William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The place and purpose of trusteeship in the post‐Second World War world order aroused passions and suspicions that were no less pronounced than those which threatened to disrupt the peace ...
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The place and purpose of trusteeship in the post‐Second World War world order aroused passions and suspicions that were no less pronounced than those which threatened to disrupt the peace negotiations at Versailles two decades earlier, and these tensions, which divided the US and Britain in particular, emanated from a fundamental disagreement over the purpose of trusteeship and its relation to the future of empire in world affairs. British commentators on empire tended to interpret the idea of trusteeship in the context of an imperial tradition that dated back to Edmund Burke's interest in the affairs of the East India Company, invoking trusteeship as a principle against which to judge colonial administration and, therefore, understood the tutelage of dependent peoples as a justification of empire. Americans, who were born of a very different colonial and political experience, were a great deal less inclined to see trusteeship as a justification of empire than as an alternative to the perpetuation of empire. Interrogates the claims that structured the terms of this debate, how they shaped the purpose of trusteeship as contemplated in the Charter of the UN, and the ideas upon which the anti‐colonial movement seized in order to destroy the legitimacy of trusteeship in international society. There are five sections: The Atlantic Charter and the Future of Empire; The Reform of Empire; Trusteeship and the Charter of the UN; The End of Empire; and Human Equality and the Illegitimacy of Trusteeship.Less
The place and purpose of trusteeship in the post‐Second World War world order aroused passions and suspicions that were no less pronounced than those which threatened to disrupt the peace negotiations at Versailles two decades earlier, and these tensions, which divided the US and Britain in particular, emanated from a fundamental disagreement over the purpose of trusteeship and its relation to the future of empire in world affairs. British commentators on empire tended to interpret the idea of trusteeship in the context of an imperial tradition that dated back to Edmund Burke's interest in the affairs of the East India Company, invoking trusteeship as a principle against which to judge colonial administration and, therefore, understood the tutelage of dependent peoples as a justification of empire. Americans, who were born of a very different colonial and political experience, were a great deal less inclined to see trusteeship as a justification of empire than as an alternative to the perpetuation of empire. Interrogates the claims that structured the terms of this debate, how they shaped the purpose of trusteeship as contemplated in the Charter of the UN, and the ideas upon which the anti‐colonial movement seized in order to destroy the legitimacy of trusteeship in international society. There are five sections: The Atlantic Charter and the Future of Empire; The Reform of Empire; Trusteeship and the Charter of the UN; The End of Empire; and Human Equality and the Illegitimacy of Trusteeship.
Carlo Invernizzi Accetti
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231170789
- eISBN:
- 9780231540377
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231170789.003.0005
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter advances the thesis that far from constituting a problem for democracy, moral relativism is actually the most solid intellectual foundation for it in the first place, through an analysis ...
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This chapter advances the thesis that far from constituting a problem for democracy, moral relativism is actually the most solid intellectual foundation for it in the first place, through an analysis and discussion of the work of Hans Kelsen.Less
This chapter advances the thesis that far from constituting a problem for democracy, moral relativism is actually the most solid intellectual foundation for it in the first place, through an analysis and discussion of the work of Hans Kelsen.
Yue Chim Richard Wong
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9789888390625
- eISBN:
- 9789888390373
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888390625.003.0012
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
The contribution of recent immigrants to income dispersion has grown slightly. This reflects the fact that their numbers have been rising over time and that they tend to have a higher proportion of ...
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The contribution of recent immigrants to income dispersion has grown slightly. This reflects the fact that their numbers have been rising over time and that they tend to have a higher proportion of lower-productivity individuals. Immigration policy is of course another form of human capital investment policy. In a free society, the decision to emigrate is an individual right over which government should not exercise control. But in Hong Kong, government policy decides who is allowed to emigrate here. Family reunion cases are also related to human rights, although what constitutes family is subject to policy delineation. To sum up, then, the increase in individual income dispersion is primarily affected by education. Other factors contribute, too, but none is as significant. Education policy must therefore be at the center of efforts to tackle the rising inequality in individual incomes. This sets up the analysis understand what underlies the rise of household income dispersion over this period.Less
The contribution of recent immigrants to income dispersion has grown slightly. This reflects the fact that their numbers have been rising over time and that they tend to have a higher proportion of lower-productivity individuals. Immigration policy is of course another form of human capital investment policy. In a free society, the decision to emigrate is an individual right over which government should not exercise control. But in Hong Kong, government policy decides who is allowed to emigrate here. Family reunion cases are also related to human rights, although what constitutes family is subject to policy delineation. To sum up, then, the increase in individual income dispersion is primarily affected by education. Other factors contribute, too, but none is as significant. Education policy must therefore be at the center of efforts to tackle the rising inequality in individual incomes. This sets up the analysis understand what underlies the rise of household income dispersion over this period.
Tanya Katerí Hernández
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781479830329
- eISBN:
- 9781479840748
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479830329.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
Commanding greater public attention is the idea that discrimination against multiracial (racially-mixed) people is a distinctive challenge to the enforcement of civil rights law. This perspective is ...
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Commanding greater public attention is the idea that discrimination against multiracial (racially-mixed) people is a distinctive challenge to the enforcement of civil rights law. This perspective is based upon the belief that multiracials experience racial discrimination in a unique manner that makes it necessary to reformulate traditional civil rights law. Multiracials and Civil Rights, based upon a close examination of many multiracial discrimination legal cases in a variety of equality law contexts, demonstrates the fallacy and danger of that conjecture. The book elucidates the distinction between the presumed exceptional space that multiracial persons are rhetorically imagined to occupy in the public discourse, and the binary non-white versus white realities they actually experience when targeted for discrimination. Rather than point to a need for a shift away from the existing civil rights laws, the cases instead indicate the need for further support of the current structures. The book concludes that multiracial discrimination cases are helpful in highlighting the continued need for attention to white supremacy and for fortifying the focus of civil rights law on racial privilege and the lingering legacy of bias against non-whites.Less
Commanding greater public attention is the idea that discrimination against multiracial (racially-mixed) people is a distinctive challenge to the enforcement of civil rights law. This perspective is based upon the belief that multiracials experience racial discrimination in a unique manner that makes it necessary to reformulate traditional civil rights law. Multiracials and Civil Rights, based upon a close examination of many multiracial discrimination legal cases in a variety of equality law contexts, demonstrates the fallacy and danger of that conjecture. The book elucidates the distinction between the presumed exceptional space that multiracial persons are rhetorically imagined to occupy in the public discourse, and the binary non-white versus white realities they actually experience when targeted for discrimination. Rather than point to a need for a shift away from the existing civil rights laws, the cases instead indicate the need for further support of the current structures. The book concludes that multiracial discrimination cases are helpful in highlighting the continued need for attention to white supremacy and for fortifying the focus of civil rights law on racial privilege and the lingering legacy of bias against non-whites.
Jennifer Prah Ruger
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199559978
- eISBN:
- 9780191721489
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199559978.003.0002
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
This chapter critically reviews the existing frameworks in health ethics, policy and law and frames the author's ideas as a solution to a perplexing problem: the inability of current frameworks to ...
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This chapter critically reviews the existing frameworks in health ethics, policy and law and frames the author's ideas as a solution to a perplexing problem: the inability of current frameworks to provide adequate health promotion and protection and to solve health-related problems in the real world. These approaches include welfare economics and utilitarianism, communitarianism and liberal communitarianism, egalitarianism (encompassing applications of Rawls's Theory of Justice, Fair Equality of Opportunity and other elements), libertarianism and market based approaches (where the government's role is to protect individual rights, particularly property rights, but not to guarantee a right to health) and democratic procedures. It discusses the deficiencies associated with using these approaches in a theory of health and social justice, drawing on examples such as the Oregon Medicaid experiment. The chapter emphasizes the need for a new integrative approach —— the health capability paradigm —— that establishes health capability and a right to health, guides collective choice and integrates consequentialist and proceduralist aims.Less
This chapter critically reviews the existing frameworks in health ethics, policy and law and frames the author's ideas as a solution to a perplexing problem: the inability of current frameworks to provide adequate health promotion and protection and to solve health-related problems in the real world. These approaches include welfare economics and utilitarianism, communitarianism and liberal communitarianism, egalitarianism (encompassing applications of Rawls's Theory of Justice, Fair Equality of Opportunity and other elements), libertarianism and market based approaches (where the government's role is to protect individual rights, particularly property rights, but not to guarantee a right to health) and democratic procedures. It discusses the deficiencies associated with using these approaches in a theory of health and social justice, drawing on examples such as the Oregon Medicaid experiment. The chapter emphasizes the need for a new integrative approach —— the health capability paradigm —— that establishes health capability and a right to health, guides collective choice and integrates consequentialist and proceduralist aims.
Shlomi Segall
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199661817
- eISBN:
- 9780191760877
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199661817.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
Egalitarians have traditionally been suspicious of equality of opportunity. But the past twenty five years or so have seen a sea-change in egalitarian thinking about that concept. ‘Luck egalitarians’ ...
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Egalitarians have traditionally been suspicious of equality of opportunity. But the past twenty five years or so have seen a sea-change in egalitarian thinking about that concept. ‘Luck egalitarians’ such as G. A. Cohen, Richard Arneson, and John Roemer have paved a new way of thinking about equality of opportunity, and infused it with radical egalitarian content. In this book, Shlomi Segall brings together these developments in egalitarian theory and offers a comprehensive account of ‘radical equality of opportunity’.Radical equality of opportunity (EOp) differs from more traditional conceptions on several dimensions. Most notably, while other accounts of equality of opportunity strive to neutralize legal and/or socio-economic obstacles to one’s opportunity-set the radical account seeks to remove also natural ones. Radical EOp, then, aims at neutralizing all obstacles that lie outside individuals’ control. This has far-reaching implications, and the book is devoted to exploring and defending them. The book touches on four main themes. First, it locates the ideal of radical EOp within egalitarian distributive justice. Segall advances there three claims in particular: that we ought to be concerned with equality in individual holdings (rather than merely social relations); that we ought to be bothered, as egalitarians, with unequal outcomes, and never equal ones; and that we ought to be concerned with disadvantages the absolute (rather than relative) badness of which, the agent could not have controlled. Second, the book applies the concept of radical equality of opportunity to office and hiring. It demonstrates that radical EOp yields an attractive account both with regard to justice in the allocation of jobs on the one hand, and discrimination, on the other. Third, the book offers an account of radical EOp in education and upbringing. Segall tries to defend there the rather radical implications of the account, namely that it may hold children responsible for their choices, and that it places quite demanding requirements on parents. Finally, the book develops an account of radical equality of opportunity for health, to rival Norman Daniels’s Rawlsian account. The proposed account is distinguished in the parity that it creates between social and natural causes of ill health.Less
Egalitarians have traditionally been suspicious of equality of opportunity. But the past twenty five years or so have seen a sea-change in egalitarian thinking about that concept. ‘Luck egalitarians’ such as G. A. Cohen, Richard Arneson, and John Roemer have paved a new way of thinking about equality of opportunity, and infused it with radical egalitarian content. In this book, Shlomi Segall brings together these developments in egalitarian theory and offers a comprehensive account of ‘radical equality of opportunity’.Radical equality of opportunity (EOp) differs from more traditional conceptions on several dimensions. Most notably, while other accounts of equality of opportunity strive to neutralize legal and/or socio-economic obstacles to one’s opportunity-set the radical account seeks to remove also natural ones. Radical EOp, then, aims at neutralizing all obstacles that lie outside individuals’ control. This has far-reaching implications, and the book is devoted to exploring and defending them. The book touches on four main themes. First, it locates the ideal of radical EOp within egalitarian distributive justice. Segall advances there three claims in particular: that we ought to be concerned with equality in individual holdings (rather than merely social relations); that we ought to be bothered, as egalitarians, with unequal outcomes, and never equal ones; and that we ought to be concerned with disadvantages the absolute (rather than relative) badness of which, the agent could not have controlled. Second, the book applies the concept of radical equality of opportunity to office and hiring. It demonstrates that radical EOp yields an attractive account both with regard to justice in the allocation of jobs on the one hand, and discrimination, on the other. Third, the book offers an account of radical EOp in education and upbringing. Segall tries to defend there the rather radical implications of the account, namely that it may hold children responsible for their choices, and that it places quite demanding requirements on parents. Finally, the book develops an account of radical equality of opportunity for health, to rival Norman Daniels’s Rawlsian account. The proposed account is distinguished in the parity that it creates between social and natural causes of ill health.
Scott H. Bennett
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823231201
- eISBN:
- 9780823240791
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823231201.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter examines both secular and religious pacifists, the movement's reaction to prewar preparedness, the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, the vital role that peace ...
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This chapter examines both secular and religious pacifists, the movement's reaction to prewar preparedness, the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, the vital role that peace activists and conscientious objectors played in supporting civil liberties during the ensuing war, and the latter's heroic role in serving the mentally handicapped in often dangerous and appalling conditions. It also traces how peace activists, especially the Fellowship on Reconciliation, fought Jim Crow by helping to create the Congress of Racial Equality. Many in the so-called “greatest generation” nobly served the republic without taking up arms, and the chapter explores the histories of those pacifists who served as medics in some of the most brutal war zones. Just as military service provided veterans with newfound skills and abilities, so too did conscientious objectors emerge from prison and Civilian Public Service camps with valuable skills that shaped a generation of postwar activism.Less
This chapter examines both secular and religious pacifists, the movement's reaction to prewar preparedness, the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, the vital role that peace activists and conscientious objectors played in supporting civil liberties during the ensuing war, and the latter's heroic role in serving the mentally handicapped in often dangerous and appalling conditions. It also traces how peace activists, especially the Fellowship on Reconciliation, fought Jim Crow by helping to create the Congress of Racial Equality. Many in the so-called “greatest generation” nobly served the republic without taking up arms, and the chapter explores the histories of those pacifists who served as medics in some of the most brutal war zones. Just as military service provided veterans with newfound skills and abilities, so too did conscientious objectors emerge from prison and Civilian Public Service camps with valuable skills that shaped a generation of postwar activism.
Liam Shields
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780748691869
- eISBN:
- 9781474427029
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748691869.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Whether people in some society are able to secure enough food, healthcare or education seems to be an important way of assessing that society. However, as a philosophical ideal sufficiency faces many ...
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Whether people in some society are able to secure enough food, healthcare or education seems to be an important way of assessing that society. However, as a philosophical ideal sufficiency faces many problems. Chief among these is that the ideal has been understood in ways that give rise to powerful objections that make it seem less attractive than ideals of equality. This book offers a new characterization of sufficiency as a demand of justice called shift-sufficientarianism. The book argues that shift-sufficientarianism is an attractive ideal that is indispensable to sound assessments of societies. In particular, the author argues that securing enough education, enough autonomy and a good enough upbringing are important requirements of any just society. This author also goes on to argue that this understanding of sufficiency sheds important light on what we may owe to non-compatriots as a matter of global justice.Less
Whether people in some society are able to secure enough food, healthcare or education seems to be an important way of assessing that society. However, as a philosophical ideal sufficiency faces many problems. Chief among these is that the ideal has been understood in ways that give rise to powerful objections that make it seem less attractive than ideals of equality. This book offers a new characterization of sufficiency as a demand of justice called shift-sufficientarianism. The book argues that shift-sufficientarianism is an attractive ideal that is indispensable to sound assessments of societies. In particular, the author argues that securing enough education, enough autonomy and a good enough upbringing are important requirements of any just society. This author also goes on to argue that this understanding of sufficiency sheds important light on what we may owe to non-compatriots as a matter of global justice.
Sally Witcher
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781447300038
- eISBN:
- 9781447307730
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447300038.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Stratification, Inequality, and Mobility
In an era of ongoing economic failures, as governments cut support to the poorest, the richest continue to get richer and those in-between are squeezed by rising costs and flagging incomes, the ...
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In an era of ongoing economic failures, as governments cut support to the poorest, the richest continue to get richer and those in-between are squeezed by rising costs and flagging incomes, the challenges for social cohesion – and for social justice – seem overwhelming. As inequality increases, it can become harder to empathise with life experiences far removed from our own, particularly when fuelled by a sense of injustice. Our samenesses and our differences can remain unseen, unvalued or misunderstood. In this ambitious, wide-ranging book, the author sets out a vision for social justice as ’inclusive equality’, where barriers to equality and inclusion are removed to the maximum extent possible while preserving and strengthening social cohesion.Weaving together themes from the theoretical literatures on social justice, poverty, discrimination and social exclusion, she explores relationships between equality, diversity and inclusion - a novel approach that reveals clear, practical implications for the design and delivery of social policy.Less
In an era of ongoing economic failures, as governments cut support to the poorest, the richest continue to get richer and those in-between are squeezed by rising costs and flagging incomes, the challenges for social cohesion – and for social justice – seem overwhelming. As inequality increases, it can become harder to empathise with life experiences far removed from our own, particularly when fuelled by a sense of injustice. Our samenesses and our differences can remain unseen, unvalued or misunderstood. In this ambitious, wide-ranging book, the author sets out a vision for social justice as ’inclusive equality’, where barriers to equality and inclusion are removed to the maximum extent possible while preserving and strengthening social cohesion.Weaving together themes from the theoretical literatures on social justice, poverty, discrimination and social exclusion, she explores relationships between equality, diversity and inclusion - a novel approach that reveals clear, practical implications for the design and delivery of social policy.
Arthur Keaveney
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781904675372
- eISBN:
- 9781781385319
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9781904675372.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Ancient History / Archaeology
This book narrates how, from late in the second century B.C., Rome's Italian subjects began to desire equality with her. This, at first, manifested itself in a desire for and agitation to obtain ...
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This book narrates how, from late in the second century B.C., Rome's Italian subjects began to desire equality with her. This, at first, manifested itself in a desire for and agitation to obtain Roman citizenship. When the Romans refused to grant this, the Italians resolved to be independent and fought the Social War (91-88 B.C.) to achieve this. The Romans crushed the rebellion but were forced, ultimately, to grant the citizenship. This grant, however, was so hedged around with qualifications that further Italian intervention in Roman politics became necessary until full equality was achieved by the end of the 80s B.C.Less
This book narrates how, from late in the second century B.C., Rome's Italian subjects began to desire equality with her. This, at first, manifested itself in a desire for and agitation to obtain Roman citizenship. When the Romans refused to grant this, the Italians resolved to be independent and fought the Social War (91-88 B.C.) to achieve this. The Romans crushed the rebellion but were forced, ultimately, to grant the citizenship. This grant, however, was so hedged around with qualifications that further Italian intervention in Roman politics became necessary until full equality was achieved by the end of the 80s B.C.
Eva Pils
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231172783
- eISBN:
- 9780231540766
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231172783.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
Pils focuses on land use and reallocation practices in China to shed new light on the notion of essentiality and the claim that Voice and Reflexivity offer guidance for addressing questions of ...
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Pils focuses on land use and reallocation practices in China to shed new light on the notion of essentiality and the claim that Voice and Reflexivity offer guidance for addressing questions of fundamental injustice. She places this framework into a broader philosophical discourse and associates it with Peter Singer and others who developed a global theory of responsibility. She warns against focusing too much on the distributional consequences of property rights that honor the right to exclude while overlooking injustice in the process of redistribution. China serves as an interesting example, because it features state actors who, in the name of development (but not infrequently for personal gain) use state power to expropriate individuals and (in some cases) deny them access to essential resources. Pils argues that people must be given much greater “Say” in their lives – including the right to exclude the state from interference with their rights safe for exceptional circumstances.Less
Pils focuses on land use and reallocation practices in China to shed new light on the notion of essentiality and the claim that Voice and Reflexivity offer guidance for addressing questions of fundamental injustice. She places this framework into a broader philosophical discourse and associates it with Peter Singer and others who developed a global theory of responsibility. She warns against focusing too much on the distributional consequences of property rights that honor the right to exclude while overlooking injustice in the process of redistribution. China serves as an interesting example, because it features state actors who, in the name of development (but not infrequently for personal gain) use state power to expropriate individuals and (in some cases) deny them access to essential resources. Pils argues that people must be given much greater “Say” in their lives – including the right to exclude the state from interference with their rights safe for exceptional circumstances.
Jessica Ziparo
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469635972
- eISBN:
- 9781469635989
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635972.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
In the volatility of the Civil War, the federal government opened its payrolls to women. Although the press and government officials considered the federal employment of women to be an innocuous ...
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In the volatility of the Civil War, the federal government opened its payrolls to women. Although the press and government officials considered the federal employment of women to be an innocuous wartime aberration, women immediately saw the new development for what it was: a rare chance to obtain well-paid, intellectually challenging work in a country and time that typically excluded females from such channels of labor. Thousands of female applicants from across the country flooded Washington with applications. Here, Jessica Ziparo traces the struggles and triumphs of early female federal employees, who were caught between traditional, cultural notions of female dependence and an evolving movement of female autonomy in a new economic reality. In doing so, Ziparo demonstrates how these women challenged societal gender norms, carved out a place for independent women in the streets of Washington, and sometimes clashed with the female suffrage movement. Examining the advent of female federal employment, Ziparo finds a lost opportunity for wage equality in the federal government and shows how despite discrimination, prejudice, and harassment, women persisted, succeeding in making their presence in the federal workforce permanent.Less
In the volatility of the Civil War, the federal government opened its payrolls to women. Although the press and government officials considered the federal employment of women to be an innocuous wartime aberration, women immediately saw the new development for what it was: a rare chance to obtain well-paid, intellectually challenging work in a country and time that typically excluded females from such channels of labor. Thousands of female applicants from across the country flooded Washington with applications. Here, Jessica Ziparo traces the struggles and triumphs of early female federal employees, who were caught between traditional, cultural notions of female dependence and an evolving movement of female autonomy in a new economic reality. In doing so, Ziparo demonstrates how these women challenged societal gender norms, carved out a place for independent women in the streets of Washington, and sometimes clashed with the female suffrage movement. Examining the advent of female federal employment, Ziparo finds a lost opportunity for wage equality in the federal government and shows how despite discrimination, prejudice, and harassment, women persisted, succeeding in making their presence in the federal workforce permanent.
Sara Rzeszutek Haviland
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813166254
- eISBN:
- 9780813166735
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813166254.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
The vision Esther and Jack had for the postwar years did not materialize, and they found themselves navigating increasingly intense anti-Communist trends in US politics. The Cold War inaugurated a ...
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The vision Esther and Jack had for the postwar years did not materialize, and they found themselves navigating increasingly intense anti-Communist trends in US politics. The Cold War inaugurated a period of fear and anxiety that intersected with the black freedom movement in the South. No longer able to sustain a movement that fused leftist economic reform and racial equality, the Southern Negro Youth Congress folded in 1949. Jack worked briefly for the Louisiana Communist Party, and the family then moved to Detroit, Michigan. There, Jack worked with the Communist Party to organize autoworkers, and Esther was an activist with the Civil Rights Congress and the Progressive Party. In 1951, the couple moved to New York City, where Jack was indicted under the Smith Act.Less
The vision Esther and Jack had for the postwar years did not materialize, and they found themselves navigating increasingly intense anti-Communist trends in US politics. The Cold War inaugurated a period of fear and anxiety that intersected with the black freedom movement in the South. No longer able to sustain a movement that fused leftist economic reform and racial equality, the Southern Negro Youth Congress folded in 1949. Jack worked briefly for the Louisiana Communist Party, and the family then moved to Detroit, Michigan. There, Jack worked with the Communist Party to organize autoworkers, and Esther was an activist with the Civil Rights Congress and the Progressive Party. In 1951, the couple moved to New York City, where Jack was indicted under the Smith Act.
Ajay Skaria
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780816698653
- eISBN:
- 9781452953687
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816698653.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Unconditional Equality explores Gandhi’s critique of liberal conceptions of freedom and equality, and his practice of another freedom and equality organized around religion. Liberal traditions affirm ...
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Unconditional Equality explores Gandhi’s critique of liberal conceptions of freedom and equality, and his practice of another freedom and equality organized around religion. Liberal traditions affirm autonomy--the everyday sovereignty that rational beings exercise by giving themselves universal law, or law that any other rational being would freely and equally submit to (Kant). For Gandhi, autonomy is profoundly violent not only because it excludes those presumed to lack reason (such as animals or the colonized) but also because those included lose the power to love. Gandhi affirms instead a politics organized around dharma or religion; for him, there can be “no politics without religion.” Here, religion involves “self-surrender,” or a freely offered surrender of autonomy and everyday sovereignty; this “religion that stays in all religions” is satyagraha. He initially coins that word, his most famous neologism, to translate the English phrase “passive resistance,” but it quickly exceeds these origins--soon afterwards, he describes satyagraha as “popularly, but less accurately, passive resistance.” The book argues that conceptually satyagraha is oriented towards the absolute equality of all being—the equality without exception of all humans, animals and things with each other. Such equality cannot be conceived in terms of sovereignty; it must be an equality of the minor. This equality is moreover simultaneously a resistance: satyagrahis must resist all that obscures absolute equality, and do so “passively”--without sovereignty, in the spirit of absolute equality with the opponent.Less
Unconditional Equality explores Gandhi’s critique of liberal conceptions of freedom and equality, and his practice of another freedom and equality organized around religion. Liberal traditions affirm autonomy--the everyday sovereignty that rational beings exercise by giving themselves universal law, or law that any other rational being would freely and equally submit to (Kant). For Gandhi, autonomy is profoundly violent not only because it excludes those presumed to lack reason (such as animals or the colonized) but also because those included lose the power to love. Gandhi affirms instead a politics organized around dharma or religion; for him, there can be “no politics without religion.” Here, religion involves “self-surrender,” or a freely offered surrender of autonomy and everyday sovereignty; this “religion that stays in all religions” is satyagraha. He initially coins that word, his most famous neologism, to translate the English phrase “passive resistance,” but it quickly exceeds these origins--soon afterwards, he describes satyagraha as “popularly, but less accurately, passive resistance.” The book argues that conceptually satyagraha is oriented towards the absolute equality of all being—the equality without exception of all humans, animals and things with each other. Such equality cannot be conceived in terms of sovereignty; it must be an equality of the minor. This equality is moreover simultaneously a resistance: satyagrahis must resist all that obscures absolute equality, and do so “passively”--without sovereignty, in the spirit of absolute equality with the opponent.
Kathleen M. German
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496812353
- eISBN:
- 9781496812391
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496812353.003.0012
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
Finally, the changes in representation of African Americans in the films of World War II provides the platform for evolving attitudes and behaviors in American social and military institutions. This ...
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Finally, the changes in representation of African Americans in the films of World War II provides the platform for evolving attitudes and behaviors in American social and military institutions. This chapter looks at the effects of military desegregation in the wake of the Gillem Commission and Executive Order 9981, which still reverberates in American society.Less
Finally, the changes in representation of African Americans in the films of World War II provides the platform for evolving attitudes and behaviors in American social and military institutions. This chapter looks at the effects of military desegregation in the wake of the Gillem Commission and Executive Order 9981, which still reverberates in American society.
Muhammad Amara and Mohanad Mostafa
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199862184
- eISBN:
- 9780199979950
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199862184.003.0009
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
The chapter describes the impact of the Israeli occupation on the Palestinian-Arab citizens of Israel. It focuses on the reflections of the political discourse in the political organization of the ...
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The chapter describes the impact of the Israeli occupation on the Palestinian-Arab citizens of Israel. It focuses on the reflections of the political discourse in the political organization of the Palestinians/Arab in Israel and in their relationship with the State, as compared with that which had prevailed prior to the occupation. The main thesis advanced in the chapter is that since the 1970s a collective attitude has crystallized, seeking civil equality together with a solution to the national question.Less
The chapter describes the impact of the Israeli occupation on the Palestinian-Arab citizens of Israel. It focuses on the reflections of the political discourse in the political organization of the Palestinians/Arab in Israel and in their relationship with the State, as compared with that which had prevailed prior to the occupation. The main thesis advanced in the chapter is that since the 1970s a collective attitude has crystallized, seeking civil equality together with a solution to the national question.
Chris Gilligan
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719097201
- eISBN:
- 9781526103994
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719097201.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The issue of racism and sectarianism is increasingly understood through the prism of ‘hate crime’. This way of conceptualising racism and sectarianism is usually accompanied by the claim that society ...
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The issue of racism and sectarianism is increasingly understood through the prism of ‘hate crime’. This way of conceptualising racism and sectarianism is usually accompanied by the claim that society should be intolerant towards intolerance. This chapter argues that this involves a particular interpretation of tolerance and intolerance – one which deviates significantly from the traditional liberal conception of toleration. The chapter outlines public attitudes towards additional penalties for racial aggravation in race hate crimes. It then explores the rationales for these views by the public and points out that the main principle which is articulated by the majority of those who oppose hate crime laws, and a significant proportion who support the law, is one of equality in the eyes of the law. The chapter then judges hate crime laws against John Stuart Mill's defence of tolerance, argue that they are antithetical to Mill's defence of tolerance. It concludes by arguing, firstly, that hate crime laws undermine the principle of equality – which has been, and continues to be, fundamental to anti-racism. And secondly, that they undermine tolerance, which is fundamental to personal liberty.Less
The issue of racism and sectarianism is increasingly understood through the prism of ‘hate crime’. This way of conceptualising racism and sectarianism is usually accompanied by the claim that society should be intolerant towards intolerance. This chapter argues that this involves a particular interpretation of tolerance and intolerance – one which deviates significantly from the traditional liberal conception of toleration. The chapter outlines public attitudes towards additional penalties for racial aggravation in race hate crimes. It then explores the rationales for these views by the public and points out that the main principle which is articulated by the majority of those who oppose hate crime laws, and a significant proportion who support the law, is one of equality in the eyes of the law. The chapter then judges hate crime laws against John Stuart Mill's defence of tolerance, argue that they are antithetical to Mill's defence of tolerance. It concludes by arguing, firstly, that hate crime laws undermine the principle of equality – which has been, and continues to be, fundamental to anti-racism. And secondly, that they undermine tolerance, which is fundamental to personal liberty.
Ines Newman and Peter Ratcliffe
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781847426956
- eISBN:
- 9781447303084
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847426956.003.0014
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
This chapter aims to pull together the chapters of this book into a theory of change (ToC) that can provide a new basis for the evaluation of social cohesion. It also highlights the problems with ...
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This chapter aims to pull together the chapters of this book into a theory of change (ToC) that can provide a new basis for the evaluation of social cohesion. It also highlights the problems with implementing this new approach as a result of the financial crisis and change of government. The chapter then provides an optimistic note and identifies the levers that might help sustain a broader approach despite the difficulties. A brief preliminary assessment of the general policy terrain likely to be occupied by the new coalition government is presented. Stakeholders who are the subjects of evaluation have to be able to hold those with power to account. The Equality Act 2010 was a key achievement of the last government. Progress can be made on the new equalities duties at the local level, but it will depend on local leadership and local champions.Less
This chapter aims to pull together the chapters of this book into a theory of change (ToC) that can provide a new basis for the evaluation of social cohesion. It also highlights the problems with implementing this new approach as a result of the financial crisis and change of government. The chapter then provides an optimistic note and identifies the levers that might help sustain a broader approach despite the difficulties. A brief preliminary assessment of the general policy terrain likely to be occupied by the new coalition government is presented. Stakeholders who are the subjects of evaluation have to be able to hold those with power to account. The Equality Act 2010 was a key achievement of the last government. Progress can be made on the new equalities duties at the local level, but it will depend on local leadership and local champions.
Fred Arthur Bailey
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813036847
- eISBN:
- 9780813043999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813036847.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter tracks the extraordinary influence of Texas literary figure and political philosopher Melvin E. Bradford on the development of modern conservatism and the Republican appeal in the South. ...
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This chapter tracks the extraordinary influence of Texas literary figure and political philosopher Melvin E. Bradford on the development of modern conservatism and the Republican appeal in the South. Bradford's aversion to all forms of egalitarianism—including racial—deeply influenced his work, and that of other key southern conservatives, as Bradford became a theoretical rock star for the political right during the 1980s. The author of scores of popular and professional articles, Bradford was also an accomplished orator who supported conservatives from George Wallace to Ronald Reagan and, in return, was rewarded with celebrity and a position in the Reagan Administration. The chapter argues that Bradford's case for an ordered society premised upon the supposed innate inequality of mankind (based on a faulty understanding of the American Revolution and the Civil War) was highly influential to a host of neo-Confederate and other modern conservative and Republican thinkers, especially in the South.Less
This chapter tracks the extraordinary influence of Texas literary figure and political philosopher Melvin E. Bradford on the development of modern conservatism and the Republican appeal in the South. Bradford's aversion to all forms of egalitarianism—including racial—deeply influenced his work, and that of other key southern conservatives, as Bradford became a theoretical rock star for the political right during the 1980s. The author of scores of popular and professional articles, Bradford was also an accomplished orator who supported conservatives from George Wallace to Ronald Reagan and, in return, was rewarded with celebrity and a position in the Reagan Administration. The chapter argues that Bradford's case for an ordered society premised upon the supposed innate inequality of mankind (based on a faulty understanding of the American Revolution and the Civil War) was highly influential to a host of neo-Confederate and other modern conservative and Republican thinkers, especially in the South.
Michael Lister
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748633418
- eISBN:
- 9780748671977
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748633418.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
In addition to the classical theories of citizenship there are some critical theories of citizenship, which are orientated around the issues of identity, difference and inclusion/exclusion. Despite ...
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In addition to the classical theories of citizenship there are some critical theories of citizenship, which are orientated around the issues of identity, difference and inclusion/exclusion. Despite having the same rights as other members of the community, there are many groups, such as ethnic minorities and women, who feel that citizenship does not take account of that difference and as such, feel excluded from the community. The multicultural critique, therefore, criticises the “universal” theories of citizenship, seeing them as a reflection of the dominant groups' identity. It instead argues for a differentiated citizenship which takes account of and respects difference, and in doing so, includes them into the community. This position has, in turn, been criticised by those who see a retreat from universalism, as highly damaging to the concept of citizenship. In a similar way, a number of feminist theorists have pointed out how citizenship is a gendered concept and have sought to develop a feminist theory of citizenship.Less
In addition to the classical theories of citizenship there are some critical theories of citizenship, which are orientated around the issues of identity, difference and inclusion/exclusion. Despite having the same rights as other members of the community, there are many groups, such as ethnic minorities and women, who feel that citizenship does not take account of that difference and as such, feel excluded from the community. The multicultural critique, therefore, criticises the “universal” theories of citizenship, seeing them as a reflection of the dominant groups' identity. It instead argues for a differentiated citizenship which takes account of and respects difference, and in doing so, includes them into the community. This position has, in turn, been criticised by those who see a retreat from universalism, as highly damaging to the concept of citizenship. In a similar way, a number of feminist theorists have pointed out how citizenship is a gendered concept and have sought to develop a feminist theory of citizenship.
