Andreas Osiander
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278870
- eISBN:
- 9780191684258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278870.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand, Bishop of Autun, entered politics as a representative of the French clergy, in the Etats-Generaux, whose meeting in 1789 precipitated the French Revolution. Talleyrand ...
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Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand, Bishop of Autun, entered politics as a representative of the French clergy, in the Etats-Generaux, whose meeting in 1789 precipitated the French Revolution. Talleyrand abandoned the ecclesiastical office forced on him by his family, temporarily became persona non grata in France, and spent some years in Britain and the United States as an exile. Meanwhile, revolutionary France embarked on a policy of expansion. After his return to France, Talleyrand was foreign minister under the Directoire from 1797 to 1799, and again under Napoleon before resigning in 1807. Napoleon did not, however, allow Talleyrand to resign from his council. In September 1814, he was dispatched to Vienna to represent France at a congress convened to complete the reconstruction of the European states system.Less
Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand, Bishop of Autun, entered politics as a representative of the French clergy, in the Etats-Generaux, whose meeting in 1789 precipitated the French Revolution. Talleyrand abandoned the ecclesiastical office forced on him by his family, temporarily became persona non grata in France, and spent some years in Britain and the United States as an exile. Meanwhile, revolutionary France embarked on a policy of expansion. After his return to France, Talleyrand was foreign minister under the Directoire from 1797 to 1799, and again under Napoleon before resigning in 1807. Napoleon did not, however, allow Talleyrand to resign from his council. In September 1814, he was dispatched to Vienna to represent France at a congress convened to complete the reconstruction of the European states system.
Hedley Bull, Benedict Kingsbury, and Adam Roberts (eds)
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198277712
- eISBN:
- 9780191598890
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198277717.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Hugo Grotius (1583–1645), ‘the miracle of Holland’, was famous as a child prodigy, theologian, historian, poet, jurist, Dutch political figure, escaped political prisoner, and finally as Sweden's ...
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Hugo Grotius (1583–1645), ‘the miracle of Holland’, was famous as a child prodigy, theologian, historian, poet, jurist, Dutch political figure, escaped political prisoner, and finally as Sweden's ambassador to France. He is especially known for his major books on international law and practice, Mare Liberum (1609) and De Jure Belli ac Pacis (1625).This book critically reappraises his contributions both to international law (called ‘the law of nations’ in his day) and to international relations. His contributions are examined in relation to his predecessors and in the context of the wars and controversies of his time. This book also assesses the strengths and weaknesses of what is often called a ‘Grotian tradition’ of thought about international law and relations—one which accepts the sovereignty of states, but at the same time stresses the existence of shared values and the necessity of rules.This collection illuminates enduring problems of international relations: the nature of international society and its institutions, the equality of states, the role of natural law, the lawfulness of war (jus ad bellum), the means of pursuing war (jus in bello), collective security, military intervention, the rights of the individual, and the law of the sea.While first and foremost a study in the field of international relations, this is also a significant contribution to the history and theory of international law; and to the history of the early seventeenth century, when the Dutch Republic, and the European states system generally, were emerging in their modern forms, and when the Thirty Years War impressed on Grotius and others the need for restraint in war.Less
Hugo Grotius (1583–1645), ‘the miracle of Holland’, was famous as a child prodigy, theologian, historian, poet, jurist, Dutch political figure, escaped political prisoner, and finally as Sweden's ambassador to France. He is especially known for his major books on international law and practice, Mare Liberum (1609) and De Jure Belli ac Pacis (1625).
This book critically reappraises his contributions both to international law (called ‘the law of nations’ in his day) and to international relations. His contributions are examined in relation to his predecessors and in the context of the wars and controversies of his time. This book also assesses the strengths and weaknesses of what is often called a ‘Grotian tradition’ of thought about international law and relations—one which accepts the sovereignty of states, but at the same time stresses the existence of shared values and the necessity of rules.
This collection illuminates enduring problems of international relations: the nature of international society and its institutions, the equality of states, the role of natural law, the lawfulness of war (jus ad bellum), the means of pursuing war (jus in bello), collective security, military intervention, the rights of the individual, and the law of the sea.
While first and foremost a study in the field of international relations, this is also a significant contribution to the history and theory of international law; and to the history of the early seventeenth century, when the Dutch Republic, and the European states system generally, were emerging in their modern forms, and when the Thirty Years War impressed on Grotius and others the need for restraint in war.
Isaac Nakhimovsky
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691148946
- eISBN:
- 9781400838752
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691148946.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter considers the broader implications of Fichte's work. Fichte's The Closed Commercial State was an intensive investigation into the prospects of Europe's transformation into the kind of ...
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This chapter considers the broader implications of Fichte's work. Fichte's The Closed Commercial State was an intensive investigation into the prospects of Europe's transformation into the kind of international federation envisioned by Kant. His analysis was not the product of an alien ideology but represented a notable attempt to join the constitutionalism of Rousseau, Sieyès, and Kant to widespread and fairly mainstream eighteenth-century views of commerce, finance, and the European states system. Fichte's Addresses to the German Nation, delivered in occupied Berlin in the winter of 1808–9, have achieved much greater notoriety than The Closed Commercial State as a supposed transmission of ancien régime power politics into the age of nationalism. In fact, they represent a further effort to extend Fichte's constitutional theory into a strategic response to immensely constricting historical circumstances.Less
This chapter considers the broader implications of Fichte's work. Fichte's The Closed Commercial State was an intensive investigation into the prospects of Europe's transformation into the kind of international federation envisioned by Kant. His analysis was not the product of an alien ideology but represented a notable attempt to join the constitutionalism of Rousseau, Sieyès, and Kant to widespread and fairly mainstream eighteenth-century views of commerce, finance, and the European states system. Fichte's Addresses to the German Nation, delivered in occupied Berlin in the winter of 1808–9, have achieved much greater notoriety than The Closed Commercial State as a supposed transmission of ancien régime power politics into the age of nationalism. In fact, they represent a further effort to extend Fichte's constitutional theory into a strategic response to immensely constricting historical circumstances.
Andreas Osiander
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278870
- eISBN:
- 9780191684258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278870.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The classical European states system, at whose evolution since the mid-seventeenth century has been looked upon in this book, was not created in one piece. Originally, as seen, its structure was to a ...
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The classical European states system, at whose evolution since the mid-seventeenth century has been looked upon in this book, was not created in one piece. Originally, as seen, its structure was to a considerable extent outside the scope of abstract, programmatic principles. Such principles evolved only slowly and fitfully, gradually including more and more aspects of the system in their purview. Sanctioned by custom, structural features that the European system had already possessed in medieval times were eroded only slowly. Indeed, this process of erosion has not been completed even today. In many cases, traditional features of the system have been relegitimized successively by different consensus principles. In many cases, there is a certain continuity here in spite of changing structural principles — even though, in every case, the nature of the actors, as determined by their domestic setup, has changed drastically over the centuries.Less
The classical European states system, at whose evolution since the mid-seventeenth century has been looked upon in this book, was not created in one piece. Originally, as seen, its structure was to a considerable extent outside the scope of abstract, programmatic principles. Such principles evolved only slowly and fitfully, gradually including more and more aspects of the system in their purview. Sanctioned by custom, structural features that the European system had already possessed in medieval times were eroded only slowly. Indeed, this process of erosion has not been completed even today. In many cases, traditional features of the system have been relegitimized successively by different consensus principles. In many cases, there is a certain continuity here in spite of changing structural principles — even though, in every case, the nature of the actors, as determined by their domestic setup, has changed drastically over the centuries.
Camille Mansour and Leila Fawaz
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774162473
- eISBN:
- 9781617970191
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774162473.003.0014
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
The Middle East was an important arena for the operation of the traditional European state system, but Middle Eastern states were not accepted as part of that system, although one of them—the Ottoman ...
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The Middle East was an important arena for the operation of the traditional European state system, but Middle Eastern states were not accepted as part of that system, although one of them—the Ottoman Empire—for centuries controlled large areas of Europe and the Black Sea littorals. Little had changed from the old days of the Concert of Europe, the Eastern Question, and the Sick Man of Europe, when states in the Middle East were essentially objects, not subjects, of international relations. In the interwar and cold war periods, and in the decade and a half since the end of the cold war and the rise of a unipolar world system dominated by the United States, the international system, rather than restraining the dominant power or powers from expanding their dominion in the Middle East, often facilitated this dominion.Less
The Middle East was an important arena for the operation of the traditional European state system, but Middle Eastern states were not accepted as part of that system, although one of them—the Ottoman Empire—for centuries controlled large areas of Europe and the Black Sea littorals. Little had changed from the old days of the Concert of Europe, the Eastern Question, and the Sick Man of Europe, when states in the Middle East were essentially objects, not subjects, of international relations. In the interwar and cold war periods, and in the decade and a half since the end of the cold war and the rise of a unipolar world system dominated by the United States, the international system, rather than restraining the dominant power or powers from expanding their dominion in the Middle East, often facilitated this dominion.
Peter Schröder
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- February 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198795575
- eISBN:
- 9780191836893
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198795575.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
The struggle for political influence and hegemony in early modern Europe was pursued not solely by military means, but also by a variety of theories which aimed to foster such claims. Universal ...
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The struggle for political influence and hegemony in early modern Europe was pursued not solely by military means, but also by a variety of theories which aimed to foster such claims. Universal monarchy and balance of power were the two main concepts employed in the strife, if not for empire, at least for hegemony. This chapter contrasts these two concepts by a case study comparing Discourse Touching the Spanish Monarchy by Tommaso Campanella with the Grand Design by the Duke of Sully, both written in the seventeenth century. Dynastic and confessional allegiances remained to play their part in the ensuing European state system, as can be seen in Campanella’s and Sully’s proposals. However, the Westphalian settlement of 1648 was multi-polar and power relations were increasingly complex, which was reflected in Samuel Pufendorf’s work. A brief look at Pufendorf highlights how political thought developed further in the attempt to understand and organize the increasingly complex European state system.Less
The struggle for political influence and hegemony in early modern Europe was pursued not solely by military means, but also by a variety of theories which aimed to foster such claims. Universal monarchy and balance of power were the two main concepts employed in the strife, if not for empire, at least for hegemony. This chapter contrasts these two concepts by a case study comparing Discourse Touching the Spanish Monarchy by Tommaso Campanella with the Grand Design by the Duke of Sully, both written in the seventeenth century. Dynastic and confessional allegiances remained to play their part in the ensuing European state system, as can be seen in Campanella’s and Sully’s proposals. However, the Westphalian settlement of 1648 was multi-polar and power relations were increasingly complex, which was reflected in Samuel Pufendorf’s work. A brief look at Pufendorf highlights how political thought developed further in the attempt to understand and organize the increasingly complex European state system.
