Paul Copeland
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780719088254
- eISBN:
- 9781781707470
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719088254.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
At the heart of the European integration process is the political economy debate over whether the EU should be a market-making project, or if it should combine this with integration in employment and ...
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At the heart of the European integration process is the political economy debate over whether the EU should be a market-making project, or if it should combine this with integration in employment and social policy. What has been the impact of the 2004 and 2007 rounds of enlargement upon the political economy of European integration? EU enlargement, the clash of capitalisms and the European social dimension analyses the impact of the 2004 and 2007 enlargements upon the politics of European integration within EU employment and social policy. This book analyses the main policy negotiations in the field and analyses the political positions and contributions of the Central and Eastern European Member States. Through an analyses of the negotiations of the Services Directive, the revision of the Working Time Directive and the Europe 2020 poverty target, the book argues that the addition of the Central and Eastern European states has strengthened liberal forces at the EU level and undermined integration with EU employment and social policy.Less
At the heart of the European integration process is the political economy debate over whether the EU should be a market-making project, or if it should combine this with integration in employment and social policy. What has been the impact of the 2004 and 2007 rounds of enlargement upon the political economy of European integration? EU enlargement, the clash of capitalisms and the European social dimension analyses the impact of the 2004 and 2007 enlargements upon the politics of European integration within EU employment and social policy. This book analyses the main policy negotiations in the field and analyses the political positions and contributions of the Central and Eastern European Member States. Through an analyses of the negotiations of the Services Directive, the revision of the Working Time Directive and the Europe 2020 poverty target, the book argues that the addition of the Central and Eastern European states has strengthened liberal forces at the EU level and undermined integration with EU employment and social policy.
Paolo Dardanelli
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719070808
- eISBN:
- 9781781701393
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719070808.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This book is an in-depth comparative study of Scottish devolution and an analysis of the impact of the European dimension. With a focus on the periods leading up to the referendums in 1979 and 1997, ...
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This book is an in-depth comparative study of Scottish devolution and an analysis of the impact of the European dimension. With a focus on the periods leading up to the referendums in 1979 and 1997, it investigates positions and strategies of political parties and interest groups, and how these influenced constitutional preferences at mass level and, ultimately, the referendum results themselves. Based on analysis of an extensive body of quantitative and qualitative sources, the book builds an argument which challenges the widespread thesis that support for devolution was a consequence of Conservative rule between 1979 and 1997. It shows that the decisive factors were changing attitudes to independence and the role of the European dimension in shaping them.Less
This book is an in-depth comparative study of Scottish devolution and an analysis of the impact of the European dimension. With a focus on the periods leading up to the referendums in 1979 and 1997, it investigates positions and strategies of political parties and interest groups, and how these influenced constitutional preferences at mass level and, ultimately, the referendum results themselves. Based on analysis of an extensive body of quantitative and qualitative sources, the book builds an argument which challenges the widespread thesis that support for devolution was a consequence of Conservative rule between 1979 and 1997. It shows that the decisive factors were changing attitudes to independence and the role of the European dimension in shaping them.
Paolo Dardanelli
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719070808
- eISBN:
- 9781781701393
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719070808.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This introductory chapter analyses the case of Scottish devolution. It identifies the three main reasons why Scotland serves as an ideal test case for the general hypothesis that European integration ...
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This introductory chapter analyses the case of Scottish devolution. It identifies the three main reasons why Scotland serves as an ideal test case for the general hypothesis that European integration raises demand for self-government at the sub-state level. It then presents a brief overview of the main contributions to this book and reviews the literature on Europeanisation, particularly on the Europeanisation of the demands for regional self-government. It gives a brief historical overview of the constitutional position of Scotland within the United Kingdom and of its demand for self-government, including both devolution and independence. This chapter also includes several reviews of relevant literature on the 1979 and 1997 referendums and studies the role of the European dimension in such literature.Less
This introductory chapter analyses the case of Scottish devolution. It identifies the three main reasons why Scotland serves as an ideal test case for the general hypothesis that European integration raises demand for self-government at the sub-state level. It then presents a brief overview of the main contributions to this book and reviews the literature on Europeanisation, particularly on the Europeanisation of the demands for regional self-government. It gives a brief historical overview of the constitutional position of Scotland within the United Kingdom and of its demand for self-government, including both devolution and independence. This chapter also includes several reviews of relevant literature on the 1979 and 1997 referendums and studies the role of the European dimension in such literature.
Paolo Dardanelli
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719070808
- eISBN:
- 9781781701393
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719070808.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter analyses the evidence that proves the European dimension was crucial to party competition on self-government from 1988 to 1997. It determines that the political parties clearly ...
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This chapter analyses the evidence that proves the European dimension was crucial to party competition on self-government from 1988 to 1997. It determines that the political parties clearly identified a number of connections between the European Union and the issue of self-government for Scotland. This led to the adoption of a European dimension into their positions on self-government. It shows that the SNP served as the key actor in this dynamic, since it was the party that utilised the European Union to its fullest and effectively opened an additional dimension in the politics of self-government.Less
This chapter analyses the evidence that proves the European dimension was crucial to party competition on self-government from 1988 to 1997. It determines that the political parties clearly identified a number of connections between the European Union and the issue of self-government for Scotland. This led to the adoption of a European dimension into their positions on self-government. It shows that the SNP served as the key actor in this dynamic, since it was the party that utilised the European Union to its fullest and effectively opened an additional dimension in the politics of self-government.
Paolo Dardanelli
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719070808
- eISBN:
- 9781781701393
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719070808.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter is concerned with interest groups, which were the other key elite actors who played a crucial role in the politics of self-government. It shows that some of these groups had a historical ...
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This chapter is concerned with interest groups, which were the other key elite actors who played a crucial role in the politics of self-government. It shows that some of these groups had a historical presence within Scottish society and/or a large membership, which gave them a degree of representativeness in ‘interpreting’ public opinion, and in turn allowed them to make it superior to that of political parties. It analyses the key groups of the Church of Scotland, the Scottish Trades Union Congress (STUC) and the business organisations. It studies their policy on self-government, the perception they had of the European Union (EU)—in general and in relation to their position on Scottish self-government in particular—and whether they used the European dimension in their strategies. This chapter concludes that each of the three interest groups had a different pattern of attitudes towards the EU and devolution.Less
This chapter is concerned with interest groups, which were the other key elite actors who played a crucial role in the politics of self-government. It shows that some of these groups had a historical presence within Scottish society and/or a large membership, which gave them a degree of representativeness in ‘interpreting’ public opinion, and in turn allowed them to make it superior to that of political parties. It analyses the key groups of the Church of Scotland, the Scottish Trades Union Congress (STUC) and the business organisations. It studies their policy on self-government, the perception they had of the European Union (EU)—in general and in relation to their position on Scottish self-government in particular—and whether they used the European dimension in their strategies. This chapter concludes that each of the three interest groups had a different pattern of attitudes towards the EU and devolution.
Francesco Costamagna
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- March 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780198793748
- eISBN:
- 9780191927867
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198793748.003.0016
- Subject:
- Law, EU Law
The Economic Monetary Union (EMU) has been famously portrayed as a ‘metaphor for the European Union’, involving high stakes for the integration process as a whole. Since its origins, the creation ...
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The Economic Monetary Union (EMU) has been famously portrayed as a ‘metaphor for the European Union’, involving high stakes for the integration process as a whole. Since its origins, the creation of the EMU was an eminently political project, with a direct bearing on the prospects of the European Union (EU) as a polity, its social model, and its constitutional identity. Yet, the main political aspects of the project were mostly discarded in the process that led to the establishment of the EMU’s institutional structure and its substantive rules. The creation of the common currency was not accompanied by the establishment of supranational institutions with a strong political mandate to accommodate conflicting interests, while the exercise of political autonomy at national level has been increasingly seen as a potential danger for the stability of the whole edifice. The crisis and the ensuing reform of the European economic governance consolidated the technocratic character of the EMU architecture and hardened its grip on national political processes.
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The Economic Monetary Union (EMU) has been famously portrayed as a ‘metaphor for the European Union’, involving high stakes for the integration process as a whole. Since its origins, the creation of the EMU was an eminently political project, with a direct bearing on the prospects of the European Union (EU) as a polity, its social model, and its constitutional identity. Yet, the main political aspects of the project were mostly discarded in the process that led to the establishment of the EMU’s institutional structure and its substantive rules. The creation of the common currency was not accompanied by the establishment of supranational institutions with a strong political mandate to accommodate conflicting interests, while the exercise of political autonomy at national level has been increasingly seen as a potential danger for the stability of the whole edifice. The crisis and the ensuing reform of the European economic governance consolidated the technocratic character of the EMU architecture and hardened its grip on national political processes.
Paolo Dardanelli
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719070808
- eISBN:
- 9781781701393
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719070808.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter presents several predictions on how the European dimension will affect the future of self-government in Scotland. It offers some reflections on Scotland's place in the European Union in ...
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This chapter presents several predictions on how the European dimension will affect the future of self-government in Scotland. It offers some reflections on Scotland's place in the European Union in the post-devolution period, and considers the possible influence that the European dimension will continue to have on the issue of Scottish independence. It then addresses the argument that the European dimension will continue to be very important for Scotland. This chapter also identifies some general disillusions with devolution and the devolved institutions.Less
This chapter presents several predictions on how the European dimension will affect the future of self-government in Scotland. It offers some reflections on Scotland's place in the European Union in the post-devolution period, and considers the possible influence that the European dimension will continue to have on the issue of Scottish independence. It then addresses the argument that the European dimension will continue to be very important for Scotland. This chapter also identifies some general disillusions with devolution and the devolved institutions.
Paul Copeland
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780719088254
- eISBN:
- 9781781707470
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719088254.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
In the conclusion it is argued that the 2004 and 2007 enlargements have had a profound impact on the clash of capitalisms surrounding the ESD. With few exceptions the CEE states joined the liberal ...
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In the conclusion it is argued that the 2004 and 2007 enlargements have had a profound impact on the clash of capitalisms surrounding the ESD. With few exceptions the CEE states joined the liberal coalition during the three case study negotiations. The outcome has been a strengthening of the liberal coalition, which has made policy outcomes of a more substantive nature for EU employment and social policy more difficult to achieve. The second section considers why the CEE states are supportive of the liberal coalition and the final part of the chapter explores the future of the ESD in the context of enlargement and the EU’s current political climate.Less
In the conclusion it is argued that the 2004 and 2007 enlargements have had a profound impact on the clash of capitalisms surrounding the ESD. With few exceptions the CEE states joined the liberal coalition during the three case study negotiations. The outcome has been a strengthening of the liberal coalition, which has made policy outcomes of a more substantive nature for EU employment and social policy more difficult to achieve. The second section considers why the CEE states are supportive of the liberal coalition and the final part of the chapter explores the future of the ESD in the context of enlargement and the EU’s current political climate.
Juho Saari and Olli Kangas
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781847420206
- eISBN:
- 9781447303794
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847420206.003.0009
- Subject:
- Sociology, Comparative and Historical Sociology
A number of contradictory elements mark the Finnish attitude to the EU and to Europeanisation. Every political party has its own opinions of the EU, and the political colour of the cabinet has an ...
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A number of contradictory elements mark the Finnish attitude to the EU and to Europeanisation. Every political party has its own opinions of the EU, and the political colour of the cabinet has an impact on the government's official strategies on the issue. In addition to these political factors, a few institutional factors affect Finnish attitudes to the EU. This chapter discusses the stand of Finland on the EU-related initiatives. Finnish responses to the European social dimensions have fluctuated. Finland is not willing to define some policy areas or issues as belonging to the realm of national decision making or competence, neither is it prepared to sacrifice central institutional elements of its own social policy model. This dual emphasis is visible in the discussions of the roles of economic and social issues. Despite the strong emphasis on opening up internal markets and prioritising economic growth, Finland does not openly accept this at the expense of social protection, labour protection, health, and the environment. The dual approach, as contradictory it may seem, tries to balance the two major objectives, and accurately describes Finnish attitudes and responses to European integration.Less
A number of contradictory elements mark the Finnish attitude to the EU and to Europeanisation. Every political party has its own opinions of the EU, and the political colour of the cabinet has an impact on the government's official strategies on the issue. In addition to these political factors, a few institutional factors affect Finnish attitudes to the EU. This chapter discusses the stand of Finland on the EU-related initiatives. Finnish responses to the European social dimensions have fluctuated. Finland is not willing to define some policy areas or issues as belonging to the realm of national decision making or competence, neither is it prepared to sacrifice central institutional elements of its own social policy model. This dual emphasis is visible in the discussions of the roles of economic and social issues. Despite the strong emphasis on opening up internal markets and prioritising economic growth, Finland does not openly accept this at the expense of social protection, labour protection, health, and the environment. The dual approach, as contradictory it may seem, tries to balance the two major objectives, and accurately describes Finnish attitudes and responses to European integration.
Yukiko Koshiro
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451805
- eISBN:
- 9780801467752
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451805.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This epilogue critiques the standard books on Japan's final war against the Soviet Union, saying that they fail to present a theoretical framework that synthesizes the Pacific, Asian, and European ...
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This epilogue critiques the standard books on Japan's final war against the Soviet Union, saying that they fail to present a theoretical framework that synthesizes the Pacific, Asian, and European dimensions of Japan's war. These works did not delve into the complex layers of Soviet–Japanese relations during the war. Nor did they discuss that the Soviet Union was Japan's most critic ally in the war in China as well as in the war against the United. The chapter concludes that as long as Japanese today continue to believe that during and shortly after World War II they were utterly ignorant or naive bystanders of the two superpowers' growing rivalry, the transitional period from World War II to the Cold War can never become an integral part of Japanese history.Less
This epilogue critiques the standard books on Japan's final war against the Soviet Union, saying that they fail to present a theoretical framework that synthesizes the Pacific, Asian, and European dimensions of Japan's war. These works did not delve into the complex layers of Soviet–Japanese relations during the war. Nor did they discuss that the Soviet Union was Japan's most critic ally in the war in China as well as in the war against the United. The chapter concludes that as long as Japanese today continue to believe that during and shortly after World War II they were utterly ignorant or naive bystanders of the two superpowers' growing rivalry, the transitional period from World War II to the Cold War can never become an integral part of Japanese history.