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The introduction portrays the scene at the Paul Rusch Festival Yatsugatake County Fair. Initially, it appears to be like any other American harvest festival, but the event takes place in the highlands 120 miles northwest of Tokyo. It explains why the Japanese would honor the Kentuckian Rusch, someone they called the “red-headed foreigner,” outlining the arc of Rusch’s life, from an altar boy in Louisville, Kentucky, to a military intelligence officer who walked the halls of the Imperial Palace and interacted with royalty, prime ministers, captains of industry, and the rich and powerful in both America and Japan. Rusch took stands on racial injustice and worked to uplift the poor people of rural Japan, but at some points he compromised his religious principles as he became involved in the dark intrigue of America’s Cold War policy. Rusch was also something of a con man, a kind of Robin Hood who bent and broke the rules to forward the cause of helping people or promoting his own pet projects. Rusch was instrumental in the rebuilding of the postwar Episcopal Church in Japan.

The final chapter begins with the reading of Paul Rusch’s last will and testament at Kiyosato Educational Experiment Project (KEEP). His will suggested that Rusch was not the man many thought he was; while some believed he lived the high life, he died with little monetary worth and virtually no possessions. He was a man of contradictions, as he often implored people to do as he said but not as he did in life. Rusch achieved a great deal through KEEP, especially when it came to bringing food, faith, health, and hope to the people of highland Japan after World War II. But this chapter highlights the mixture of failures and successes of his vision when it comes to those four elements of the organization’s mission. Nonetheless, the legend of Rusch’s personality inspires people of the next generation to embark on new ventures in environmental sustainability, peacemaking, and international friendship and outreach.

This chapter critically reviews the existing frameworks in health ethics, policy and law and frames the author's ideas as a solution to a perplexing problem: the inability of current frameworks to provide adequate health promotion and protection and to solve health-related problems in the real world. These approaches include welfare economics and utilitarianism, communitarianism and liberal communitarianism, egalitarianism (encompassing applications of Rawls's Theory of Justice, Fair Equality of Opportunity and other elements), libertarianism and market based approaches (where the government's role is to protect individual rights, particularly property rights, but not to guarantee a right to health) and democratic procedures. It discusses the deficiencies associated with using these approaches in a theory of health and social justice, drawing on examples such as the Oregon Medicaid experiment. The chapter emphasizes the need for a new integrative approach —— the health capability paradigm —— that establishes health capability and a right to health, guides collective choice and integrates consequentialist and proceduralist aims.

This chapter begins by providing a brief summary of the book’s answers to the questions posed in its introduction, and then goes on to show how the Irish case was far from unique. Social psychologists have studied other, more repressive regimes and other, more atrocious internal wars, and have concluded that under the right conditions, ordinary men have been willing and able to torture and murder the regime’s real and imagined enemies. Indeed, such ordinary men are actually preferable to sadists and sociopaths. The Black and Tans and Auxiliaries were not the jail-birds and down-and-outs of legend: they were ordinary men as well. Like the guards and prisoners in the Stanford Prison Experiment, their behaviour was the product of their social circumstances, rather than their pre-existing dispositions.

This chapter describes both a taxonomy of experiments and a set of principles that any scientist can use to build graphical abstractions of research findings (research maps). Although the chapter focuses on concrete examples from molecular and cellular cognition, similar approaches could be adapted to any other field of science. The chapter also describes an ambitious vision for interactive research maps of a massive scale that could transform how scientists use published information and plan future research directions.

The majority of the case studies in this book come from learning and memory studies in the field of molecular and cellular cognition, and this chapter includes a primer to this neuroscience field. This primer is also used to illustrate in detail a framework for classifying different categories of experiments in molecular and cellular cognition. Detailed accounts of landmark experiments in the field are used to demonstrate that even the best of experiments are fraught with interpretation problems, and that only the integration of different categories of experiments in the framework can resolve these ambiguities.

In molecular and cellular cognition, there are three types of experiments that can be carried out to test whether A causes B (A→B): The magnitude of A can either be (1) increased or (2) decreased, and the impact on B measured, or (3) A and B can be measured without being intentionally altered to determine if they co-vary. A distinctive pattern of convergent evidence, referred to as the Convergent 3, emerges when these three kinds of experiments are consistent with a single hypothesis. In this chapter, the Convergent 3 Integration analysis is illustrated in action with learning and memory experiments focusing on the role of calmodulin kinase II in plasticity and learning.

Integration Analyses are the routines used implicitly or explicitly by neuroscientists in the evaluation of experiments. Integration efforts are most visible in the introductions and conclusions of research papers, are at the basis of every published review, and play a central role in framing and organizing research proposals. The previous chapter focused on a form of Integration referred to as the Convergent 3 analysis. This chapter continues the calmodulin kinase II saga and focuses on another form of Integration, Eliminative Inference Analysis, a process aimed at evaluating and testing alternative interpretations of experiments and ruling out prominent alternatives.

Replication of findings is critical and central to science. When similar or even identical experiments are carried out, the results are expected to be compatible and consistent. When they are not, the experiments are deemed unreliable and hypotheses are weakened. Thus, beyond the Convergent 3 and Eliminative Inference Analyses introduced in previous chapters, hypotheses must also pass Consistency Analyses. This type of analysis can be carried out for a singular series of experiments, or for a large number of experiments addressing a key hypothesis, such as the role of synaptic mechanisms in memory. This chapter uses the complex history of neuroscience studies of learning and memory to illustrate some surprising features of Consistency Analyses.

This chapter examines economics professor Amy Finkelstein's lecture of the economics of moral hazard in health insurance, with respect to economist Kenneth J. Arrow's “Uncertainty and the Welfare Economics of Medical Care.” According to Finkelstein, the literature of moral hazard branches into two—ex ante moral hazard and ex post moral hazard—with the latter being usually considered. The concept of ex ante moral hazard is described as the deliberate exercising of an unhealthy lifestyle while aware that he is covered by a health insurance; while the idea of the ex post moral hazard states that at a given level of health, a person may choose to consume more medical products and services because the prices would be lower. Ex post connotes the price sensitivity of demand for medical care. The chapter considers two notable experiments, namely, RAND Health Insurance Experiment and Oregon Health Insurance Experiment as it turns the focus on just how many people will spend on medical care.

This chapter explores the relationship between sociologists and their fields. This relation is strongly shaped by a dual fear that runs through the history of sociology: that of either losing epistemic distance and sociological identity trough over-involvement, or that of insufficient engagement through over-detachment from issues of concern. This dual fear dates back to positions of Weber and Marx and regularly resurfaces through e.g. discussions on Public Sociology. After reviewing such debates, this chapter introduces the emerging scholarly approach of situated intervention as an alternative way of relating sociologists and their fields. Drawing on the work of Ian Hacking on the importance of interlocking representing and intervening in the sciences, on the position proposed by Howard Becker of combining attachment with avoiding sentimentality, and on discussions within Science and Technology Studies on scholarly involvement, intervention is not presented as a matter of engagement but rather as an approach to producing sociological knowledge and normativity. Experiments with the organization of care thereby reclaim the notion of intervention from static understandings of objectivity and ethics.

This chapter discusses the Diem Experiment. It began on July 7, 1954, when Ngo Dinh Diem, the Prime Minister of South Vietnam, took control of the South Vietnamese government. During the initial stages, Diem inspired little confidence in the South Vietnamese, Americans, and French, but the Eisenhower administration welcomed Diem's rise to power. The Mendès France government did not, however, since it saw Diem as a risky experiment. The discussion looks at Diem's appointment and the events that unfolded during the course of the Diem experiment.

Modern-day nation-builders describe civil society as occupying “the political space between the individual and the government.” It includes a variety of organizations and activities, all of which “contribute to a democratic society and nonviolent political transition from war to peace” by performing a multitude of functions. For many individuals and organizations associated with the Port Royal Experiment, civil society was built upon “the four corner-stones of the church, the school-house, the militia, and the town-meeting,” because it was these institutions that provided for “the essential rights of religion, education, self-defense, and self-government.” Local black preachers and white missionaries, educational efforts such as the Penn School founded by Laura Towne, the recruitment of black soldiers, and the rise of black political consciousness were all part of this process. Through initiatives such as these, civil society made unprecedented, albeit imperfect, progress on the Sea Islands.

“James Joyce and the British Avant-Garde” focuses on Joyce’s interaction with Cambridge’s intellectual milieu, where new experiments in literature were forcefully debated in the magazine Experiment (1928–31), founded and run by William Empson and Jacob Bronowski. I will outline the publication background and analyse the “Museyroom” extract from Work in Progress which was published in Experiment in 1931. The significance that Joyce attributed to this publication can be gauged by his strong interest in “helping” (Letters I 302) Stuart Gilbert to write an exegetical essay, titled “A Footnote to Work in Progress”, to be published alongside the extract from Work In Progress. The publications in Experiment have been neglected by Joyce scholarship thus far. Nonetheless, such publications are significant because they foreground the intense interest of the emerging British avant-garde in Joyce’s cultural practices and theoretical concerns. Equally overlooked is the publication of a section from “Proteus” in The European Caravan anthology (1931). This was the first Anglo-phone anthology to present post-WWI experimental literature from France, Italy, Great Britain, and Ireland. Bronowski sub-edited the section on Britain and Ireland with the help of Thomas McGreevy and Samuel Beckett.

The chapter places the argument of the book in relation to the most important work on the relation between modernism and the occult over the last 20 years. In challenging the conclusions of much of this work, the chapter argues that occult discourses need to be seen as engaging with the idea of magic, and that a particular reading of magical ideas in the late 19^th and early 20^th centuries can open up a new way of thinking about modernist uses of occult discourses. The chapter also introduces new ways of thinking both of the idea of experiment and of mimesis, concepts that will be central to the argument in the rest of the book, and argues that modernists needed magical mimesis in order to construct their experiments.

The chapter begins with a more detailed consideration of the idea of experiment at the beginning of the twentieth century and considers in particular its relation to contemporary ideas of magic. In anthropology at the time, one of the crucial places for its discussion and definition, magic was considered as error. The chapter argues that this notion of error is crucial in the idea of experiment, and forms one of the bases of its attraction for modernist innovators. The chapter then goes on to think about the political implications of this by considering the debate between Theodor Adorno and Walter Benjamin and its implications for the practice of mimesis. The final section of the chapter looks at the implications of all this for representation by a consideration of the way that magic marks the place of impasse in Arnold Bennett's work, and a consideration of the important links made between magic and experiment in the editorial writing of Eugene Jolas in transition.

This chapter focuses on the set of professional ideals that business home economists brought with them to full-time employment with corporate manufacturers of foodstuffs, appliances, textiles, and other consumer products. It first discusses Experiment 63, a play that dramatizes the role of home economics in business and provides a glimpse into status of home economists working in corporate America in the interwar period. It also discusses the factors that exposed fundamental contradictions in business home economists' professional ideals, which forced them to make adjustments within the demands of corporate capitalism.