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This is the first of four chapters that present the evidence for testing the book's theory. The chapter begins by briefly discussing the book's methodology, before constructing a comprehensive test of the predictions of the book's theoretical model. After a brief recapitulation of the argument, the next section comprises a rich taxonomy of the EU's informal accords that provides some of the book's most compelling empirical evidence. This section takes stock of the cumulative effect of informal accords, providing part of the capstone evidence necessary to evaluate the book's primary hypothesis test. Before going on to present comprehensive case study evidence in the ensuing chapters, this chapter's third and fourth sections serve to present a bevy of evidence in support of the argument's core hypotheses including the results of Eurobarometer polling data that highlights how the pressure on EU Member States to augment European democracy has increased over time.

This chapter analyses how redistributive preference relates to actual income and to its distribution. For measuring redistributive preference a composite index is developed using public opinion (Eurobarometer) survey data. An empirical analysis of the data is presented, covering 17 European countries, on both the macro and micro level. To measure the relationship on the macro level, distance-based measures of income inequality (P-ratios, based on data from LIS) are defined and used to estimate contextual effects on individual redistributive claims. At the individual micro level, mechanisms such as self-interest, failure attribution, inequality sensitivity, and value preferences are tested. The results presented in this chapter can contribute to a refinement of the predictions developed in the frame of the median voter theorem and, via this, to a better understanding of political processes.

This chapter dealswith the complex task of measuring gender equality across European countriesby assuming two principal perspectives: the use of macro indicators, developed using gender statistics and describingthe country’s situation;and the employment of micro-level indicators, which are built on survey-population measurements, such as ISSP and Eurobarometer, and refer to individuals’ perspectives on gender issues. The critical overview provided on the international indicesspeaks to different conceptualisations of gender equality. This requires awareness not only among scholars interested in the study of gender equality, but also among policymakers and audit bodies that evaluate policies. The EIGE Gender Equality Index, developed in the gender-mainstreaming perspective’s framework by the European Institute for Gender Equality,appears particularly meaningful for evaluating gender equality according to the overall European strategy. The measurement of gender-equality issues through surveys needs better conceptualisations, which so farmainly refer to women’s double role as working mothers, thereby neglecting gender equality’s multidimensionality and the fact that it encompasses the status of both women and men.

Chapter 7 complements the previous analysis and explores consumers’ perceptions of price fairness and tests the correlation with the reforms. The estimation uses several waves of Eurobarometer data, a large cross-country yearly survey sponsored by the European Commission. This analysis is conducted for all three sectors considered in the above chapter: through a set of different empirical models. Some counter-intuitive results are found, which are broadly consistent with the objective evidence on price determinants. In countries that have embraced the reforms, after controlling for individual characteristics, consumers do not appear to be happier about the price they pay compared with consumers in the countries lagging behind.

Chapter 4 tests a central hypothesis of this book: the more transnational an individual, the more likely he or she is to support European integration. To this aim, the chapter analyses the impact of individual transnationalism on EU membership support (EB 65.1, 2006) and on the likelihood of considering oneself European (EB 67.1, 2007). The chapter also provides analyses for each dimension of individual transnationalism (transnational background, practices, and human capital), and for each country separately. Findings strongly support Hypothesis 1 by showing that individual transnationalism has a very strong and highly significant effect on EU support and European identity. What is more, each of the three dimensions of individual transnationalism significantly increases the likelihood of pro-European orientations.

This chapter presents the theoretical mechanisms underlying discrimination in the labor market and reviews the existing related empirical literature. In particular, this chapter focuses on the existing evidence on underinvestigated categories of individuals that might be discriminated against in the labor market. This chapter also shows some facts about the perception of discrimination in Europe, using the 2008 Eurobarometer data that covers most of the European countries. The evidence reveals, for example, that discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation is perceived as widespread by more than 50 percent of people, whereas this percentage is only slightly higher than 35 percent for gender.