immersion in the war and searched for a middle ground aimed at saving South Vietnam without losing U.S. credibility.
Ignacio Palacios-Huerta
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691144023
- eISBN:
- 9781400850310
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691144023.003.0002
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, History of Economic Thought
The movie A Beautiful Mind (2001) portrays the life and work of John F. Nash Jr., who received the Nobel Prize in Economics in 1994. A class of his theories deals with how people should behave in ...
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The movie A Beautiful Mind (2001) portrays the life and work of John F. Nash Jr., who received the Nobel Prize in Economics in 1994. A class of his theories deals with how people should behave in strategic situations that involve what are known as “mixed strategies,” that is, choosing among various possible strategies when no single one is always the best when you face a rational opponent. This chapter uses data from a specific play in soccer (a penalty kick) with professional players to provide the first complete test of a fundamental theorem in game theory: the minimax theorem. The minimax theorem can be regarded as a special case of the more general theory of Nash. It applies only to two-person, zero-sum or constant-sum games, whereas the Nash equilibrium concept can be used with any number of players and any mixture of conflict and common interest in the game.Less
The movie A Beautiful Mind (2001) portrays the life and work of John F. Nash Jr., who received the Nobel Prize in Economics in 1994. A class of his theories deals with how people should behave in strategic situations that involve what are known as “mixed strategies,” that is, choosing among various possible strategies when no single one is always the best when you face a rational opponent. This chapter uses data from a specific play in soccer (a penalty kick) with professional players to provide the first complete test of a fundamental theorem in game theory: the minimax theorem. The minimax theorem can be regarded as a special case of the more general theory of Nash. It applies only to two-person, zero-sum or constant-sum games, whereas the Nash equilibrium concept can be used with any number of players and any mixture of conflict and common interest in the game.
David R. Gibson
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151311
- eISBN:
- 9781400842438
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151311.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In October 1962, the fate of the world hung on the American response to the discovery of Soviet nuclear missile sites in Cuba. That response was informed by hours of discussions between John F. ...
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In October 1962, the fate of the world hung on the American response to the discovery of Soviet nuclear missile sites in Cuba. That response was informed by hours of discussions between John F. Kennedy and his top advisers. What those advisers did not know was that President Kennedy was secretly taping their talks, providing future scholars with a rare inside look at high-level political deliberation in a moment of crisis. This is the first book to examine these historic audio recordings from a sociological perspective. It reveals how conversational practices and dynamics shaped Kennedy's perception of the options available to him, thereby influencing his decisions and ultimately the outcome of the crisis. It looks not just at the positions taken by Kennedy and his advisers but how those positions were articulated, challenged, revised, and sometimes ignored. The book argues that Kennedy's decisions arose from the intersection of distant events unfolding in Cuba, Moscow, and the high seas with the immediate conversational minutia of turn-taking, storytelling, argument, and justification. In particular, the book shows how Kennedy's group told and retold particular stories again and again, sometimes settling upon a course of action only after the most frightening consequences were omitted or actively suppressed. This book presents an image of Kennedy's response to the Cuban missile crisis that is sharply at odds with previous scholarship, and has important implications for our understanding of decision making, deliberation, social interaction, and historical contingency.Less
In October 1962, the fate of the world hung on the American response to the discovery of Soviet nuclear missile sites in Cuba. That response was informed by hours of discussions between John F. Kennedy and his top advisers. What those advisers did not know was that President Kennedy was secretly taping their talks, providing future scholars with a rare inside look at high-level political deliberation in a moment of crisis. This is the first book to examine these historic audio recordings from a sociological perspective. It reveals how conversational practices and dynamics shaped Kennedy's perception of the options available to him, thereby influencing his decisions and ultimately the outcome of the crisis. It looks not just at the positions taken by Kennedy and his advisers but how those positions were articulated, challenged, revised, and sometimes ignored. The book argues that Kennedy's decisions arose from the intersection of distant events unfolding in Cuba, Moscow, and the high seas with the immediate conversational minutia of turn-taking, storytelling, argument, and justification. In particular, the book shows how Kennedy's group told and retold particular stories again and again, sometimes settling upon a course of action only after the most frightening consequences were omitted or actively suppressed. This book presents an image of Kennedy's response to the Cuban missile crisis that is sharply at odds with previous scholarship, and has important implications for our understanding of decision making, deliberation, social interaction, and historical contingency.
Amanda Kay McVety
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199796915
- eISBN:
- 9780199933266
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199796915.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century, World Modern History
John F. Kennedy eagerly embraced the use of foreign aid as an instrument of foreign policy, reforming the existing Point Four model into the US Agency for International Development. Lyndon Johnson ...
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John F. Kennedy eagerly embraced the use of foreign aid as an instrument of foreign policy, reforming the existing Point Four model into the US Agency for International Development. Lyndon Johnson continued the tradition of rewarding allies with aid, but recognized that the United States needed to be more targeted in its application. Ethiopia made the cut in Johnson’s aid reforms and continued to receive large amounts of technical, economic, and military assistance throughout the 1960s. Haile Selassie’s stubborn resistance to meaningful political change, however, held the country back from the democratic change that the United States allegedly championed and paved the way for the 1974 revolution. Meanwhile, economists struggled to understand why two decades of foreign aid had not brought development to countries around the world. Aid was supposed to put itself out of business, but it had yet to do so.Less
John F. Kennedy eagerly embraced the use of foreign aid as an instrument of foreign policy, reforming the existing Point Four model into the US Agency for International Development. Lyndon Johnson continued the tradition of rewarding allies with aid, but recognized that the United States needed to be more targeted in its application. Ethiopia made the cut in Johnson’s aid reforms and continued to receive large amounts of technical, economic, and military assistance throughout the 1960s. Haile Selassie’s stubborn resistance to meaningful political change, however, held the country back from the democratic change that the United States allegedly championed and paved the way for the 1974 revolution. Meanwhile, economists struggled to understand why two decades of foreign aid had not brought development to countries around the world. Aid was supposed to put itself out of business, but it had yet to do so.
Mariah Zeisberg
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157221
- eISBN:
- 9781400846771
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157221.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter analyzes presidential conduct by showing how presidents can augment their authority to engage in independent acts of war. Specifically, it assesses Kennedy's behavior in the Cuban ...
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This chapter analyzes presidential conduct by showing how presidents can augment their authority to engage in independent acts of war. Specifically, it assesses Kennedy's behavior in the Cuban Missile Crisis and Nixon's in the Cambodian bombing and incursion. It argues that the relational conception accommodates and explains the common intuition that the acts can be constitutionally distinguished. While both were responses to threats specified through a Cold War security order, the identification and management of threat in Kennedy's case was more deeply connected to the terms of that order than was Nixon's. The acts can also be distinguished on processual grounds. Kennedy's exercise of war power was more deeply connected to his skillful use of executive branch governance capacities.Less
This chapter analyzes presidential conduct by showing how presidents can augment their authority to engage in independent acts of war. Specifically, it assesses Kennedy's behavior in the Cuban Missile Crisis and Nixon's in the Cambodian bombing and incursion. It argues that the relational conception accommodates and explains the common intuition that the acts can be constitutionally distinguished. While both were responses to threats specified through a Cold War security order, the identification and management of threat in Kennedy's case was more deeply connected to the terms of that order than was Nixon's. The acts can also be distinguished on processual grounds. Kennedy's exercise of war power was more deeply connected to his skillful use of executive branch governance capacities.
