Frédéric Mérand
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199533244
- eISBN:
- 9780191714474
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533244.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
This book explains the creation of the European Union's Security and Defense Policy—to this day the most ambitious project of peacetime military integration. Whether hailed as a vital step in the ...
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This book explains the creation of the European Union's Security and Defense Policy—to this day the most ambitious project of peacetime military integration. Whether hailed as a vital step in the integration of Europe or berated as a wasteful threat to US power, European citizens are increasingly interested in the common defense policy. Today, “European Defense” is more popular than the European Union itself, even in Great Britain. This book addresses the fundamental challenge posed by military integration to the way we think about the state in the 21st century. Looking back over the past fifty years, it shows how statesmen, diplomats, and soldiers have converged towards Brussels as a “natural” solution to their concerns but also as something worth fighting over. The actors most closely associated to the formation of nation-states are now shaping a transgovernmental security and defense arena. As a result, defense policy is being denationalized. Exploring the complex relations between the state, the military, and citizenship in today's Europe, the book argues that European Defense is a symptom, but not a cause, of the transformation of the state. This book is an original contribution to the theory of European integration. Drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu, the book develops a political sociology of international relations which seeks to bridge institutionalism and constructivism. This careful study of practices, social representations, and power structures sheds new light on security and defense cooperation, but also on European cooperation more generally.Less
This book explains the creation of the European Union's Security and Defense Policy—to this day the most ambitious project of peacetime military integration. Whether hailed as a vital step in the integration of Europe or berated as a wasteful threat to US power, European citizens are increasingly interested in the common defense policy. Today, “European Defense” is more popular than the European Union itself, even in Great Britain. This book addresses the fundamental challenge posed by military integration to the way we think about the state in the 21st century. Looking back over the past fifty years, it shows how statesmen, diplomats, and soldiers have converged towards Brussels as a “natural” solution to their concerns but also as something worth fighting over. The actors most closely associated to the formation of nation-states are now shaping a transgovernmental security and defense arena. As a result, defense policy is being denationalized. Exploring the complex relations between the state, the military, and citizenship in today's Europe, the book argues that European Defense is a symptom, but not a cause, of the transformation of the state. This book is an original contribution to the theory of European integration. Drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu, the book develops a political sociology of international relations which seeks to bridge institutionalism and constructivism. This careful study of practices, social representations, and power structures sheds new light on security and defense cooperation, but also on European cooperation more generally.
Vivien A. Schmidt
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199266975
- eISBN:
- 9780191709012
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199266975.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This book focuses on the impact of European integration on national democracies. It argues that the democratic deficit is indeed a problem, but not so much at the level of the European Union per se ...
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This book focuses on the impact of European integration on national democracies. It argues that the democratic deficit is indeed a problem, but not so much at the level of the European Union per se as at the national level. This is because national leaders and publics have yet to come to terms with the institutional impact of the EU on the traditional workings of their national democracies. The book begins with a discussion of what the EU is — a new form ofregional statein which sovereignty is shared, boundaries are variable, identity composite, and democracy fragmented. But the main focus of the book is on how the EU has altered national governance practices, thereby challenging national ideas about democracy. It finds that the EU’s ‘policy without politics’ has led to ‘politics without policy’ at the national level. The book also shows that institutional ‘fit’ matters. The compound EU, in which governing activity is highly dispersed among multiple authorities, is more disruptive to simple polities like Britain and France, where governing activity has traditionally been more concentrated in a single authority, than to similarly compound polities like Germany and Italy. The book concludes that the real problem for member-states is not so much that their democratic practices have changed as that national ideas and discourse about democracy have not. The failure has been one of the communicative discourse to the general public — a problem which again has been more pronounced for simple polities, despite political leaders’ potentially greater capacity to communicate through a single voice, than for compound polities, where the coordinative discourse among policymakers predominates.Less
This book focuses on the impact of European integration on national democracies. It argues that the democratic deficit is indeed a problem, but not so much at the level of the European Union per se as at the national level. This is because national leaders and publics have yet to come to terms with the institutional impact of the EU on the traditional workings of their national democracies. The book begins with a discussion of what the EU is — a new form ofregional statein which sovereignty is shared, boundaries are variable, identity composite, and democracy fragmented. But the main focus of the book is on how the EU has altered national governance practices, thereby challenging national ideas about democracy. It finds that the EU’s ‘policy without politics’ has led to ‘politics without policy’ at the national level. The book also shows that institutional ‘fit’ matters. The compound EU, in which governing activity is highly dispersed among multiple authorities, is more disruptive to simple polities like Britain and France, where governing activity has traditionally been more concentrated in a single authority, than to similarly compound polities like Germany and Italy. The book concludes that the real problem for member-states is not so much that their democratic practices have changed as that national ideas and discourse about democracy have not. The failure has been one of the communicative discourse to the general public — a problem which again has been more pronounced for simple polities, despite political leaders’ potentially greater capacity to communicate through a single voice, than for compound polities, where the coordinative discourse among policymakers predominates.
Jan Zielonka
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199292219
- eISBN:
- 9780191603754
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199292213.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter assesses the process of mutual adaptation between the two parts of Europe. It tries to rethink the role and meaning of divergence in the process of European integration, and searches for ...
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This chapter assesses the process of mutual adaptation between the two parts of Europe. It tries to rethink the role and meaning of divergence in the process of European integration, and searches for the best way to handle it. It argues that it would be difficult for the Union to acquire the basic features of a Westphalian state due to persistent divergence across various functional and geographical fields. However, the dividing lines do not necessarily run across the former East-West divide. Moreover, if one abandons the Westphalian paradigm, divergence may be seen as an asset rather than only as a liability for the future EU. Looser and less integrated systems can cope well with diversity, and even profit from it. Besides, divergence is subject to political engineering with enlargement being a powerful tool for remedying the existing gaps in Europe.Less
This chapter assesses the process of mutual adaptation between the two parts of Europe. It tries to rethink the role and meaning of divergence in the process of European integration, and searches for the best way to handle it. It argues that it would be difficult for the Union to acquire the basic features of a Westphalian state due to persistent divergence across various functional and geographical fields. However, the dividing lines do not necessarily run across the former East-West divide. Moreover, if one abandons the Westphalian paradigm, divergence may be seen as an asset rather than only as a liability for the future EU. Looser and less integrated systems can cope well with diversity, and even profit from it. Besides, divergence is subject to political engineering with enlargement being a powerful tool for remedying the existing gaps in Europe.
Jan Zielonka
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199292219
- eISBN:
- 9780191603754
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199292213.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This book seeks to comprehend the evolving nature of the European Union following the fall of the Berlin Wall and the failure of the European Constitution. Its prime focus is the last wave of ...
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This book seeks to comprehend the evolving nature of the European Union following the fall of the Berlin Wall and the failure of the European Constitution. Its prime focus is the last wave of enlargement which has profoundly transformed the EU. Although there are many parallels between the European integration process and state-building processes, the Union is not anything like a Westphalian superstate. The new emerging polity resembles a kind of neo-medieval empire with a polycentric system of government, multiple and overlapping jurisdictions, striking cultural and economic heterogeneity, fuzzy borders, and divided sovereignty. The book spells out the origin, the shape, and the implications of this empire. It suggests a novel way of thinking about the European Union and the process of European integration, showing “two Europes” coming together following the end of the Cold War. It proposes a system of economic and democratic governance that meets the ever greater challenges of modernization, interdependence, and globalization. It identifies the most plausible scenario of promoting peaceful change in Europe and beyond. It argues that mainstream thinking about European integration is based on mistaken statist assumptions, and suggests more effective and legitimate ways of governing Europe than through the adoption of a European Constitution, creation of a European army, or introduction of a European social model. The book covers many fields from politics and economics to foreign affairs and security. It analyzes developments in both Eastern and Western Europe, and gives ample room for both theoretical and empirical considerations.Less
This book seeks to comprehend the evolving nature of the European Union following the fall of the Berlin Wall and the failure of the European Constitution. Its prime focus is the last wave of enlargement which has profoundly transformed the EU. Although there are many parallels between the European integration process and state-building processes, the Union is not anything like a Westphalian superstate. The new emerging polity resembles a kind of neo-medieval empire with a polycentric system of government, multiple and overlapping jurisdictions, striking cultural and economic heterogeneity, fuzzy borders, and divided sovereignty. The book spells out the origin, the shape, and the implications of this empire. It suggests a novel way of thinking about the European Union and the process of European integration, showing “two Europes” coming together following the end of the Cold War. It proposes a system of economic and democratic governance that meets the ever greater challenges of modernization, interdependence, and globalization. It identifies the most plausible scenario of promoting peaceful change in Europe and beyond. It argues that mainstream thinking about European integration is based on mistaken statist assumptions, and suggests more effective and legitimate ways of governing Europe than through the adoption of a European Constitution, creation of a European army, or introduction of a European social model. The book covers many fields from politics and economics to foreign affairs and security. It analyzes developments in both Eastern and Western Europe, and gives ample room for both theoretical and empirical considerations.
Jan Zielonka
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199292219
- eISBN:
- 9780191603754
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199292213.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This concluding chapter tries to identify the implications of neo-medievalism for the Union’s geo-strategic position, its governance capacity, and its political legitimacy. It also tries to establish ...
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This concluding chapter tries to identify the implications of neo-medievalism for the Union’s geo-strategic position, its governance capacity, and its political legitimacy. It also tries to establish how to handle the emerging neo-medieval empire in Europe. Although a neo-medieval empire would cause many problems and difficulties, it would also have some important advantages. A flexible neo-medieval empire in concentric circles would be in a better position than a European state to cope with the pressures of modernization and globalization. It would also be in a better position to compete with other great powers by pulling together vast European resources, without eliminating Europe’s greatest strength: its pluralism and diversity. A neo-medieval empire would also be well suited to provide conflict prevention in its neighborhood by shaping countries’ behavior through the mechanism of EU membership conditionality. A neo-medieval empire might even be in a good position to be seen as democratically legitimate by bringing governance structures closer to the citizens, and making the system more transparent and open.Less
This concluding chapter tries to identify the implications of neo-medievalism for the Union’s geo-strategic position, its governance capacity, and its political legitimacy. It also tries to establish how to handle the emerging neo-medieval empire in Europe. Although a neo-medieval empire would cause many problems and difficulties, it would also have some important advantages. A flexible neo-medieval empire in concentric circles would be in a better position than a European state to cope with the pressures of modernization and globalization. It would also be in a better position to compete with other great powers by pulling together vast European resources, without eliminating Europe’s greatest strength: its pluralism and diversity. A neo-medieval empire would also be well suited to provide conflict prevention in its neighborhood by shaping countries’ behavior through the mechanism of EU membership conditionality. A neo-medieval empire might even be in a good position to be seen as democratically legitimate by bringing governance structures closer to the citizens, and making the system more transparent and open.
Donatella della Porta and Manuela Caiani
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199557783
- eISBN:
- 9780191721304
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199557783.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
The use of the European level as an arena for mobilization oriented to modifying national policies—that is, what we called Europeanization by externalization—is at the core of chapter 3 that ...
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The use of the European level as an arena for mobilization oriented to modifying national policies—that is, what we called Europeanization by externalization—is at the core of chapter 3 that addresses the subjective perspectives of collective actors on the importance of Europe and European integration for their strategic choices; their use of insider versus outsider strategies in dealing with European issues; their communication strategies as well as their relations with the European institutions. The picture emerging from interviews with representatives of SMOs and NGOs indicates a high level of attention to Europe, which translates into transnational networking and the use of multiple strategies to target EU institutions. Moreover, the interviewees stress changes in their communication and mobilization strategies as related to the process of European integration. Additionally, network analysis allows to compare density of collaboration and conflict, specifying the prevalent logic of relations within each policy domain, as well as the cleavages around which the debate on Europe is structured and which can influence the path of Europeanization of national collective actors.Less
The use of the European level as an arena for mobilization oriented to modifying national policies—that is, what we called Europeanization by externalization—is at the core of chapter 3 that addresses the subjective perspectives of collective actors on the importance of Europe and European integration for their strategic choices; their use of insider versus outsider strategies in dealing with European issues; their communication strategies as well as their relations with the European institutions. The picture emerging from interviews with representatives of SMOs and NGOs indicates a high level of attention to Europe, which translates into transnational networking and the use of multiple strategies to target EU institutions. Moreover, the interviewees stress changes in their communication and mobilization strategies as related to the process of European integration. Additionally, network analysis allows to compare density of collaboration and conflict, specifying the prevalent logic of relations within each policy domain, as well as the cleavages around which the debate on Europe is structured and which can influence the path of Europeanization of national collective actors.
David M. Farrell and Roger Scully
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199285020
- eISBN:
- 9780191713651
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199285020.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The past fifteen years have seen declining public support for European integration, and widespread suggestions that a legitimacy crisis faces the European Union (EU). Many in the EU have believed ...
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The past fifteen years have seen declining public support for European integration, and widespread suggestions that a legitimacy crisis faces the European Union (EU). Many in the EU have believed that this problem could be effectively tackled by vesting greater powers in the European Parliament (EP), the Union's only directly-elected institution. The central argument of this book is that, while considerable efforts have been made to increase the status of the EP, it is in crucial respects a failure as a representative body. This failure is grounded in the manner in which the parliament is elected. The electoral systems used for EP elections in many EU countries are, the book argues, actively obstructive of Europe's voters being represented in the way that they are most likely to respond positively towards. While the behaviour of EP members is shaped strongly by the electoral systems under which they are elected (which vary across the twenty-five member states of the EU), the electoral systems currently in place push most of them to behave in ways contrary to what citizens desire. Drawing on public opinion data, surveys of MEPs and considerable qualitative interview evidence, this book that the failure of parliamentary representation in the EU has a strong foundation in electoral institutions.Less
The past fifteen years have seen declining public support for European integration, and widespread suggestions that a legitimacy crisis faces the European Union (EU). Many in the EU have believed that this problem could be effectively tackled by vesting greater powers in the European Parliament (EP), the Union's only directly-elected institution. The central argument of this book is that, while considerable efforts have been made to increase the status of the EP, it is in crucial respects a failure as a representative body. This failure is grounded in the manner in which the parliament is elected. The electoral systems used for EP elections in many EU countries are, the book argues, actively obstructive of Europe's voters being represented in the way that they are most likely to respond positively towards. While the behaviour of EP members is shaped strongly by the electoral systems under which they are elected (which vary across the twenty-five member states of the EU), the electoral systems currently in place push most of them to behave in ways contrary to what citizens desire. Drawing on public opinion data, surveys of MEPs and considerable qualitative interview evidence, this book that the failure of parliamentary representation in the EU has a strong foundation in electoral institutions.
Erik Jones
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199208333
- eISBN:
- 9780191708985
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199208333.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
The small advanced industrial states of Western Europe have been regarded as a model for political and economic success because they are both stable and prosperous. The formula for that success ...
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The small advanced industrial states of Western Europe have been regarded as a model for political and economic success because they are both stable and prosperous. The formula for that success combines a ready embrace of globalization (including European integration) with strong institutions for domestic redistribution — democratic corporatism and the welfare state. This book asks whether that formula is stable over time. By examining the cases of Belgium and the Netherlands, it shows how the political basis for consensus (consociational democracy) can break down, how the break down of consensus can undermine democratic corporatism while bringing the welfare state into conflict, and how economic performance in world markets can suffer as a result. Belgium and the Netherlands did not become poorer as a result of their political transformation, but they did become less flexible and therefore less able to make adjustments in response to external shocks. Moreover, they cannot easily recapture the formula for their past success.Less
The small advanced industrial states of Western Europe have been regarded as a model for political and economic success because they are both stable and prosperous. The formula for that success combines a ready embrace of globalization (including European integration) with strong institutions for domestic redistribution — democratic corporatism and the welfare state. This book asks whether that formula is stable over time. By examining the cases of Belgium and the Netherlands, it shows how the political basis for consensus (consociational democracy) can break down, how the break down of consensus can undermine democratic corporatism while bringing the welfare state into conflict, and how economic performance in world markets can suffer as a result. Belgium and the Netherlands did not become poorer as a result of their political transformation, but they did become less flexible and therefore less able to make adjustments in response to external shocks. Moreover, they cannot easily recapture the formula for their past success.
Alec Stone Sweet
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199275533
- eISBN:
- 9780191602009
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019927553X.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The evolution of the European Community (EC) towards a supranational constitution is charted by combining three different perspectives. First, an examination is made of the major features of the ...
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The evolution of the European Community (EC) towards a supranational constitution is charted by combining three different perspectives. First, an examination is made of the major features of the integration process since 1959, which argues that the European market and polity developed symbiotically, as the activities of economic actors, organized interests, litigators and judges, and the EC's legislative and regulatory organs became linked, to create a self‐sustaining, dynamic system. Second, the ‘constitutionalization’ of the treaty system is investigated, and the activities of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) surveyed; among other things, constitutionalization secured property rights for transnational market actors, expanded the discretionary powers of national judges, and reduced the EC's intergovernmental character. Third, the relationship between the ECJ and the national courts is considered, focusing on how intra‐judicial conflict and cooperation have shaped the production of specific constitutional doctrines; through these ‘constitutional dialogues’, the supremacy of EC law was gradually achieved, rendering it judicially enforceable. Overall, the chapter situates the development of the European legal system within the overall process of European integration.Less
The evolution of the European Community (EC) towards a supranational constitution is charted by combining three different perspectives. First, an examination is made of the major features of the integration process since 1959, which argues that the European market and polity developed symbiotically, as the activities of economic actors, organized interests, litigators and judges, and the EC's legislative and regulatory organs became linked, to create a self‐sustaining, dynamic system. Second, the ‘constitutionalization’ of the treaty system is investigated, and the activities of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) surveyed; among other things, constitutionalization secured property rights for transnational market actors, expanded the discretionary powers of national judges, and reduced the EC's intergovernmental character. Third, the relationship between the ECJ and the national courts is considered, focusing on how intra‐judicial conflict and cooperation have shaped the production of specific constitutional doctrines; through these ‘constitutional dialogues’, the supremacy of EC law was gradually achieved, rendering it judicially enforceable. Overall, the chapter situates the development of the European legal system within the overall process of European integration.
Alec Stone Sweet
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199275533
- eISBN:
- 9780191602009
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019927553X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The law and politics of European integration have been inseparable since the 1960s, when the European Court of Justice rendered a set of foundational decisions that gradually served to ...
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The law and politics of European integration have been inseparable since the 1960s, when the European Court of Justice rendered a set of foundational decisions that gradually served to ‘constitutionalize’ the Treaty of Rome. In this book, the author, one of the world's foremost social scientists and legal scholars, blends deductive theory, quantitative analysis of aggregate data, and qualitative case studies to explain the dynamics of European integration and institutional change in the European Union (EU) since 1959. He shows that the activities of market actors, lobbyists, legislators, litigators, and judges became connected to one another in various ways, giving the EU its fundamentally expansionary character. The first chapter, ‘The European Court and Integration’, provides an introduction to the book. The second, written with Thomas Brunell, assesses the impact of Europe's unique legal system on the evolution of supranational governance. The following three chapters trace the outcomes in three policy domains: free movement of goods (written with Margaret McCown), sex equality (written with Rachel Cichowski), and environmental protection (written with Markus Gehring). There is also a concluding chapter. The book integrates diverse themes, including: the testing of hypotheses derived from regional integration theory; the ‘judicialization’ of legislative processes; the path dependence of precedent and legal argumentation; the triumph of the ‘rights revolution’ in the EU; delegation, agency, and trusteeship; balancing as a technique of judicial rulemaking and governance; and why national administration and justice have been steadily ‘Europeanized’.Less
The law and politics of European integration have been inseparable since the 1960s, when the European Court of Justice rendered a set of foundational decisions that gradually served to ‘constitutionalize’ the Treaty of Rome. In this book, the author, one of the world's foremost social scientists and legal scholars, blends deductive theory, quantitative analysis of aggregate data, and qualitative case studies to explain the dynamics of European integration and institutional change in the European Union (EU) since 1959. He shows that the activities of market actors, lobbyists, legislators, litigators, and judges became connected to one another in various ways, giving the EU its fundamentally expansionary character. The first chapter, ‘The European Court and Integration’, provides an introduction to the book. The second, written with Thomas Brunell, assesses the impact of Europe's unique legal system on the evolution of supranational governance. The following three chapters trace the outcomes in three policy domains: free movement of goods (written with Margaret McCown), sex equality (written with Rachel Cichowski), and environmental protection (written with Markus Gehring). There is also a concluding chapter. The book integrates diverse themes, including: the testing of hypotheses derived from regional integration theory; the ‘judicialization’ of legislative processes; the path dependence of precedent and legal argumentation; the triumph of the ‘rights revolution’ in the EU; delegation, agency, and trusteeship; balancing as a technique of judicial rulemaking and governance; and why national administration and justice have been steadily ‘Europeanized’.
Gerda Falkner (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199596225
- eISBN:
- 9780191729140
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199596225.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, International Relations and Politics
Fritz W. Scharpf's renowned joint‐decision trap model has suggested that the requirements of (nearly) unanimous decisions in the EU's Council of Ministers, combined with conflicting preferences among ...
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Fritz W. Scharpf's renowned joint‐decision trap model has suggested that the requirements of (nearly) unanimous decisions in the EU's Council of Ministers, combined with conflicting preferences among member governments, will systematically limit the problem-solving effectiveness of European policies. Certain conditions have significantly changed during the 25 years of this theory's existence: the unanimity rule has been replaced by qualified-majority voting in most issue areas, and successive rounds of enlargement have augmented the diversity of member state interests and preferences. This book presents a comparative study on the differential politics in EU policies. Looking at the political dynamics in an array of EU activities, it analyses breakthroughs as well as stalemates and asks why leaps occur in some areas whilst blockades characterize others. The dynamics that allow the EU to escape various forms of decision trap are analysed in depth. Such mechanisms are from both the type expected by ‘rationalist’ theorists (supranational-hierarchical steering, Treaty‐base games and arena shifting) and from the kind acknowledged by ‘constructivist’ approaches (socialization). The downside of the findings is that when the EU is confronted with a high degree of problem pressure in a given issue area, these mechanisms will often not be available because most remain outside politicians' immediate grasp.Less
Fritz W. Scharpf's renowned joint‐decision trap model has suggested that the requirements of (nearly) unanimous decisions in the EU's Council of Ministers, combined with conflicting preferences among member governments, will systematically limit the problem-solving effectiveness of European policies. Certain conditions have significantly changed during the 25 years of this theory's existence: the unanimity rule has been replaced by qualified-majority voting in most issue areas, and successive rounds of enlargement have augmented the diversity of member state interests and preferences. This book presents a comparative study on the differential politics in EU policies. Looking at the political dynamics in an array of EU activities, it analyses breakthroughs as well as stalemates and asks why leaps occur in some areas whilst blockades characterize others. The dynamics that allow the EU to escape various forms of decision trap are analysed in depth. Such mechanisms are from both the type expected by ‘rationalist’ theorists (supranational-hierarchical steering, Treaty‐base games and arena shifting) and from the kind acknowledged by ‘constructivist’ approaches (socialization). The downside of the findings is that when the EU is confronted with a high degree of problem pressure in a given issue area, these mechanisms will often not be available because most remain outside politicians' immediate grasp.
Russell J. Dalton and Richard C. Eichenberg
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780198294641
- eISBN:
- 9780191601071
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294646.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Examines the role of public opinion as a societal actor in the European integration process, analysing its evolution from comparative insignificance only a decade ago, when the research focus was ...
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Examines the role of public opinion as a societal actor in the European integration process, analysing its evolution from comparative insignificance only a decade ago, when the research focus was largely on intergovernmental mechanisms and drivers, to its current salience. The change is partly due to heightened recognition by analysts of the role of public opinion in shaping government policy preferences, and partly because the process of European integration has reached down more searchingly into ordinary citizens’ concerns. The research presented in this chapter therefore examines the patterns of citizen support for the integration process, focusing on specific issue areas such as health, environment, and defence, and on the extent to which European public opinion feels that responsibility in these sectors should be transferred from national governments to the European Union.Less
Examines the role of public opinion as a societal actor in the European integration process, analysing its evolution from comparative insignificance only a decade ago, when the research focus was largely on intergovernmental mechanisms and drivers, to its current salience. The change is partly due to heightened recognition by analysts of the role of public opinion in shaping government policy preferences, and partly because the process of European integration has reached down more searchingly into ordinary citizens’ concerns. The research presented in this chapter therefore examines the patterns of citizen support for the integration process, focusing on specific issue areas such as health, environment, and defence, and on the extent to which European public opinion feels that responsibility in these sectors should be transferred from national governments to the European Union.
Tanja A. Börzel and Rachel A. Cichowski (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199257409
- eISBN:
- 9780191600951
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925740X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This is the sixth volume in the biennial series State of the European Union, which was launched in 1991 and is produced under the auspices of the European Union Studies Association (EUSA). It takes ...
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This is the sixth volume in the biennial series State of the European Union, which was launched in 1991 and is produced under the auspices of the European Union Studies Association (EUSA). It takes the dynamic interaction between law, politics, and society as a starting point to think critically about recent developments and future innovations in European integration and EU studies. The book provides an overview of recent key events in the EU, while illuminating how these institutional (formal legal) developments impact on ordinary individuals and EU politics. For example, it examines the European Convention with the possibility of an EU constitution, and asks what impact the creation of judicially enforceable rights may have on Europeans and European integration, and how the opportunity for new rights claims alters the balance of power between individuals and EU organizations (such as the European Court of Justice vis‐á‐vis national governments in EU policy expansion). The book also seeks to provide a unique and interdisciplinary approach to studying the EU by bringing together legal scholars and political scientists. Chapter contributors offer readers sophisticated theoretical and empirical accounts of new developments. Issues such as enlargement, immigration reform, and monetary union require a precise understanding of an increasingly complex set of formal legal rules (the domain of legal scholars), and, equally important, of the effects on ordinary citizens and political participation (the power struggles that concern political scientists). The volume seeks to integrate these two approaches and bridge the divide between them. It is arranged in eight parts: I, EU Law and Politics: The State of the Discipline (3 chapters concerned with broad changes, both theoretical and substantive, in the area of EU politics and law); II, Structures of Governance (3 chapters providing in‐depth analyses of new structures of governance and modes of decision making in the EU); III, EU Citizen Rights and Civil Society (2 chapters) and IV, EU Law in Action (3 chapters), which engage the many processes and recent developments characterizing the interactions between law, politics, and society in the EU; V, Innovation and Expansion (3 chapters analysing the salient policy innovations and expansion since 2000, from monetary to immigration policy); VI, Researching and Teaching the EU (2 chapters discussing cutting‐edge techniques, methodology, and resources for research and teaching in the area of EU studies); VII, References; and VIII, List of Contributors.Less
This is the sixth volume in the biennial series State of the European Union, which was launched in 1991 and is produced under the auspices of the European Union Studies Association (EUSA). It takes the dynamic interaction between law, politics, and society as a starting point to think critically about recent developments and future innovations in European integration and EU studies. The book provides an overview of recent key events in the EU, while illuminating how these institutional (formal legal) developments impact on ordinary individuals and EU politics. For example, it examines the European Convention with the possibility of an EU constitution, and asks what impact the creation of judicially enforceable rights may have on Europeans and European integration, and how the opportunity for new rights claims alters the balance of power between individuals and EU organizations (such as the European Court of Justice vis‐á‐vis national governments in EU policy expansion). The book also seeks to provide a unique and interdisciplinary approach to studying the EU by bringing together legal scholars and political scientists. Chapter contributors offer readers sophisticated theoretical and empirical accounts of new developments. Issues such as enlargement, immigration reform, and monetary union require a precise understanding of an increasingly complex set of formal legal rules (the domain of legal scholars), and, equally important, of the effects on ordinary citizens and political participation (the power struggles that concern political scientists). The volume seeks to integrate these two approaches and bridge the divide between them. It is arranged in eight parts: I, EU Law and Politics: The State of the Discipline (3 chapters concerned with broad changes, both theoretical and substantive, in the area of EU politics and law); II, Structures of Governance (3 chapters providing in‐depth analyses of new structures of governance and modes of decision making in the EU); III, EU Citizen Rights and Civil Society (2 chapters) and IV, EU Law in Action (3 chapters), which engage the many processes and recent developments characterizing the interactions between law, politics, and society in the EU; V, Innovation and Expansion (3 chapters analysing the salient policy innovations and expansion since 2000, from monetary to immigration policy); VI, Researching and Teaching the EU (2 chapters discussing cutting‐edge techniques, methodology, and resources for research and teaching in the area of EU studies); VII, References; and VIII, List of Contributors.
Shawn Donnelly
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199579402
- eISBN:
- 9780191723087
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199579402.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, International Relations and Politics
The regulation of financial markets and companies in Europe has undergone significant changes over the last decade. The Commission, Member States, and Parliament constructed regimes that facilitate ...
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The regulation of financial markets and companies in Europe has undergone significant changes over the last decade. The Commission, Member States, and Parliament constructed regimes that facilitate new legislation, sanction delegation to the Commission for financial market law, and structure the cross‐border regulation of companies within the single market. The substance of this book is about that regime development. In creating the regimes discussed in this book, European Union (EU) leaders contributed to the ongoing constitutionalization of Europe by contesting and constructing norms. Each of the regimes required an explicit definition of the vertical relationship between the EU and the member states, and of the horizontal relationship among the member states. It defined the kind of regulatory state that would be required, the mix of European and national bodies involved, and the procedures they were to follow in carrying out their functions. It also defined what kinds of national variation in related economic and social policy would be regarded as legitimate. As they made these agreements, European leaders simultaneously articulated what it meant to be a member state in the single market, and what it meant to delegate responsibilities to the EU. This constitutionalized these ideals by sorting out the issues of EU and national responsibilities in a powerfully authoritative way. The theory of this book is about demonstrating the normative foundations of these constitutional agreements and showing how they had to be built on the shoulders of national ones.Less
The regulation of financial markets and companies in Europe has undergone significant changes over the last decade. The Commission, Member States, and Parliament constructed regimes that facilitate new legislation, sanction delegation to the Commission for financial market law, and structure the cross‐border regulation of companies within the single market. The substance of this book is about that regime development. In creating the regimes discussed in this book, European Union (EU) leaders contributed to the ongoing constitutionalization of Europe by contesting and constructing norms. Each of the regimes required an explicit definition of the vertical relationship between the EU and the member states, and of the horizontal relationship among the member states. It defined the kind of regulatory state that would be required, the mix of European and national bodies involved, and the procedures they were to follow in carrying out their functions. It also defined what kinds of national variation in related economic and social policy would be regarded as legitimate. As they made these agreements, European leaders simultaneously articulated what it meant to be a member state in the single market, and what it meant to delegate responsibilities to the EU. This constitutionalized these ideals by sorting out the issues of EU and national responsibilities in a powerfully authoritative way. The theory of this book is about demonstrating the normative foundations of these constitutional agreements and showing how they had to be built on the shoulders of national ones.
Maurizio Ferrera
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199284665
- eISBN:
- 9780191603273
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199284660.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
To what extent and in what ways have European integration redrawn the boundaries of national welfare states? What are the effects of such redrawing? These questions are interesting and relevant ...
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To what extent and in what ways have European integration redrawn the boundaries of national welfare states? What are the effects of such redrawing? These questions are interesting and relevant because boundaries “count”: they are a pre-requisite for bonding individuals, groups, and territorial units, and for activating or strengthening their dispositions to share. Historically, welfare state formation can be read as a process of boundary-building — essentially through the establishment of compulsory public insurance schemes. European integration has prompted a reversal of this process: free movement and competition rules have in fact started to challenge the traditional bounding prerogatives of the nation-state in the social sphere. Today, the EU constrains not only the scope and content of bounding decisions (who is entitled to share what), but also the very “right to bound” in the first place. Such constraints have far reaching economic and financial implications. But their social and political implications may be even greater, given the importance of nation-based social sharing for material life chances, cultural identities and legitimation dynamics. As shown by the chapters in this book, reshuffling the “boundaries of welfare” can destabilise the basic architecture of Europe’s national societies and political systems. In order to counter this destabilisation, a carefully designed strategy of institutional reform is needed, capable of reconciling “solidarity” and “Europe” through stronger citizenship rights and more socially friendly regulatory instruments.Less
To what extent and in what ways have European integration redrawn the boundaries of national welfare states? What are the effects of such redrawing? These questions are interesting and relevant because boundaries “count”: they are a pre-requisite for bonding individuals, groups, and territorial units, and for activating or strengthening their dispositions to share. Historically, welfare state formation can be read as a process of boundary-building — essentially through the establishment of compulsory public insurance schemes. European integration has prompted a reversal of this process: free movement and competition rules have in fact started to challenge the traditional bounding prerogatives of the nation-state in the social sphere. Today, the EU constrains not only the scope and content of bounding decisions (who is entitled to share what), but also the very “right to bound” in the first place. Such constraints have far reaching economic and financial implications. But their social and political implications may be even greater, given the importance of nation-based social sharing for material life chances, cultural identities and legitimation dynamics. As shown by the chapters in this book, reshuffling the “boundaries of welfare” can destabilise the basic architecture of Europe’s national societies and political systems. In order to counter this destabilisation, a carefully designed strategy of institutional reform is needed, capable of reconciling “solidarity” and “Europe” through stronger citizenship rights and more socially friendly regulatory instruments.
Geir Lundestad
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266685
- eISBN:
- 9780191601057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266689.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Discusses the expansion of the cooperation established between the US and Western Europe in the period 1950–1962, and analyses the Atlantic community, Germany's role in the relationship, and Western ...
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Discusses the expansion of the cooperation established between the US and Western Europe in the period 1950–1962, and analyses the Atlantic community, Germany's role in the relationship, and Western European integration. The first section looks at the dominant status that America had achieved in Europe by 1950, and at Europe's centrality to American–European cooperation—the shared assumption that Europe was the area of the world that mattered most, and that the struggle between East and West was primarily a struggle over Europe. The second section discusses the (North) Atlantic community in terms of balance of power (notably the threat of Soviet communism), the domestic threat from communists and other anti‐democratic groups, and from Germany, and the third discusses European integration in relation to this Atlantic framework. The fourth and fifth sections examine the motives for America's support of European integration, and the European economic challenge to the Atlantic framework. The sixth section analyses the development of the ‘special relationships’ formed between the US and various European countries, notably Britain, but also West Germany, Norway, Switzerland, Austria, Ireland, Sweden, Finland, and Yugoslavia. The last section looks at some of the concessions that the US had to make, and some of its defeats, in its relationship with Western Europe.Less
Discusses the expansion of the cooperation established between the US and Western Europe in the period 1950–1962, and analyses the Atlantic community, Germany's role in the relationship, and Western European integration. The first section looks at the dominant status that America had achieved in Europe by 1950, and at Europe's centrality to American–European cooperation—the shared assumption that Europe was the area of the world that mattered most, and that the struggle between East and West was primarily a struggle over Europe. The second section discusses the (North) Atlantic community in terms of balance of power (notably the threat of Soviet communism), the domestic threat from communists and other anti‐democratic groups, and from Germany, and the third discusses European integration in relation to this Atlantic framework. The fourth and fifth sections examine the motives for America's support of European integration, and the European economic challenge to the Atlantic framework. The sixth section analyses the development of the ‘special relationships’ formed between the US and various European countries, notably Britain, but also West Germany, Norway, Switzerland, Austria, Ireland, Sweden, Finland, and Yugoslavia. The last section looks at some of the concessions that the US had to make, and some of its defeats, in its relationship with Western Europe.
Alec Stone Sweet
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199275533
- eISBN:
- 9780191602009
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019927553X.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Provides an introduction to the book by explaining its origin, purpose, approach, and structure. The first section presents the generic question posed by the book: how is a particular mode of ...
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Provides an introduction to the book by explaining its origin, purpose, approach, and structure. The first section presents the generic question posed by the book: how is a particular mode of governance, the judicial mode, consolidated as a stable set of practices; it explains that the approach taken combines three strains of theory – theory on judicialization and governance, on the courts as commitment devices, and on the dynamics of judicial rulemaking and precedent. The second section, European Integration and the Legal System, indicates that the book expands on previous efforts to elaborate and test a theory of European integration, and shows that its primary focus is on the impact of adjudicating European Community law on the institutionalization of the European Union (EU), rather than on the impact of EU law on national legal systems. The third section, Determinants of Judicial Discretion in the EU, looks at the question of how the European Court has been able to have such an impact on the course of European integration and the work of the national courts. The fourth section, Precedent and the Path Dependence of Legal Institutions, focuses on why legal institutions tend to develop in path dependent ways; it begins by conceptualizing precedent, and then attempts to show how legal systems can develop in path dependent ways, and discusses how the book goes about analysing precedent in Europe. The last two sections look at the case selection and data used in the book and give a brief outline of its structure.Less
Provides an introduction to the book by explaining its origin, purpose, approach, and structure. The first section presents the generic question posed by the book: how is a particular mode of governance, the judicial mode, consolidated as a stable set of practices; it explains that the approach taken combines three strains of theory – theory on judicialization and governance, on the courts as commitment devices, and on the dynamics of judicial rulemaking and precedent. The second section, European Integration and the Legal System, indicates that the book expands on previous efforts to elaborate and test a theory of European integration, and shows that its primary focus is on the impact of adjudicating European Community law on the institutionalization of the European Union (EU), rather than on the impact of EU law on national legal systems. The third section, Determinants of Judicial Discretion in the EU, looks at the question of how the European Court has been able to have such an impact on the course of European integration and the work of the national courts. The fourth section, Precedent and the Path Dependence of Legal Institutions, focuses on why legal institutions tend to develop in path dependent ways; it begins by conceptualizing precedent, and then attempts to show how legal systems can develop in path dependent ways, and discusses how the book goes about analysing precedent in Europe. The last two sections look at the case selection and data used in the book and give a brief outline of its structure.
Mette Elise Jolly
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199213078
- eISBN:
- 9780191707155
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199213078.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The introductory chapter discusses the asymmetry between elite and popular views about supranational government, in general, and European integration, in particular. It introduces the fundamental ...
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The introductory chapter discusses the asymmetry between elite and popular views about supranational government, in general, and European integration, in particular. It introduces the fundamental questions raised in the book, i.e., what the lack of a European demos means for the future institutional structure of the union. In the final part of the chapter, the particular problems facing the EU are linked to a wider international issue, namely the problems that arise when attempts are made to take democracy beyond the nation-state.Less
The introductory chapter discusses the asymmetry between elite and popular views about supranational government, in general, and European integration, in particular. It introduces the fundamental questions raised in the book, i.e., what the lack of a European demos means for the future institutional structure of the union. In the final part of the chapter, the particular problems facing the EU are linked to a wider international issue, namely the problems that arise when attempts are made to take democracy beyond the nation-state.
John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266579
- eISBN:
- 9780191601446
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266573.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The chapter examines the effect of a number of changes in the international order on the Northern Ireland conflict. Its central argument is that while globalization and European integration have done ...
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The chapter examines the effect of a number of changes in the international order on the Northern Ireland conflict. Its central argument is that while globalization and European integration have done little to transform Northern Ireland's rival identities in the way that some integrationists hope or claim, the internationalisation of Northern Ireland's conflict has had important and positive effects on conflict management.Less
The chapter examines the effect of a number of changes in the international order on the Northern Ireland conflict. Its central argument is that while globalization and European integration have done little to transform Northern Ireland's rival identities in the way that some integrationists hope or claim, the internationalisation of Northern Ireland's conflict has had important and positive effects on conflict management.
Alec Stone Sweet and Wayne Sandholtz
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780198294641
- eISBN:
- 9780191601071
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294646.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Presents a transaction‐based theory of European integration and contrasts it with alternative theories of neofunctionalism and intergovernmentalism. It defines key concepts of the theory, discusses ...
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Presents a transaction‐based theory of European integration and contrasts it with alternative theories of neofunctionalism and intergovernmentalism. It defines key concepts of the theory, discusses causal relationships between variables, and derives some hypotheses about how European integration proceeds. It then sketches out the structure of the entire book and how the contributory chapters fit together. A concluding section clarifies the differences between the transaction‐based theory and intergovernmentalist theories of integration.Less
Presents a transaction‐based theory of European integration and contrasts it with alternative theories of neofunctionalism and intergovernmentalism. It defines key concepts of the theory, discusses causal relationships between variables, and derives some hypotheses about how European integration proceeds. It then sketches out the structure of the entire book and how the contributory chapters fit together. A concluding section clarifies the differences between the transaction‐based theory and intergovernmentalist theories of integration.
